The Nation Newspaper

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  • The bane of megaprojects

    The bane of megaprojects

    • By Jimoh Ibrahim

    The first $15 billion was already spent on Nevada’s Yucca Mountain megaproject until the Obama administration scrapped the project! A total of $65 billion, including damages, was spent on Yucca, and the ground was covered back without a project after spending $65 billion!

    Nigeria’s government has in stock 11866 abandoned megaprojects, three of which account for about 60% of the national debt. For Ajaokunta Steel, the government spent $10 billion on the project and was on-site for 42 years, and no steel was produced!

    The iron law of megaprojects is cost overruns, schedule delays, and benefit shortfalls over and over Again. A megaproject is considered a project in which at least $1 billion and above is expected to be invested. It is usually not an ordinary project. Megaprojects typically come with converging complexities. It is simply the converging complexities that Dangote is facing, with megaproject you must keep explaining! He must contend with cost overrun (it is different from what you think the project will cost that you will spend! You must prepare for the scheduled delays (it was different from when you planned to commission the project that you will commission, for you keep rescheduling the commission date if you ever commission it!

    Dangote shifted his commissioning date of the project many times). You will see benefit shortfalls (it is not when you think the project will benefit the society and yourself that you will get benefits! Dangote is at a loss on where his project’s benefit is. If you know all of this, you will understand the Dangote refinery project. This underscores the need for meticulous planning and execution in megaprojects, mainly operational cash flow if you ever complete the project!

    It is the usual case of blind men with elephant projects. Six blind men were asked to describe an elephant after touching it. This is how they represent an elephant. The first man touched and felt the broad and sturdy side and described the elephant as a wall; the second man felt the tusk and thought the elephant was a spear; the third man felt the trunk and thought the elephant was a snake; the fourth touched the knee and felt the elephant as a tree, the fifth felt the ear and described the elephant as a fan, and lastly the sixth felt the tail and thought the elephant was a rope. Who among them successfully described an elephant?

    That is what megaprojects look like. In Britain, where finance is never an issue, the Cross Rail project rose from £825m to £18.599 billion! (cost overrun). The public sector investment is estimated to be $9 trillion annually or approximately 8% of the global gross domestic product (GDP) on megaprojects. For example, programme spending was recorded at £420 billion in the United Kingdom in 2013. This history of megaprojects underscores the importance of learning from past mistakes to inform future decisions.

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    President Olusegun Obasanjo’s experience after securing $675m for building the Ajaokuta steel company is here. Just after the handover to President Shehu Shagari, a representative of TPE came to meet Obasanjo in his retirement home with the complaint, “Mr President, you did not hand over well”. The president asked why he felt that way, to which the man replied that the minister of mines and steel was demanding a bribe. The minister had refused to sign the certificates of completion of jobs, which were needed for payment. However, they could not pay any bribe from their contract sum since the payment for the contract was from Russia.

    “We do not have control over such payment since the bribe payment is not part of the bid.” In sum, the project was blocked because of a “lack of enthusiasm for it,” which resulted in the project no longer being given sufficient priority. Obasanjo spoke to his successor, Shagari, but did not know whether Shagari ever pushed for completion.

    Yes, Dangote may be looking forward to assistance from the federal government or NNPC with operational cash flow or the completion of the remaining 55% of the refinery project in whatever manner; let’s forget about operating the refinery in the free zone area, but selling products domestically, we can let go things like tax issues but in any event, President Tinubu must not forget the 11,866 abandoned megaprojects and specifically the Ajaokuta (since we now use 25% of our budget on importation of steel). Again, the only connection is the Second Niger Bridge of Nigeria with the people from the East. Megaprojects failed innovative China; the Guinness Book of Records described the failed China 117 towers as the tallest unoccupied building in the world! Less complicated Yanqiapu (another China megaproject) failed after the Chinese government spent $50 billion. The converging complexities of megaprojects usually make a big project too big to succeed!

