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Zamfara’s bizarre opposition politics
- By Isa Murtala
Politics is a vast wilderness of absurdities, brazen shamelessness and insidious machinations; it is a terrain exploited by politicians to undo the good works of their opponents who deploy the desired capacity, credibility and commitment to deliver the desired leadership and good governance to the electorate.

This portrait of politics is most-glaringly reflected in the politics and governance of Zamfara State. At a time the Save-Our-Soul administration is on the verge of rescuing the state from an administration that sought to devour all aspects of the once-enviable and exemplary peace, security and development of the Farming-Is-Our-Pride state, the forces of retrogression is increasingly, unrelenting.

In the 2023 general elections, the political forces, built by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and ably commanded by Dauda Lawal, had commenced the arduous project of rescuing Zamfara from those predator-like political forces holding the state by the jugular. Now, Zamfarans have since May 29, 2023, been breathing the nourishing air of genuine development and growth delivered by the PDP administration of Governor Dauda Lawan.

But then, as is the case with the absurdities and contaminated politics that currently seem more marketable and buyable in Nigeria than the credible ones, the erstwhile predatory gladiators, represented by the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its leaders now seem hell bent on deploying every available machination to render every effort by the Dauda Lawal-led PDP government at delivering good governance, unsuccessful.

Here was an administration already herding the entire state to the bandits den, throwing fits on seeing the Save-Our-Soul administration of PDP’s Dauda Lawal succeed where it failed spectacularly. Apparently, the governor’s bold attempts to rescue the state from the captivity of all types while repositioning the state on the path of genuine reconstruction and prosperity, has suddenly become a pain too much to bear.

Instead of reclining to its fate, settling down in the loser status it was relegated to in the 2023 elections, mending its ways and joining hands with the Lawal-led PDP administration to deliver the desired good governance, the APC in Zamfara State is embroiled in schemes to truncate the policies and programmes aimed at rescuing the state from the pangs of banditry and its attendant consequences on the economic and social life of the state.

Read Also: FG, ASUU meet Monday on outstanding demands

The current state of Zamfara APC re-echoes the remarks of Bello Matawalle, the ousted governor who, before eventually decamping to it, once described it as a party of bandits. While addressing his then Peoples Democratic Party supporters, Matawalle was then quoted as saying that only those interested in becoming informants for bandits or engaging in actual banditry would leave the PDP for the APC. Ironically, no one from the APC has deigned to challenge the assertion, not even Matawalle himself even long after he defected to the party.

Dirty water would always find the gutters, it is so said. No wonder, therefore, that Matawalle, before the end of his governorship tenure, realised that he was better suited for the APC.

In spite of the mess that the Matawalle-led APC administration bequeathed to the Lawal-led PDP administration, especially the intractable insecurity, alleged misappropriation and mismanagement of public funds and poor infrastructure, that the APC still has the guts to show its face in the politics and the affairs of Zamfara can only be explained by the bizarre character of Nigeria’s politics. Coming at a time the governor is repositioning the state for rapid prosperity – a feat the APC administration never came near to achieving – the good people of Zamfara cannot but wonder about what exactly the APC in the state wants.

At this time, every patriotic son and daughter of Zamfara State should be more concerned with how best to contribute and support the Governor Dauda Lawal administration which has, since inception, demonstrated commitment to steer the state out of the woods.

To trace the ugly history of the politics of the state is to understand how the APC and its top members have been at the forefront of misdirecting and positioning Zamfara on the path of underdevelopment and insecurity. The leaders have in various fora accused and counter-accused themselves of being complicit. In fact, at different times, both former governors, Matawalle and Abdul’aziz Yari have accused each other of being the architects of the insecurity the state is still drowning in. And because the electorate couldn’t have glossed over the accusations and counter-accusations – particularly the situation of Zamfara during the governorship tenures of Yari and Matawalle – these would subsequently lay the foundation for the ouster of the APC by the PDP in the 2023 general elections.

The raging infighting within the Zamfara APC, especially between Yari and Matawalle, is certainly not surprising. It mainly presents the picture of a party unable to grapple with the realities of its defeat. Spreading falsehoods and engaging in character assassination against the victorious PDP to remain relevant in the politics of the state is in their character.

These tactics are used to distract the public from the rapid and fascinating progress accomplished by the PDP government. In just a year, the Lawal-led PDP government has accomplished what the former APC government failed to do in 16 years. And as typical of politicians drowning in their absurdities and machinations, these political actors of APC extraction naively believe that by launching constant attacks on the PDP, they can divert attention from some scathing the allegations plaguing them with regard to the enduring insecurity and underdevelopment of the state.

Recently, the country was shaken by a series of video clips released by Bello Turji, a notorious bandit leader, in which he claimed to have close ties with Matawalle. In a country where governance is taken seriously, such allegations would have led to serious investigation.

Nonetheless, one still expects the Minister of State for Defence to reflect on these serious allegations, especially given his position as someone who once had the opportunity to govern Zamfara State.

It is certainly not too much to ask Zamfara APC to humbly to step back and reflect on the monumental damage they did to the state. Or for them to reflect, with deep sense of guilt, on their relationship with the past and the army of criminals and miscreants they created who have continued to torment the state to this day. Instead of making outlandish claims about PDP, APC Zamfara should apologise to the people of Zamfara for its 16 years gross misdemeanours. Rather than turn around and cry blue murder, those who actively worked to create an army of miscreants and all other forms of criminals persistently troubling Zamfara should bury their heads in shame.

•Murtala PhD, writes from Abuja.
August 23, 2024
A window into Oborevwori’s Delta State
- By Jackson Ekwugum
Like him or not, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori is blazing a new trail in the politics and governance of Delta State. It is a paradigm shift that some powerful interest groups and rent-seekers find unsettling, but it is one that is quietly but steadily changing the narrative in the state for the better. Their foot soldiers, the merchants of falsehood and propaganda have, in recent weeks, been fouling up the political atmosphere with vile propaganda of alleged non-performance amid huge allocations from the Federation Account.

Granted that Delta has earned an unenviable image for fake news, political infamy and dissembling by political desperadoes seeking attention and relevance, but surely there is a limit to propaganda. It is, therefore, exigent that I address some of the issues here.

Oborevwori’s traducers and the armchair critics frequently chirp about not knowing what has happened to the huge monies that have so far accrued to the state. The innuendo is not lost to the discerning. My quick response to this question is to ask if they have any proof that Delta State money is missing. In the absence of such, that question is, quite frankly, asinine. Evidence abounds all over the state of how the Oborevwori administration is judiciously utilising the resources of the state.

One of his first actions as governor was to pay outstanding promotion arrears to serving and retired public officers of the state, a gesture underscoring the recognition of their hard work and dedication. This initiative saw the disbursement of over N5.5 billion to 23,887 public servants, along with the reinstatement and remuneration of promotion arrears for 362 retired officers. The administration is also spent close to N2b on palliatives for its workers to cushion the deleterious effects of the fuel subsidy removal.