    •Dr. Jimoh CFR, is a Senator representing Ondo South at Nigeria’s 10th Senate of the National Assembly.

  • Enhancing state-driven growth in electricity sector

    Enhancing state-driven growth in electricity sector

    • By Collins Okeke

    On March 17, 2023, a few months before leaving office, former President Muhammadu Buhari signed the Constitution Fifth Alteration Act No. 17 into law. The Act broadened the scope of states’ legislative powers to participate in the electricity sector by including the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity in areas covered by the national grid system.

    Before the amendment, the constitution only allowed states to make laws in relation to the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity in areas “not covered by the national grid system” within the state.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Electricity Act 2023 into law three months after assuming office. The Electricity Act 2023 elaborates on the powers of the federal and state governments in relation to electricity as prescribed in the Constitution Fifth Alteration Act.

    There have been mixed reactions among players in the power sector regarding the impact of the new legislative framework.

    While some see the legislative intervention as progressive, empowering states to attract investment, and bringing about grid expansion and a competitive electricity market, others believe that the intervention does not go far enough as impediments still exist.

    This article analyses the provisions of the Constitution and Electricity Act as they affect the states of the federation, identifies potential challenges, and proffers solutions. Before delving into the Constitution and Electricity Act, it would be helpful to first explain the structure of the legislative powers of the Nigerian Federation.

    Nigeria is a federation with a constitutional division of legislative powers between the federal and state governments. Section 4 of the Constitution establishes the National Assembly, which consists of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The National Assembly is empowered to make laws on matters listed in the Exclusive and Concurrent Legislative Lists.

    The Constitution also establishes the House of Assembly for each State, which has the power to make laws on matters on the Concurrent Legislative List.

    The Exclusive Legislative List contains 68 items over which the National Assembly has exclusive power to legislate, while the Concurrent Legislative List contains 30 items on which both the National Assembly and the State Houses of Assembly can legislate. Electricity is one of the items on the Concurrent Legislative List.

    In case of any inconsistency between a law enacted by a State House of Assembly and a law validly made by the National Assembly on a matter on the Concurrent Legislative List, the doctrine of covering the field applies.

    This means that the law made by the National Assembly shall prevail, and the State law shall be void to the extent of the inconsistency.

    This doctrine is provided for in Section 4(5) of the Constitution and has been upheld by the Supreme Court in several cases, including: OSIEC & Anor v. AC & Ors  (2010) LPELR-2818(SC) and Olaleye-Ote & Anor v. Babalola (2012) LPELR-9275(SC)

    In these cases, the Supreme Court affirmed that where the National Assembly has validly legislated on a matter on the Concurrent Legislative List, any State legislation on the same matter that is inconsistent with the federal legislation will be void to the extent of the inconsistency.

    The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) outlines the powers of the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly to make laws regarding electricity in Paragraphs 13 and 14 of the Second Schedule.

    A closer examination of these provisions reveals that the Federal Government, through the National Assembly, has more extensive powers compared to the State Governments.

    The National Assembly can make laws for the entire Federation or any part of it concerning electricity and the establishment of electric power stations. It has the authority to legislate on the generation and transmission of electricity within the Federation and from one State to another.

    The Federal Government can also regulate the right of any person or authority to dam up or interfere with the flow of water from sources in any part of the Federation.

    Additionally, it can participate in arrangements with other countries for the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity for areas partly within and partly outside the Federation, promote and establish a national grid system, and regulate the use and operation of electricity supply equipment across the Federation.

    In contrast, the powers of State Governments in relation to electricity are more limited and confined to their respective States.

    State Houses of Assembly can make laws regarding electricity and the establishment of electric power stations within their boundaries.

    They can legislate on the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity to areas within their States and establish authorities for the promotion and management of electric power stations established by the State.

    However, the Constitution does not grant State Governments the power to transmit electricity outside their State boundaries, engage in international arrangements related to electricity, or establish a national grid system.

    The Electricity Act 2023

    The Electricity Act 2023 further elaborates on the powers of the Federal and State Governments in relation to electricity. Key provisions can be found in Sections 2(1) & (2), 15(1) & (2), 63(1)-(7), 66(1)-(3), and 230(2)-(9).

    An analysis of these sections reveals that the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), which represents the Federal Government, holds overriding powers in the electricity sector.

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    The Act applies throughout Nigeria to all aspects of the power sector value chain, subject to certain provisions (Section 2(1)).

    The NERC has the sole authority to issue licenses for electricity generation, transmission, distribution, supply, trading, and system operation, except for exempted cases specified in the Act (Section 63(1)).

    It can inquire into any person or entity engaging or about to engage in a business that requires a license from the NERC (Section 63(3)) and has wide-ranging enforcement powers, including ordering cessation of operations, confiscation of undertakings, disconnection of facilities, directing violators to apply for licenses, and taking preventive steps (Section 63(4)).

    The NERC can also penalize licensees for violations of their license terms and conditions, including cancelling licenses (Section 63(6)), and has the power to issue independent electricity transmission network licenses where there is a need for extension or reinforcement of the transmission network (Section 66(2)).

    On the other hand, the powers of State Governments in relation to electricity are constrained by the provisions of the Electricity Act 2023.

    While states can pass laws related to various aspects of electricity within their territories (Section 2(2)(a)-(e)), collaborate with the Federal Government and local governments for rural electrification, electricity access, and investment promotion (Section 2(2)(d)), and establish state electricity markets and regulatory authorities (Section 230(2)), their powers are subject to conditions stipulated in the Act.

    For instance, state-granted licenses cannot permit inter-state or transnational electricity distribution (Section 63(2)(b)), and the Commission retains regulatory powers over mini-grids, IEDNs, and IETNs in states that lack legal and institutional frameworks or rely on the national grid (Section 63(7)).

    Moreover, if a state requests the transfer of regulatory authority, it must follow a process outlined in the Act, which includes the Commission drawing up a plan and timeline for the transition of regulatory responsibilities to the state regulator (Section 230(3)).

    Potential challenges with the Constitution and Electricity Act 2023

    The Nigerian Constitution and Electricity Act 2023 presents several potential challenges that may impede the ability of states to drive growth in the electricity sector. One significant issue is the exclusive power granted to the Federal Government under paragraph 13(b) of the Constitution to legislate on inter-state electricity transmission.

    This centralised approach may limit states’ ability to develop interconnected transmission networks tailored to their specific needs, hindering the efficient allocation of resources and discouraging private sector investment in transmission infrastructure.

    Another challenge arises from the potential for conflicting or inconsistent regulations between the federal and state levels regarding the use, operation, and maintenance of electricity supply equipment and apparatus.

    This fragmented regulatory landscape could lead to increased compliance costs for market participants and hinder the development of a competitive and efficient market for electricity supply equipment and services.

    Furthermore, the restriction on state-granted licenses from permitting inter-state or transnational electricity distribution under Section 63(2)(b) of the Electricity Act may create a fragmented and inward-looking electricity market.

    This provision limits the ability of states to leverage their comparative advantages and develop specialised electricity distribution services that could serve cross-border markets.

    The restriction of independent electricity transmission network licenses to greenfield sites within licensed states, as per Section 66(3)(b) of the Electricity Act, may lead to a fragmented approach to transmission network development.

    This could result in isolated infrastructure, poor integration with existing networks, inefficiencies, higher costs, and discourage investments in upgrading and expanding current transmission infrastructure, potentially impacting the reliability and stability of electricity supply.

    Additionally, the process of transferring regulatory responsibilities from the federal Commission to state regulators, as outlined in Sections 230(3) to (7) of the Electricity Act, may create a period of regulatory uncertainty and inconsistency, leading to disparities in the quality and effectiveness of regulatory oversight across different states.

    Solutions/recommendations

    To address the challenges posed by the Nigerian Constitution and Electricity Act 2023, several solutions and recommendations can be considered. First, constitutional amendments could provide a more decentralized and collaborative framework for inter-state electricity transmission planning and development.