Within three months of assuming office, Governor Oborevwori got the entire state agog when he engaged construction giant, Julius Berger, to construct three flyovers and a Cloverleaf Interchange to tackle the perennial problems of traffic congestion in the twin cities of Warri and Effurun. It was a moment of breakthrough for the young administration that got everybody singing Oborevwori’s praises. Elder statesman, Edwin Clark, on behalf of “Warri Boys” applauded the governor “for the great plan you have for the rehabilitation and urban renewal of our hometown, Warri/Effurun.” Worth N78b, the mega project is a bold, daring, and decisive move that exemplifies Oborevwori’s commitment to excellence. It also portrays him as a promise keeper because in his inaugural address, the governor had assured Deltans that “Warri, the commercial nerve centre of the state, will be given special attention under this administration.” As I write, the projects are progressing steadily, and the residents of Warri and environs are daily thanking God.

Aside from the Warri metropolis, the Oborevwori administration has approved and awarded contracts for the construction/reconstruction/rehabilitation of 91 roads spread across the 25 local government areas of the state. This figure does not include the scores of inherited uncompleted road projects from the immediate past administration. This is a governor that truly understands that government is a continuum, and deserves accolades for the zeal with which he has completed projects he inherited from his predecessor, ensuring that Deltans get full value for their money. Many of such roads, including the Ibusa-Okpanam Bye Pass and Emevor-Orogun Road (Phase 1) have been inaugurated. The same goes for massive infrastructural projects at Dennis Osadebey University, Anwai, Asaba, and Delta State University of Science and Technology, Ozoro.

Read Also: FG, ASUU meet Monday on outstanding demands

In the light of the above incontrovertible evidence, it will take someone who is blind or dumb – or both – to say that the government is doing “nothing.” However, when confronted with these facts, these critics become defensive; they claim that these achievements are not enough weighed against the increased FAAC allocation to the state, following the removal of fuel subsidy. Yes, receipts to the state have jumped up, but the expected benefits derivable from the increase have been wiped out by inflation caused by the terrible devaluation of the naira. Who does not know that one billion naira today will get you far less than what you will get with it just two years ago?

The cost of governance has skyrocketed, and the amount to construct a kilometre of road or a building today is twice or thrice what it would cost just pre-May 29, 2023. What is the price of cement today compared to 2022? Worse still, the weekly fluctuating fortunes of the naira in the foreign exchange market exposes governments to inevitable but painful contract variations. When the minimum wage was N18,000.00 the lowest paid worker could afford a bag of rice, which sold for N7,500.00. But today with the approved 70,000 minimum wage, the same worker cannot afford the same bag of rice, which at the time of this writing was N95,000.00. Am I to believe that these critics and naysayers do not go to the market or store to buy anything?

It is preposterous for anybody to castigate Governor Oborevwori for exercising financial responsibility in reducing the state’s debt profile. He deserves plaudits for respecting the state’s obligations to its creditors, and should be commended for being a man of honour and integrity. Indeed, Oborevwori continues to astound many with his approach to governance – an approach anchored on meticulousness, team-building, bold action, and fiscal responsibility. More significantly, he has stamped his leadership style on the governance of the state, a style that is marked by discipline, probity, and zero tolerance for unethical conduct.

I find it disingenuous – and uncharitable – that anybody would attempt to point accusing fingers at Governor Oborevwori for the few security breaches in the state. First, the security crisis in the country is not peculiar to Delta State. From the Northeast to the Southeast, Southwest, and South-south, the nation is bedevilled with a myriad of security challenges and, truth be told, the resources and capacity of the security agencies have been stretched to the limit. Secondly, as someone who was well acquainted with the security intricacies in the state before becoming the state’s number one citizen, Oborevwori has the wherewithal and knowhow to tackle them. Indeed, his inside knowledge and behind-the-scenes approach to the security challenges have been very effective in ensuring that Delta State remains relatively peaceful.

•Ekwugum is Manager, Communications, Government House, Asaba.
August 23, 2024
Sponsored media attacks on AMCON
- By Jude Nwauzor
Hard as some recalcitrant obligors raise false alarms meant to incite the public against the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON), the corporation remains resolute in its pursuit of debtors who owe the government and Nigeria’s taxpayers over N5trillion. And while they are busy sponsoring frivolous articles in the media to malign both the past and present leadership of the corporation, it is scandalous that some respected media practitioners have allowed themselves to be used smear the image of a corporation that has made, and will continue to make huge recoveries for the federal government.

For the records, AMCON to date has made recoveries in the sum of N1.9trillion. Of the total recovery, cash recovery represents 43%, sale of four bridged banks 13.3%, sales of proprietary shares 11%, claw back and repurchases 9.5%, asset sales and rentals 9.4%, investment income 7.2%, proprietary assets (unsold) 3.1% proprietary shares (unsold) 3.1% and divestment from portfolio 0.3%. No amount of smear media attacks or campaigns of calumny can change these verifiable facts.

It is also important to state that most of AMCON’s recovery activities are done transparently through the courts, particularly when all peaceful resolution efforts have collapsed. AMCON currently has approximately 1,865 cases in the different courts – the Federal High Court, the Appeal Courts, and the Supreme Court. These cases are against recalcitrant obligors who would rather spend money sponsoring ready-for-hire media platforms, and writers to attack AMCON than repay their debt.

Let it be stated categorically that in as much as AMCON will not join issues with any writer and sponsors of any scandalous article against the corporation, the public should know that AMCON will not be deterred in its debt recovery mandate. The corporation has supported and will continue to support and resuscitate hitherto moribund companies, especially in the strategic sectors of the Nigerian economy.

Read Also: ‘AMCON recoveries stand at N1.960 trillion’, says Alade

Take the case of Geometrics Power. AMCON restructured, and supported Geometrics Power Project along the path of optimal performance, which the country enjoys today. The corporation is also playing a leading role in Rockson Engineering Limited known as the Kudenda Power Project in Kaduna State. On the indebtedness of the Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company Plc (IBEDC), the corporation has put the company back on the path of profitability, and working with other strategic stakeholders will soon announce new investors to the public. This development would further improve electricity distribution in the country.

The same is true of Pan Ocean Oil & Gas. AMCON also restructured Pan Ocean Oil Corporation (POOC), and its sister companies along the path of optimal operation. POOC is the first indigenous oil company to sign a Joint Venture (JV) agreement with the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).

On Seawolf Limited, AMCON under the leadership of the new executive management recently restructured Seawolf Limited to support the objective of increasing oil production in the country. This is majorly a resolution that is close to the heart of the government and aligns with the Renewed Hope Agenda of this administration.

In agriculture, AMCON in line with the Presidential Fertilizer Initiative has restructured and supported TAK Continental Limited in the reactivation of 11 fertilizer blending plants across the country. AMCON also aided and supported the resuscitation of Multitrex Integrated Food Processing Plc, a cocoa processing factory. AMCON’s restructuring of Dorman Long Industries Limited has seen a massive investment of over $17.5million by the Private Equity Fund (PEF). This has also boosted their capacity with its positive impact on the upstream oil and gas sector in Nigeria.

AMCON has also successfully taken Ascot Fabricators, which was hitherto moribund on the path of production. Ascot Fabricators was once the largest in Africa and its coming back into operation with the support of AMCON would create employment in the Niger Delta thus helping to curb youth restiveness in the region. Again, under the leadership of the current executive management led by Gbenga Alade, AMCON has been able to restructure NATCOM, and in collaboration with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) working to bring back the telecommunications player to full operations. NATCOM is the old NITEL (the then-national carrier). This move will improve the tele-density in the country and bring about increased revenue and other social gains to both the government and the Nigerian citizens.