    Amending paragraph 13(b) of the Constitution to grant states the power to legislate on inter-state transmission projects tailored to their local needs and priorities, subject to coordination with the Federal Government and other affected states, could help alleviate the limitations imposed by the current centralized approach.

    Additionally, the amendment could include provisions for establishing regional transmission planning authorities, comprising representatives from the Federal Government and relevant states, to ensure a coordinated and integrated approach to transmission network development.

    Second, revising the Electricity Act could help address the regulatory challenges and inconsistencies between federal and state authorities.

    Amending the Act to provide a clearer delineation of regulatory responsibilities, with a focus on promoting harmonisation and minimising overlaps, could involve establishing a joint regulatory committee or forum, as envisioned in Section 230(9), with a specific mandate to develop and implement consistent regulations and standards for the electricity sector.

    Revising Section 63(2)(b) to allow states to grant licenses permitting inter-state electricity distribution, subject to coordination with other affected states and the federal Commission, could help create a more integrated and flexible electricity market.

    Furthermore, amending Section 66(3) to allow for a more flexible and integrated approach to developing independent electricity transmission networks, by removing the restriction on the franchise area to greenfield sites and allowing for the coverage of both greenfield and existing sites, as well as the extension of licenses beyond state boundaries where necessary, could enhance the efficiency and reliability of the electricity supply.

    Third, establishing coordination and cooperation mechanisms could help foster collaboration and knowledge sharing between federal and state regulators.

    Creating a joint regulatory committee or forum, as envisioned in Section 230(9), with a clear mandate and terms of reference for coordinating and harmonising electricity sector regulations between the federal and state levels, could facilitate regular dialogue and help resolve regulatory issues and challenges.

    Additionally, creating a dedicated fund or program, managed by the federal Commission or the inter-governmental body, to provide capacity building and technical assistance to state regulators could help address disparities in institutional capacity and expertise across different states.

    Leveraging the inter-governmental body to facilitate knowledge sharing, coordination, and harmonisation of regulations between the federal and state levels could also help identify and address common challenges and opportunities in the electricity sector, as well as contribute to the development and implementation of a national electricity sector strategy.

    Conclusion

    The recent constitutional amendment and Electricity Act 2023 have made progress in empowering states to participate in the electricity sector, but challenges such as centralized inter-state transmission planning, potential regulatory inconsistencies, and restrictions on state-granted licenses remain.

    To address these issues, constitutional amendments promoting decentralisation and collaboration, revisions to the Electricity Act enhancing regulatory harmonisation and flexibility, and establishing effective coordination mechanisms between federal and state regulators are recommended.

    Implementing these solutions can unlock the potential of Nigeria’s electricity sector, attract investment, and ensure a reliable and affordable electricity supply.

    •Okeke is Associate Partner & Head, Public Sector Practice Group at OIisa Agbakoba Legal.

  • SEDC to the rescue

    SEDC to the rescue

    • By Johnson Chukwuka

    The clamour for accelerated development of the southeast region got a big boost recently when President Bola Tinubu signed into law, the South East Development Commission SEDC (Establishment) Bill 2023.

    The president’s assent to the bill must have gladdened the hearts of the people of the zone in view of the setback the previous one suffered in the 9th National Assembly. Then, the bill had scaled through the concurrent legislative approval of both chambers of the National Assembly raising hopes that it would easily scale through presidential assent.

     But for some inexplicable reasons, that hope was dashed. Former president, Muhammadu Buhari failed to assent to it despite the prospects it held for a zone that has suffered adversely from the devastations of the civil war. Nothing was again heard of that bill before the last National Assembly wound up.

    The fate of the bill ruffled feathers, reinforcing allegations of alienation and marginalisation of that part of the country within the national scheme of affairs. And for a country that had been addressing regional challenges through such development agencies as the Niger Delta Development Commission and its Northeast counterpart, it was inconceivable that SEDC could not see the light of the day. But that setback did not in any way diminish the momentum of the agitations.