AMCON has restructured and helped Golden Guinea Industries, Umuahia in Abia State. The factory has started production as a result of the AMCON intervention. AMCON also supported Aero Contractors business, and under AMCON, the airline built the first Maintenance Repair and Overhaul (MRO) facility in West Africa. AMCON has also ensured that Arik Air, a strategic carrier has remained in operations irrespective of the challenges. The corporation has continued to support the activities of Peugeot Automobile (PAN) in Kaduna State to bring it back to optimal operations.

AMCON was established on July 19, 2010, when the president signed the AMCON Act into law. The corporation was created to be a key stabilising and re-vitalising tool to revive the financial system by efficiently resolving the Non-Performing Loan (NPL) assets of the banks in the Nigerian economy. AMCON is a sui generis statutory corporation with narrow and specialised statutory functions. The primary purpose for the establishment of AMCON is the procurement and management of Eligible Bank Assets (EBAs) and Eligible Equities (EEs).

At the heart of AMCON’s statutory mandate are the recovery of NPL and the enforcement and realisation of collateral. Therefore, AMCON is imbued with the powers under the AMCON Act, to, inter alia, realise any security that an EFI could have realised and in turn, enforce any rights or interest on any asset in relation to the EBAs acquired pursuant to the AMCON Act, which is what the corporation has done effectively and efficiently since its establishment.

AMCON is a responsible agency of the federal government that carries out its operations within the ambit of the law and the AMCON Act. The mandate is to recover the over N5trillion owed Nigerians through several loans obtained from banks some of which have long collapsed. Unfortunately for the obligors, AMCON bought over these loans and would work within the law and the Act to recover the debts and no media campaign to smear the image of the corporation and its executive management would stop AMCON.
- Nwauzor is Head of Corporate Communications Department, AMCON.
August 22, 2024
Zamfara’s bizarre opposition politics
- By Isa Murtala
Politics is a vast wilderness of absurdities, brazen shamelessness and insidious machinations; it is a terrain exploited by politicians to undo the good works of their opponents who deploy the desired capacity, credibility and commitment to deliver the desired leadership and good governance to the electorate.

This portrait of politics is most-glaringly reflected in the politics and governance of Zamfara State. At a time the Save-Our-Soul administration is on the verge of rescuing the state from an administration that sought to devour all aspects of the once-enviable and exemplary peace, security and development of the Farming-Is-Our-Pride state, the forces of retrogression is increasingly, unrelenting.

In the 2023 general elections, the political forces, built by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and ably commanded by Dauda Lawal, had commenced the arduous project of rescuing Zamfara from those predator-like political forces holding the state by the jugular. Now, Zamfarans have since May 29, 2023, been breathing the nourishing air of genuine development and growth delivered by the PDP administration of Governor Dauda Lawan.

But then, as is the case with the absurdities and contaminated politics that currently seem more marketable and buyable in Nigeria than the credible ones, the erstwhile predatory gladiators, represented by the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its leaders now seem hell bent on deploying every available machination to render every effort by the Dauda Lawal-led PDP government at delivering good governance, unsuccessful.

Here was an administration already herding the entire state to the bandits den, throwing fits on seeing the Save-Our-Soul administration of PDP’s Dauda Lawal succeed where it failed spectacularly. Apparently, the governor’s bold attempts to rescue the state from the captivity of all types while repositioning the state on the path of genuine reconstruction and prosperity, has suddenly become a pain too much to bear.

Instead of reclining to its fate, settling down in the loser status it was relegated to in the 2023 elections, mending its ways and joining hands with the Lawal-led PDP administration to deliver the desired good governance, the APC in Zamfara State is embroiled in schemes to truncate the policies and programmes aimed at rescuing the state from the pangs of banditry and its attendant consequences on the economic and social life of the state.

The current state of Zamfara APC re-echoes the remarks of Bello Matawalle, the ousted governor who, before eventually decamping to it, once described it as a party of bandits. While addressing his then Peoples Democratic Party supporters, Matawalle was then quoted as saying that only those interested in becoming informants for bandits or engaging in actual banditry would leave the PDP for the APC. Ironically, no one from the APC has deigned to challenge the assertion, not even Matawalle himself even long after he defected to the party.

Dirty water would always find the gutters, it is so said. No wonder, therefore, that Matawalle, before the end of his governorship tenure, realised that he was better suited for the APC.

In spite of the mess that the Matawalle-led APC administration bequeathed to the Lawal-led PDP administration, especially the intractable insecurity, alleged misappropriation and mismanagement of public funds and poor infrastructure, that the APC still has the guts to show its face in the politics and the affairs of Zamfara can only be explained by the bizarre character of Nigeria’s politics. Coming at a time the governor is repositioning the state for rapid prosperity – a feat the APC administration never came near to achieving – the good people of Zamfara cannot but wonder about what exactly the APC in the state wants.

Read Also: Zamfara lawmaker denies dumping APC

At this time, every patriotic son and daughter of Zamfara State should be more concerned with how best to contribute and support the Governor Dauda Lawal administration which has, since inception, demonstrated commitment to steer the state out of the woods.

To trace the ugly history of the politics of the state is to understand how the APC and its top members have been at the forefront of misdirecting and positioning Zamfara on the path of underdevelopment and insecurity. The leaders have in various fora accused and counter-accused themselves of being complicit. In fact, at different times, both former governors, Matawalle and Abdul’aziz Yari have accused each other of being the architects of the insecurity the state is still drowning in. And because the electorate couldn’t have glossed over the accusations and counter-accusations – particularly the situation of Zamfara during the governorship tenures of Yari and Matawalle – these would subsequently lay the foundation for the ouster of the APC by the PDP in the 2023 general elections.

The raging infighting within the Zamfara APC, especially between Yari and Matawalle, is certainly not surprising. It mainly presents the picture of a party unable to grapple with the realities of its defeat. Spreading falsehoods and engaging in character assassination against the victorious PDP to remain relevant in the politics of the state is in their character.

These tactics are used to distract the public from the rapid and fascinating progress accomplished by the PDP government. In just a year, the Lawal-led PDP government has accomplished what the former APC government failed to do in 16 years. And as typical of politicians drowning in their absurdities and machinations, these political actors of APC extraction naively believe that by launching constant attacks on the PDP, they can divert attention from some scathing the allegations plaguing them with regard to the enduring insecurity and underdevelopment of the state.

Recently, the country was shaken by a series of video clips released by Bello Turji, a notorious bandit leader, in which he claimed to have close ties with Matawalle. In a country where governance is taken seriously, such allegations would have led to serious investigation.

Nonetheless, one still expects the Minister of State for Defence to reflect on these serious allegations, especially given his position as someone who once had the opportunity to govern Zamfara State.

It is certainly not too much to ask Zamfara APC to humbly to step back and reflect on the monumental damage they did to the state. Or for them to reflect, with deep sense of guilt, on their relationship with the past and the army of criminals and miscreants they created who have continued to torment the state to this day. Instead of making outlandish claims about PDP, APC Zamfara should apologise to the people of Zamfara for its 16 years gross misdemeanours. Rather than turn around and cry blue murder, those who actively worked to create an army of miscreants and all other forms of criminals persistently troubling Zamfara should bury their heads in shame.
- Murtala PhD, writes from Abuja.
August 22, 2024
U.S Elections: How Africa can manage its outcome
- By: Charles Onunaiju
Whatever the outcome of the US presidential election slated for November 5, it will present to Africa with both a challenge and opportunity. Already Donald Trump, former U.S president is the formal nominee of his Republican Party and Kamala Harris, current vice president has inherited the outcome of the Democratic Party nomination of former candidate, Joe Biden and is now presidential candidate of the party. Vice President Harris is on the momentous threshold of history, if she manages to pull off a victory that will see her become the first female U.S President in the over 200 years of the country’s history.

However, each candidate, like the previous leaders of the country, since Barak Obama, would offer very little in terms of critical tangibles in relations with Africa. That does not mean that Africa would be struck off the maps in the Oval Presidential Office, State Department (Foreign Affairs Ministry), or even the Pentagon (the Defence Ministry). It is just in the nature U.S statecraft that when there is a clash between the choice of values and interest, the rational pick is the later.

Many countries in Africa, including Nigeria emphasize shared values of liberal democracy with the United States. While this is true, it does not in reality shape the U.S policy. Like every other nation, foreign policy is organized to generate returns of critical aggregates that translate to strength, influence and national power.

Currently, the United States have quite a number of domestic challenges that would influence the direction of her foreign policy. Despite what appears like a gulf of differences between the candidates of the two major parties, their approach to foreign policy would be the same. The U.S post-industrial economy has failed to deliver broad dividends, thereby massively excluding a huge swath of citizens. The Republican candidate Donald Trump laments the country’s massive deindustrialization, which he said currently stand at 64%. His solution is to massively increase import tariffs in what he thinks would lure industries back to the United States. The flip side of this strategy however, is that imported finished products will be expensive for the working families, he claimed to fight for and due to labour costs and other related factors of production, product manufacturing in the United States will not be reasonably cost effective as to be competitive. However, these basic economic facts will not deter a President Trump from launching a wide ranging trade war especially with China and even Europe, whose consequences, Africa must proactively anticipate and build the necessary resilience with a view to optimize the opportunities and minimize the risks associated with it.

Read Also: Third-party candidates’ role in U.S. elections, by Tammy Greer

The fledgling Africa Growth Opportunity Act, AGOA, established since 2000, but has languished because of extensive political meddling by the U.S successive administrations will further drown into irrelevance as the incoming administration, whether Republican or Democratic, will erect further high walls of tariff. Meanwhile, Africa’s economic prospects of growth and sustainable development lay substantially in trade and investments and only a paltry of this essential economic oxygen can come from the United States and the global West.

The Democratic Party’s candidate may not have starkly outlined trade policy as her Republican rival has done, but would do much of the same, with the difference being only regards to the intensity of the rhetoric.

With ballooning crime, gun violence and rising racial tensions in the U.S, candidate Trump sees the only solution in building high-fence border walls to deter what he called “invasion” of criminals, rapists whom he claimed are deliberately unleashed on the U.S from prisons and mental homes from across the world. He has promised to start from his “Day One” in office to deport undocumented immigrants. Despite that the United States has historically benefitted from being a melting pot, with relative open borders that attracted talents, from across the world, demonizing migrants as the cause of all U.S contemporary domestic troubles, is the new rallying point for U.S political elites across party lines. Vice President Kamala Harris has been uptick in the anti-migrant rhetoric too.

Largely, a problem of poorly managed economic transition, that left a huge swath of the population at the bottom, the U.S economic and social troubles, for which its elites disproportionately blame on migration, with its consequent policy choices, have ramification for the expectations of U.S-Africa relations. More importantly, the critical inputs to address the structural lacunas in the U.S economy will objectively have little coming from Africa and therefore, the task and challenge of U.S economic recovery will not be considerably consequential to her relations with Africa.

To this effect, the leadership that would emerge from the November elections will focus largely on dealing with broad range of domestic issues and the consequent foreign policy direction would be essentially transactional. However, no matter the weight and the attention to domestic issues which the administration might be devoted to, the U.S is still the world sole superpower, the wealthiest and even the most influential and therefore, relations with Washington is considerably consequential for any country or region.

The challenge for Africa is therefore, how to maintain strategic visibility. In recent times, U.S attention to Africa has been largely on geo-political considerations with an only strategic and limited aim of cutting down or reducing what Washington considers the outsize influence and impact of China and to a lesser degree, Russia in Africa. This also offers some opportunity for Africa to leverage her strategic competitiveness as a geo-political entity of interest to major powers.

But the opportunity for a more inward-looking America for Africa is even more enormous. Africa can pivot to vital global centres most likely to bring the tangible inputs necessary to support durable resilience in African economies for sustainable and inclusive growth.

An inward-looking America, more pragmatically concerned with economic recovery and other essentially domestic issues, would not only be less sensitive to such pivot, but would not automatically consider such pivot as ideological heresy. Africa can leverage a less meddlesome America to consolidate on the diversification of her international partnerships.

The U.S Presidential election in November is the country’s internal affair, with doubtless international significance not least because Washington is vital in resolving most of the big global issues. Whether is President Donald J. Trump or President Kamala Harris, what happens in Washington will continue to matter to the world, and Africa’s enormous soft power which consist in the main, the African-American community will remain an important bridge of the U.S-Africa relations. Despite several multi-layered ties with the United States, Africa must recognize that the sole superpower will have only marginal impact in the area of economic cooperation with practical results for the region.

America’s traditional security concerns in Africa has always focused on the symptoms rather that the root causes and has consequently had little effects on the security challenges in the continent and it will be important that Africa makes the U.S to listen to her, if Washington truly want to be a credible security partner.

One thing very discernible about America’s international behaviour is that durability of her partnership is contingent on her shifting internal politics and cannot be relied on in the long term. Africa’s long march to economic goal of sustained and inclusive growth, and stability require long-term players who can be trusted through the twists and turns of the evolving international landscape. And in this regards, Africa can borrow a leaf from the sturdy Vietnam’s “Bamboo Diplomacy” which emphasizes flexibility and pragmatism but with independence and national interests as the solid root. Bamboo is a symbol of longevity because of its durability, strength, flexibility and resilience. Africa’s bamboo tree is even sturdier with capability to bend in several directions while deeply rooted in the soil.
- Onunaijiu is research director of an Abuja-based think tank.
August 22, 2024
NNPCL: Oil drilling & exploration in the north on course
- By Olufemi Soneye
Every developing nation strives to attain political stability, economic growth, and meaningful development. Those aspirations can only materialise when the traits of gullibility and lack of circumspection are put in check.

Nigeria, as a country, is afflicted with some disturbing and protracting issues, such as misplaced political consciousness and intolerance, made worse by the inter-play of tribal vibes and an unrelenting leaning on bad politics.