    Apparently responding to the yearnings of the zone, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu was quick to sponsor a new bill which expeditiously got the concurrent legislative approval of both chambers of the National Assembly. The quick sail of the bill showed its national appeal. Good a thing and unlike his predecessor, President Tinubu saw sufficient reasons to give quick assent to the bill.

    This is heart-warming. The president deserves commendation for summoning the required political will to assent to the bill. Of note also are the roles played by the sponsor of the bill and his colleagues in the National Assembly for seeing to the need for the SEDC bill to scale through.

    Through the commission, the president seeks to ensure the ‘reconstruction and rehabilitation of roads, houses and other infrastructural damages suffered by the zone’. 

    Additionally, SEDC will tackle ecological and other environmental or developmental challenges in south east states. The president’s assent according to his media aide, Ajuri Ngalele underscores his belief in building the nation as the fulcrum for fairness, equity and unity by ensuring equitable development and inclusive governance.

    That is the way to go.  The long years of agitations from the southeast zone for some form of special federal intervention to address the infrastructural deficits that had for long plagued the region gives further justification for the establishment of the commission. It is a thing whose time has come.

    The federal government had after the civil war, announced a policy of “No Victor, No Vanquished” with Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation as its major programme thrust. But these programmes rarely went beyond the confines of the offices where they were pronounced.

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    It is a measure of the inability of these programmes to take effective root that cries of alienation and marginalisation have remained the sing song of the people of the zone more than 53 years thereafter. Good enough, the same reconstruction and rehabilitation mantra of the post-civil war era have again resonated as the basis for the setting up of the SEDC. That in itself is a big statement.

    The SEDC law therefore marks a significant step in the march to addressing the plethora of infrastructural deficits that had held the development of the zone down despite their hallmark community development efforts. Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu had while justifying the creation of the commission, said it will help post war reconstruction that has not been attended to for over 53 years.

    “The commission shall conceive, plan and implement projects and programmes for the sustainable development of the southeast states in the fields of transportation, health, education, employment and industrialisation” he had said.  It will also implement measures approved for the development of the southeast by the federal government, identify factors inhibiting the development of the southeast states, assist them in policy formulation and implementation to ensure sound and efficient management of resources.

    The commission, he further said, will additionally tackle ecological and environmental problems that may arise from the mining and extraction of solid and oil minerals from the zone among other functions.

     Coincidentally, Kalu has also through another pet project, been at the forefront of the campaign for the rapid development of the southeast. Through the instrumentality of an initiative called Peace in the South East Project (PISE-P) he seeks non-kinetic approach to resolving the security challenges confronting the zone.

    At the launch of the project in the Bende Local Government Area of Abia State last year, with the Vice President Kashim Shettima and some governors in attendance, he had said the PISE-P is a five-year peace-building and development initiative designed to address the complex socio-economic challenges and security issues facing the southeast region.

    There is a measure of alignment between the objectives which the PISE-P is meant to serve and the policy thrust driving the establishment of the SEDC. These are no doubt, very high-minded goals with promises of quantum infrastructural and human capital development for the region.

    But that is the end of the matter. The president has done well by assenting to the bill establishing the SEDC. The heightened enthusiasm generated by the president’s assent is a measure of how long that zone has been longing for special federal intervention to rescue it from years of infrastructural neglect and decay.

    It is hoped that soon, SEDC will assume its deserved pride of place among similar regional development intervention programmes. But extreme care must be exercised in the setting up the structures and appointing key officials to run the agency. This is vital to insulate the commission for the undue corruption and possible politicization that had been the fate of its sister agencies.

    For SEDC to fully discharge on its mandate, adequate funding is paramount. An organisation that is taking off from the bud requires adequate funding to make the required impact.

    The SEDC comes at a time the southeast governors are considering leveraging on the comparative advantages of their respective states for economy of scale. At their economic and security summit last year in Owerri, Imo State, they had reached consensus on the security and economic integration of the region.