In changing this dangerous narrative for good, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) has vowed to end all forms of scepticism and doubts, while keeping the eyes on the ball and delivering on its mandate and policy thrust. This, to the extent that the discovery and exploration of crude oil in the northern part of Nigeria will not only appear as a dream pursued, but as an economic reality to boost OPEC quota for the nation and, as well, deepen the strength and efficiency of the petroleum industry value chain in Nigeria.

This is a strategic engagement that NNPC Ltd will not compromise on.

NNPC Ltd, in compliance with the Petroleum Industry Act, PIA, is leaving no stone unturned to continue oil drilling projects in the North after decades of exploration in the South.

With crude oil reserves of more than 37 billion barrels and the sixth largest world producer, the discovery of hydrocarbon deposits in the Kolmani River II Well on the Upper Benue Trough, Gongola Basin, in the north eastern part of the country will only accentuate the prosperity and growth of Nigeria in the comity of nations.

It is therefore untrue for naysayers or sceptics to claim that NNPC has halted the search for oil in Nigeria’s inland basins. On the contrary, NNPC Ltd is intensifying its patriotic efforts, making significant progress, and advancing considerable prospects to make do its promises no matter whose ox is gored.

Exploration Continues

It mustbe emphasized that NNPC Ltd is currently active in the inland basins of Nigeria with the following drilling projects:

1. Wadi-2 Appraisal/Exploratory Well in OPL 732: This well is in Borno State, within the Chad Basin. It was spudded on November 4, 2023, and drilled to a total depth of 12,050 feet. The drilling phase was concluded on June 29, 2024.

Preliminary results from the geological evaluation of the well objectives led to post-drilling well testing, which began on July 4, and is ongoing. This testing aims to further evaluate the target reservoirs for the occurrence of a commercial accumulation of hydrocarbons and to obtain data for future field development.

2. Ebenyi-1 Exploration Well in OPL 826: This well is situated in Nasarawa State, within the Middle Benue Trough. Drilling began on July 17, 2023. The 17½ hole section was drilled and cased to a depth of 3,449 feet. The drilling operations faced challenges due to issues with the hole and equipment breakdowns. The turnkey contractor is finalizing plans to replace the drilling equipment with newer models to continue drilling operations to the planned total depth of 14,250 feet.

Nigerians may recall that the defunct Frontier Exploration Services (FES) of NNPC Ltd drilled three wells—Kolmani River-2, Kolmani River-3, and Kolmani River-4—in the Upper Benue Trough (northeast Nigeria) on its behalf and co-venturers.

This drilling campaign confirmed the presence of commercial hydrocarbon deposits in the Kolmani field of OPLs 809 and 810. The rig that drilled these wells was subsequently moved to start the Nasarawa project, with the goal of replicating the success achieved in the Kolmani field.

In collaboration with co-venturers, NNPCL is working towards the next phase of field development. The post-exploration planning takes time to meet regulatory requirements before the development phase can commence. Significant infrastructure projects are currently underway to facilitate the movement of heavy-duty equipment for the next project phase in the area.

NNPC Ltd has not and will not suspend its inland basins oil and gas exploration activities, as some have suggested. Instead, the company is intensifying efforts to expedite the process and ensure the efficient exploitation of hydrocarbon resources in these areas, thereby contributing to national energy security.

Akinyelure/Kyari’s Midas touch

The current leadership of NNPC Ltd appears committed to addressing every gap within its purview, and this also extends to infrastructural issues associated with the oil and gas industry such as gas shortages for power supply, pipeline protection and maintaining the uninterrupted provision of petroleum products across the country.

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For clarity, the NNPC Ltd, under the chairmanship of Chief Pius Akinyelure and managerial leadership of Mele Kyari, is well-positioned to capture the economic opportunities associated with developing and selling hydrocarbons in a resource rich country like Nigeria. These benefits are to be equitably distributed across society and create wealth for human capital development and capacity building. It is to further achieve this sufficiency that, under Kyari’s leadership, NNPC Ltd is fully aligned with the federal government’s ambition to accelerate economic growth and diversify the economy for the benefit of all Nigerians. This is being achieved through timely, credible, clear, and consistent policies.

Since taking charge in July 2019, he has driven significant organizational renewal and greatly improved NNPC’s performance and long-term viability. The board and Kyari have been the driving force behind ambitious business growth and have instilled a new commercial mind-set throughout the company’s entire value chain.

Under his leadership, the NNPC Ltd workforce has been revitalized. Today, the company continues to attract the interest of business partners, customers, suppliers, and shareholders. Since its transition to a commercial entity under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, and in line with the Company & Allied Matters Act (CAMA) provisions, NNPC Ltd has consistently delivered value despite its unique operational challenges.

Steady Growth

For the first time in 43 years, NNPC declared a profit. From a loss of N803 billion in 2018, the company reduced this to just N1.7 billion in 2019. Remarkably, in 2020, NNPC posted its first-ever profit of N287 billion, which grew to N674.1 billion in 2021, and by the end of 2022, it had soared to N2.548 trillion

In our 2023 Audited Financial Statement, AFS, we declared a net profit of N3.297 trillion for the fiscal year, indicating an increase of 28 percent (over N700 billion) compared to the N2.548 trillion recorded in 2022. The N3.297 trillion profit declared for 2023 is very symbolic as it is the highest ever to be recorded since inception, 46 years ago.

In terms of asset growth, we have moved from N13,300 billion in 2019 to N15,836 billion in 2020; N16,262 billion in 2021; N58,652 billion in 2022; and N246,816 billion, in 2023.

NNPC Ltd will definitely continue exploration in the north so that it can continue this type of excellent financial performance and gains for its investors and Nigerians at large.

The more strategic explorations we make, the better for all of us.
- Soneye is Chief Corporate Communications Officer, NNPC Limited.
August 22, 2024
Adetshina: Why Africa’s politicians incite Afro-phobia
- By Calixthus Okoruwa
The recent Miss South Africa pageant gave vent to yet another outbreak of the ugly war of mutual hate that has built up over the years between South Africa and Nigeria. A lady, Chidimma Adetshina had entered for the Miss South Africa pageant and been shortlisted for the finals. “Adetshina,” being a Nigerian name apparently derives from her father, being Nigerian. This was Adetshina’s original sin. Even though Adetshina had been cleared by the organisers of the pageant to compete on the understanding that her mother was South African, to many South Africans, this wasn’t enough. Ms. Adetshina in having one parent as a Nigerian “was not South African enough” to compete in the Miss South Africa pageant.

Ms. Adetshina is a black African like majority of South Africans, but this fact may have even infuriated South Africans the more, as the country has for years exhibited a growing predilection to a unique form of xenophobia that is targeted at fellow black Africans, namely Afro-phobia.

The young lady was trolled mercilessly by South Africans online, a process that soon degenerated to virtual fisticuffs between Nigerians and South Africans. Days later, the country would announce that it had found evidence that suggested that Adetshina’s mother, an erstwhile citizen of Mozambique had in acquiring South African citizenship, done so fraudulently via identity theft. Investigations were ongoing, it said. The announcement was an “aha moment” for the millions of South African trolls as it provided a convenient justification for their callous bullying. It didn’t take long for the young lady to decline further participation in the pageant, again to the delight of her South African trolls.

Eventually, it was a South African lady with roots traceable to France – in fact her parents are Caucasian – who won the pageant.

The Adetshina affair, is just another in a growing list of afrophobic incidents in South Africa. In 2008, at least 62 people were killed and many more injured by South African mobs which targeted the homes and businesses of African migrants including Nigerians. Again in 2015, at least seven people were killed in anti-black-African foreigner violence. In 2019, the Nigerian private airline, Air Peace, helped to evacuate hundreds of Nigerians in the heat of another round of xenophobic violence in South Africa. Like other foreigners of black African descent, Nigerians are blamed for the economic malaise of the country, reflected in massive unemployment, drugs and crime, among others. The criminality of some Nigerians, it must be stated, is inexcusable and it facilitates the convenient blanket scapegoating of Nigerians even when there are many Nigerians living decently in the country.

South Africa has, since the abrogation of apartheid, demonstrated that it is not significantly different from the dozens of African countries which attained independence before it. Its political leaders have largely been corrupt, greedy, managerially incompetent and lacking in vision. It is the symptoms of the ineptitude of the country’s politicians that are daily reflected in a rail system that is fast becoming dysfunctional with rail infrastructure regularly vandalized wantonly across the country. It is the corruption and ineptitude that manifests in the costly inefficiency of the erstwhile energy monopoly, Eskom, which delivers increasing hours of darkness to South Africa. Eskom is in this wise, very much like Nigeria’s oil monopoly, Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), which has for decades kept its four refineries non-operational, preferring to export crude oil and import refined fuels in opaque and shady deals while petrol queues have become a fact of life in Nigeria. It is government corruption and incompetence that continues to drive social inequality that finds expression in the sprawling ghettoes, euphemistically referred to as “townships,” which adjoin South Africa’s major cities; “townships” overflowing with unemployed young people living in filth, disease and deprivation, amidst crime and insecurity. And it is a lamentable lack of foresight that leads politicians to neglect South Africa’s public education, in so doing, worsening the country’s inequality crisis. The average black South African, for instance, being a victim of the malnourished public education system, typically earns only a quarter of what his white counterpart earns.

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Unfortunately, like their peers elsewhere in Africa, South Africa’s politicians have long systematically planted the seed of foreigner distrust in the minds of their simple citizens in order to deflect attention from their shortcomings. So rather than interrogate the competence or lack of it of their politicians under whose watch South Africa has for many years been on a steep decline, black South Africans regularly turn their anger and frustration at their worsening circumstances, against foreigners – fellow black Africans. They are poor and hungry because by setting up a shop or car-wash or hair salon nearby, the Nigerian immigrant deprives them of jobs, while the Malawian, Zimbabwean and Ethiopian immigrants have taken up the cleaning jobs at all the neighbouring hotels. The town is increasingly unsafe because the Nigerian immigrants have recruited dozens of jobless, uneducated South Africans, trafficking some and turning others to drug couriers and addicts. And the Nigerians have become so bold, so arrogant, they regularly marry South Africans!

Politician-inspired afrophobia did not start with South Africans, interestingly. Over the years, Nigerian traders have been deported from Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Ghana and the then Zaire. Togolese farmers and labourers have been deported from Ghana and Ivory Coast. Even civil servants from Benin Republic (Dahomey at the time) have been deported from Niger and Ivory Coast.

In 1981, with the Nigerian economy tottering on the brink of disaster even while its politicians, lived in nonchalant profligacy, the statesman, Obafemi Awolowo wrote an open letter to then President Shehu Shagari. To avert looming economic collapse, Awolowo counselled Shagari to radically reorganize the machinery of state, including eliminating wasteful spending. Shagari’s government dismissed Awolowo’s warning, countering that the Nigerian economy was sound and hinting that Awolowo’s critique was occasioned by sour grapes (Awolowo had lost the 1979 presidential elections to Shagari).

Barely two years later, faced with the consequences of its poor economic policies in the face of rapidly plunging oil prices, Shagari sought out a victim to blame – foreigners. In January 1983, more than two million fellow Africans, comprising more than a million Ghanaians were summarily evicted from Nigeria. Their crime? As “illegal aliens,” they bore huge responsibility for Nigeria’s economic crisis. Fourteen years earlier, Ghana had similarly expelled Nigerians. Of course, as in the case of Ghana in 1969, there is no evidence to show that these evictions of millions of Africans from Nigeria made any positive impact on Nigeria’s economy, as the decline continued unabated. In fact by December 1983, it provided a convenient excuse for military adventurers, led by Muhammad Buhari to forcefully take over power.

Buoyed by the ignorance of majority of their people, Africa’s politicians have continued to resort to the afrophobia playbook. Where there are no foreigners to blame, they play the ethnic or religious card, both of which are ultra-emotional subjects in many parts of Africa.

Perhaps what the continent needs is the emergence of a corps of educated Africans which can help to play a mediating role of nipping the chicanery of politicians in the bud from time-to-time and encouraging Africans to be more rigorous in interrogating their leaders and holding them to account. In much the same way as the journalism profession introduced “fact checks” to help stem the spread of fake news, Africa’s elite need to come together to help save the continent’s peoples from the machinations of its indolent politicians who pith nationalities and ethnic groups against each other in order to deflect attention from their failures, corruption and incompetence.

•Okoruwa works for Lagos-headquartered communications company.
August 21, 2024
Lagos-Calabar coastal highway and national development
- By Adeyemi Moses Adeolu
Infrastructure plays a critical part of a country’s development with significant impact on the quality of life of people in a country. Infrastructure is a top factor in driving economic development. As a matter of fact, infrastructure facilities contribute immensely to demographic movement and population growth, and accounts for why economic growth is faster in some cities and economies than others, while its inadequacy has a number of negative impacts on the state. It reduces productivity, increases cost of doing business and hinders economic growth.

Infrastructure quality is always rated the top consideration when determining where real estate investments are made. Its role cannot be overstated. Infrastructure is not only a top factor in driving where real estate development happens, its upgrades is a strong priority for future investments while offering opportunities for real estate investors to participate in the positive dynamics that follow such investment cycles. It is not surprising therefore to see governments, particularly the current government intensifying efforts towards road construction and rehabilitation across the country, improving the quality of roads, bridges, pedestrian infrastructure and public transit is among the highest priorities of both the federal and state governments, and even pacing on the table entering into partnership with the private sector for infrastructure development.

To drive home the power and importance of infrastructure, take a look into the Asian countries and their economies, China in particular. You will discover that several opportunities for real estate and economic development arise from infrastructure development. China has over several years have been investing heavily, and consistently in infrastructure. It is not surprising that the country boasts of some of the largest infrastructure projects in the world such as the high-speed railway system and the hydroelectric three gorges dams.

Other emerging Asian economies are following suit and are rapidly increasing infrastructure investments with the aim of catching up with the more developed world, and to make their economies more competitive and efficient. These countries’ massive investments in infrastructure over the years have translated into long-term benefit as seen in increase property development, productivity, improved jobs, income levels and several other benefits.

As stated earlier, good and efficient infrastructure is a key influencer of where real estate investment goes and where real estate investors focus. And because real estate significantly drives the economy, government’s efforts are geared towards provision of power, rail, road and bridges construction and rehabilitation with utmost intensity.