    The reading of this commitment is that the five states in the zone will identify and execute common development projects that will save them resources and enhance the overall good of people of the zone. That is the way to go if the political will is there.

    The SEDC will provide another framework for these states to jointly pursue such cross-cutting projects. For such objectives to be more meaningfully and realistically pursued, their governors must place the collective interests of the peoples of the zone over personal, political and interests of self-serving nature. This can be done by identifying actionable projects that will serve the collective interests of the states under the commission.

    The zone has serious challenges in the area of roads, power supply, portable water and erosion. Some of the federal roads in the zone are at the moment, in a state of disrepair while others have been cut off by devastating erosion. Southeast governors, working closely with the commission when fully ground, should be able to identify and execute joint programmes for the good of their people and save cost.

    It is hoped the SEDC will in the days ahead be the fulcrum for addressing the infrastructural and developmental deficits in the zone and consign to the dustbin of history years of alienation, inequity and marginalisation. That is the new hope rekindled by the president’s assent to the SEDC bill.

    •Chukwuka wrote from Lagos.

  • The hunger protests in retrospect

    The hunger protests in retrospect

    • By Jaiyeola Lewu

    President Bola Tinubu’s national broadcast of August 4 did not sufficiently address the concerns of the protesters, particularly the excruciating hunger and the deep anger it unleashed.

    He narrated the measures his administration has been taking to improve the depressing economic situation he inherited from his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, who left more liabilities than assets.   But if he believes that those measures have alleviated the suffering of the people, he is mistaken. 

    That much was clear from the renewed protests the day after, and the violence that trailed them, particularly in the northern parts of the country.  As I listened to the broadcast and read the transcript later, I was hoping that the conclusion would spell out some definitive actions that could bring immediate succour or short-term relief.   Unfortunately, that was not the case.

    Bringing back in some measure the fuel subsidies and improving substantially the value of the Naira vis-a-vis foreign currencies could have helped tame the runaway inflation that that has caused food prices to skyrocket and forced down living standards.

    In my article titled “To Avert the Looming Mass Hunger In Nigeria” (June 4, 2022), I suggested some measures that could promote food security, curb food scarcity, and check the cattle herders who have been ravaging farmlands across the country.  I suggested retrieving silos for strategic food reserves from the National Commodity Exchange that leased them and urged the government to assist farmers with fertilisers, chemicals and quality seeds.

    The president said such inputs had been supplied. Where are those farmers?  How much was distributed to them, and in which states?  Many of us are farmers and we have not seen nor benefitted from the farm inputs,

    Where are the 10,000 tractors, about 500,000 equipment and 623 mechanical services centres in the 774 local government areas of the country, which were supposed to create 100,000 from the $1.2 billion agricultural loan obtained by the federal government in 2020? 

    As food scarcity, prices and instability worsened, President Tinubu declared on July 13, 2023 an “Emergency on Agriculture and Food Security.”   The effects have been minimal.  

    The Federal Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Abubakar Kyari, in March announced that $900 million had been secured to purchase tractors and equipment for the country. He did not say whether it was the same money loaned to Nigeria in 2020 or it was new money for the same tractors and equipment and the proposed 623 service centres.

     All that we heard in the president’s broadcast is that tractors and planters from the USA, Belarus and Brazil have been ordered and are on their way.

    The equipment may not be able to help immediately to provide food or mitigate the prevailing hunger. However, they might be useful during the forthcoming dry season farming and also for the 2025 planting season.

    Since the escalating price of fuel has a ripple and cascading effects on the cost of living, President Tinubu should have focussed more on measures that would help to reduce fuel prices by way of a trade-off which would involve utilising the savings from reducing the cost of governance to subsidise the cost of fuel, particularly PMS and Diesel.

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     A similar trade-off could be attained if the president could suspend one or two of some long-term programmes or projects so that money voted for them could be used to subsidise fuel in the short run while waiting for the Dangote and the country’s refineries to come on stream.