The ongoing construction of the Lagos-Calabar coastal highway by the federal government is fixated within the above narratives.

Estimated to cost $11 billion, when completed, the proposed 700 km road from Lagos to Cross River which runs through a total of nine states with two of its spurs leading all the way to the northern states in the country is designed to link the Lagos-Badagry superhighway, the fourth mainland bridge and Lekki deep sea port road. The project will also feature rail lines running in the middle of the main carriageways.

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What would this project which would allow direct and unhindered access from Cross River and its large suburb to Lagos translate into for the real estate market in Nigeria?

When completed, the highway will usher in a new era of ambitious road infrastructural development projects in Nigeria and will also enter the world record books among iconic coastal routes like the Wild Atlantic Highway in Ireland and the Pacific Coastal Highway in the United States. The coastal road would alter the socio-economic narrative of the country, link up with Northern Nigeria to further integrate the north and south in terms of movement of people, goods and services and is bound to ensure our rapid transformation in all facets of economic development by driving traffic of investors and tourists.

Economic analysts have revealed that the completion of the first phase of the project alone could increase the size of Lagos State economy by 50% because of the connection to Lekki Deep Seaport and the Lekki economic corridor where Dangote Refinery and Petrochemical Complex is situated alongside other multinational industries.

A major determinant of property value is infrastructure, the presence of which leads to appreciation in property values. Worldwide, property value is an essential aspect of property markets, determined and affected by a number of factors of which infrastructure is very significant.

Let’s take Dubai as example. The country regards infrastructure construction as the basis of economic and social development; hence it attaches great importance to infrastructure construction. Since the 70s, the United Arab Emirate government has been investing heavily in infrastructures so as to create a favourable environment for local and foreign investment. Today, the economy of Dubai is the second largest in the United Arab Emirate with real estate investment providing one of the highest Returns on Investment for investors who prefer to invest in real estate. No doubt, consistent investment in road, rail and other infrastructures over the years contributed immeasurably to the emergence of Dubai as the most attractive destination for investment, especially in the real estate sector.

One would not be wrong to assert therefore that the construction of the Lagos-Calabar coastal highway would definitely ensure that businesses, including real estate development and transactions are conducted more efficiently. Businesses are conducted more seamlessly when hiccups in communication and transportation are removed or substantially and significantly removed. Under the improved business environment, people would live healthier and contribute better to the society. Upon completion, the project would increase the population of the areas, and this would subsequently lead to increase in demand for commercial and residential accommodations, increase in property development and property or estate developers. Rental values of residential properties would improve, land prices will skyrocket along the axis, and real estate development along the corridor shall spring up in a manner that would be as if real estate is being reinvented or redefined, all because real estate investors and developers would shift attention to the axis.

Real estate investment would be allocated effectively for a long-term positive impact on GDP. As the state economy becomes wealthier, real estate prices would rise and will boost the economy of the state.

In a nutshell, Lagos-Calabar coastal highway would have a major impact on businesses and real estate in the Lagos-Calabar axis in particular, the oil producing states and the entire country in general. The construction shall thus affect the real estate market and asset on a broad basis, an effect which would be mainly associated with the improvement of transportation infrastructure. The road will also boost tourism traffic to our unique tourism sites by attracting an unprecedented number of tourists, given the thrills and frills synonymous with road travel.

The project is expected to stimulate tourism and include industrial clusters, such as hotels, factories, housing estates, and other amenities.

•Adeolu is a Lagos based estate surveyor and valuer.
August 21, 2024
Rewriting the Paris Olympics narrative
- By Ndanusa Andrew
As the dust settles on Nigeria’s participation in the Paris 2024 Olympic Games, the nation faces a harsh reality—zero medals and a financial outlay of N12 billion. This outcome has sparked widespread discontent, with Nigerians questioning the competence of sports administrators. Yet, amid the criticism, there is an opportunity to turn this debacle into a springboard for meaningful reform. And beneath the disappointing headlines lies a story of hope, determination, and unrelenting passion, personified by Rena Wakama, the 32-year-old basketball coach who defied the odds.

The Minister of Sports Development, John Owan Enoh, took a rare step for a Nigerian official—he apologized. His admission of the failures that led to Team Nigeria’s poor showing at the Olympics was a rare display of humility issued via his verified X handle, @OwanEnoh. Enoh acknowledged that the federations were underprepared and that the athletes were failed by the system, a necessary first step towards addressing the deep-rooted issues in Nigeria’s sports sector.

The problems are manifold. Nigeria’s inadequate preparations for the Paris Olympics, which the Minister of Sports admitted in his apology, were evident. Missteps included administrative errors that left Favour Ofili out of the women’s 100-metres race due to non-registration and the embarrassing situation where Ese Ukpeseraye, a female cyclist on Team Nigeria, had to borrow a bicycle to compete. Proper preparation could have averted these issues, which are symptoms of the malaise plaguing sports development in Nigeria.

These issues highlight broader problems, including inadequate infrastructure, made worse by the lack of proper equipment and facilities nationwide, poor management and organisation, insufficient funding, poor talent identification, a lack of investment in grassroots sports, an emphasis on male football at the expense of other sports, and the politicisation of sports, which have not only stunted sports development in Nigeria but also contributed to the exodus of talented athletes of Nigerian descent to represent other countries. Nigeria’s population, instead of being a source of abundant talent for competitive sports, remains untapped.

Wakama’s journey to the Olympics was a tale of dedication, mirroring the potential that Nigeria often leaves untapped. Born in the United States to Nigerian parents, Wakama chose to give back to her roots by coaching Nigeria’s female basketball team, the D’Tigress. Her story stands in stark contrast to the disarray that characterised Team Nigeria’s broader Olympic efforts—a symbol of what can be achieved when talent is nurtured rather than squandered.

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The chaos that marked Nigeria’s participation in the Paris 2024 Olympics was not new. However, amid these challenges, Wakama’s team was a beacon of hope. Her selection as the best coach of the tournament was not just a personal achievement but a collective victory for a nation that has long struggled to find a sure footing on the global stage. Wakama’s story is a metaphor for the Nigerian spirit—resilient, unyielding, and full of potential waiting to be unlocked. Her story offers hope for Nigeria and serves as a lesson for the Sports Minister: the “can do it” spirit and resilience in most Nigerians, when properly harnessed, reveals our true worth.

Her work with the Nigerian basketball team, her relentless pursuit of excellence, and her success despite the odds offer a blueprint for what Nigeria could become. It is a reminder that with proper support, dedication, and a commitment to excellence, Nigeria’s potential can be realized. Wakama’s triumph should not be seen as an isolated victory but as a call to action for a nation that has so much to offer the world.

The Minister of Sports has shown uncommon grace in accepting blame as well as commit his ministry to a review process; he should be supported in achieving the mandate he has been given. However, the focus should now shift from lamenting these failures to learning from them. Countries like the United States and China invest heavily in sports at the grassroots level, ensuring that talent is identified and nurtured early. These nations have well-developed infrastructures and systems that support athletes’ growth, from local competitions to international stages. Nigeria must adopt a similar approach, starting with the overhaul of its sports federations and a renewed commitment to funding and developing sports facilities across the country. The minister should also robustly engage the private sector in sports development since the government alone cannot do it.

For private companies and individuals already investing in sports, the Minister of Sports should identify them for recognition and honour.

The road to recovery will be long, but it is not impossible. The bright spots in this Olympics, such as the clean record of Nigerian athletes in terms of drug use, the determination of the athletes despite daunting challenges, and the exceptional leadership of Rena Wakama, offer a foundation on which to build. The focus should be on creating an environment that encourages excellence, where athletes are supported, and where the system works to bring out the best in them.

In the wake of the Paris 2024 Olympics, Nigeria has a unique opportunity to redefine its approach to sports development. By learning from the failures of the past and building on the successes of individuals like Wakama, Nigeria can transform its sports sector into a source of national pride and international acclaim.
August 21, 2024
Unlocking potential of organic agriculture to drive rural development
- By Iyke Ezeugo
With Nigeria’s socioeconomic challenges, including dwindling Gross Domestic Product (GDP), unemployment, and rising food prices, the agricultural sector, particularly, organic farming, presents a critical solution. Organic agriculture, emphasising sustainability and environmental stewardship, offers a path to economic revitalisation, especially in rural communities.

This is an examination of how organic farming can be used to drive rural development and social change, laying foundation for a more resilient economy.

To understand the potential of government support for rural agriculture focusing on organic farming and enabling huge engagement, it is important to examine successful global examples. India and Bhutan, for instance, have demonstrated the economic viability of organic farming on a national scale, engineered with strategic support to small-scale farmers.

In India, the state of Sikkim transitioned to 100 per cent organic farming in 2016, leading to significant socioeconomic benefits. By reducing dependence on chemical fertilisers and pesticides, Sikkim preserved its environment and raised productivity. The state witnessed a rise in crop yield by 20 per cent, contributing to an increase in farmers’ incomes by 25 per cent. In addition, Sikkim’s organic produce attracted premium prices in domestic and international markets, enhancing its trade balance. This shift led to greater food security, improved public health, and contributed to India’s GDP.

Bhutan’s commitment to becoming world’s first fully organic nation has positioned it as a leader in sustainable agriculture. It has seen improvements in soil fertility, water conservation, and biodiversity. The country’s organic products, particularly quality red rice and traditional medicinal herbs, are highly sought after in global markets, fetching premium prices. The organic farming movement in Bhutan has bolstered the economy through exports and improved health indices of the population, with a decline in non-communicable diseases related to diet. Agriculture contributes about 15 per cent to GDP, with organic farming playing a significant role in this contribution.

The success highlights the potential for Nigeria to replicate similar outcomes, provided the government and local communities commit to agricultural revolution and a robust support system for organic farming.

Nigeria’s vast arable land, if properly harnessed, can lead to huge economic turnaround, especially in rural areas. For instance, Ethiopia’s focus on organic coffee farming made it the largest coffee exporter in Africa and lifted thousands of smallholder farmers out of poverty. The export of organic coffee contributes over $1 billion annually to Ethiopia’s economy, directly impacting rural development.

Similarly, Brazil’s Green Rural Development Programme, which includes organic farming as a core component, has improved livelihoods of over 12 million smallholder farmers. This programme increased agricultural productivity by 15 per cent, reduced rural poverty by 25 per cent, and added nearly $4 billion to GDP. Such examples demonstrate that with strategic support, organic farming can become a cornerstone of economic empowerment in Nigeria.

The potential is enormous, especially in Abia, Benue, Niger, Nasarawa, Kebi, Ebonyi, Kaduna, Kano, etc., where agriculture is a major livelihood. However, to unlock this potential, there is a need for government intervention to address challenges of insecurity, poor infrastructure, and lack of access to modern farming techniques and more. In areas plagued by insecurity, such as Northeast and Middle Belt, the government’s actions to restore peace and stability will be crucial in ensuring farmers can return to their land and engage in productive activities.

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In Nigeria, where food insecurity is pressing, organic agriculture offers a sustainable solution. By focusing on crop diversity, soil health, and natural pest control, organic farming ensures higher yields and enhances nutritional value of produce. Cuba’s transition to urban organic farming in 1990s, for example, helped the nation overcome food shortages and economic crisis, becoming a model for resilience and sustainability. Urban organic farms produce over 60 per cent of fresh produce consumed in Havana, contributing highly to the nation’s food security. This model can be adapted in Nigeria’s urban centres, where food insecurity is rising due to rapid urbanisation and declining agricultural productivity.

Denmark’s success in integrating organic farming into its national food system offers a valuable lesson. It has over 11 per cent of its agricultural land dedicated to organic farming, the highest in European Union. This has ensured a steady supply of healthy, organic food and contributed to high standards of living as well as a strong social welfare system. By adopting organic practice, Nigeria can close the gap between rural and urban population, create jobs, curb urban-rural migration, and foster social inclusion, thereby reducing poverty and crime while enhancing food security.

While large-scale farming programmes have driven rural development in countries, organic farming and large-scale farming are not mutually exclusive, as ‘mechanisation is not the same as chemicalisation.’ Organic farming seeks to grow and maintain crops and animals on their original natural genetic formation, reducing or eliminating chemical fertilisers, herbicides, pesticides, and preservatives.

Organic farming offers unique advantages that make it particularly suited for Nigeria’s challenges. Organic agriculture enhances soil and human health, preserves biodiversity, and reduces environmental impact of farming—essential for a country facing severe environmental degradation and public health challenges. Furthermore, organic farming aligns with Nigeria’s cultural and traditional practice, promoting a sense of pride and ownership among farmers and fostering a connection to the land and community.

To fully leverage potential of organic agriculture, Nigeria must adopt a strategic and multi-faceted approach. Key recommendations include establishing a national organic agriculture policy to provide a framework for promoting and regulating organic farming, including certification processes, incentives for organic farmers, and penalties for non-compliance, and creating a dedicated national institute. This institute would focus on research, development, and dissemination of organic farming techniques, ensuring farmers access to latest innovations.

Others are promoting public-private partnerships for funding, expertise, and infrastructure support to organic farming initiatives.

The government must invest in research to develop high-yield, pest-resistant organic crops, as well as effective natural fertilisers and pest control methods.

Education and awareness campaigns educate farmers and consumers about benefits of organic farming, encouraging more people to adopt this and choose organic products.

Supporting rural infrastructure by improving roads, irrigation systems, and storage facilities ensure organic produce reach markets in good condition and at competitive prices.

Furthermore, the government must prioritise security in rural areas to protect farmers and their crops from banditry and other forms of violence.

Another area is declaring an agricultural revolution, which should involve substantial strategic investments directed at making organic farming a national priority, with clear goals.

However, revolutionary actions focused on promoting and enabling organic agriculture represent a powerful tool for addressing economic challenges, driving rural development, and fostering social change. By adopting this strategy, Nigeria can boost GDP, reduce poverty, and create a more sustainable and equitable future. Revolutionising our agriculture and embracing organic farming is a necessity for long-term development. The time has come to seed a revolution in agriculture to prioritise health of the land, well-being, and the nation’s prosperity.
- Dr. Ezeugo, a researcher, social impact expert and satirist, writes from Abuja.
August 20, 2024