    State governors should demonstrate that they are bearing their share of the burden of reducing hunger by increasing agricultural reduction instead of relying on federal palliatives and by cutting down on their obscene consumption.  Most of them live like emperors, with no regard for the poverty surrounding them.

     The president had earlier in the year appealed to them to make 150,000 hectares of farmland available for food production.  The wet season planting is almost over and not much appreciable work has been carried out in this respect.  

    He should set up a ‘Follow-up Action Committee’ to monitor and assess the performance of state governments in executing projects funded by the Federal Government.  Where it is established that the funds were not expended judiciously, the defaulting state should have their quarterly allocation deducted at source.

    Ending hunger, reducing the cost of living and the humongous cost of governance, and eliminating poverty as demanded by the protesters should be a collective responsibility of all governments, federal, state and local authorities.  The burden must be shared equitably.

    It should not be of President Tinubu’s albatross.

    •Dr Lewu, is Nigeria’s former ambassador to Brazil, Paraguay and Bolivia.

  • Ado-Ekiti – Abuja road needs urgent intervention

    Ado-Ekiti – Abuja road needs urgent intervention

    • By Hakeem Jamiu

    The last time I travelled to Abuja from Ado Ekiti by road, was about three years ago. The road was bad and it took me six hours but the road has gone from bad to worse such that the trip which is 406kms took seven hours instead of about four hours. I travelled on June 25 and came back via same route on June 27. It was an excruciating journey to and fro. I had the option of traveling by air but decided to embark on the trip by road out of curiosity and to also buy some foodstuffs on the road while coming back. I regretted my decision to travel by road and I realised that the terrible state of the road is the reason why many top government officials and the rich in private business prefer traveling by air apart from security reasons like kidnapping and banditry attack on road users. It is also possible that the Abuja-Ado Ekiti Road did not receive the deserved attention because top government functionaries especially national and state assembly members including my humble self, travel by air most of the time so did not feel the pain motorists go through.  I feel so pained that the Abuja-Ado-Ekiti Road which is the main gateway between the North and the Southwest of Nigeria is in such a sorry state.

    I embarked on the journey from Ado Ekiti with my wife and a colleague at 8.30am, and we started noticing the parlous state of the road immediately we left Omuooke and entered Iyamoye in Kogi State. The 78km Ado-Ikare federal road from Ijigbo junction which contract for reconstruction and dualisation was recently awarded due to the unwavering pressure mounted by Governor Biodun Oyebanji of Ekiti State, is bad up to Ijan Ekiti. Ijan, Iluomoba, Aisegba to Agbado is fairly smooth. We had a very good ride from Agbado-Ekiti through Isinbode-Ekiti, Omuo-Ekiti, to Omuo-Oke which was the road constructed by the immediate past Fayemi administration. The road is so bad from Iyamoye, Ekinrinade, Egbeda Eega, Ikoyi, Iyara, Kabba to Obajana such that we could not drive for 10 minutes without applying the break. There was respite from Obajana to Lokoja courtesy of the 43km concrete road constructed by Aliko Dangote which made us drove smoothly for about 38 minutes non- stop except for speed breakers. We stopped at Kabba for 30 minutes to eat. On getting to Lokoja, there were ongoing repair works at both sides of the dual carriage way. There was smooth driving for about 20 minutes out of about one hour drive immediately after Obajana to the Lokoja bridge. There was heavy traffic caused by the closure of one-side of the 2km bridge leaving only one lane. This we later learnt was due to repair works on the bridge but both sides of the bridge were open to traffic on our way back two days after.

    We finally crossed the bridge after spending about 10minutes in the traffic. Lokoja to Abaji, a distance of about 84kms took us about 1hour 30 minutes and was not that smooth as most part of the expressway has become corrugated and unmotorable causing motorists to use only the lane from Abuja to Lokoja which often leads to ghastly accidents on that road. Same with Abaji to Gwagwalada and to Abuja.  The corrugated nature of the road must have been caused by the substandard construction which made it give way as articulated vehicles with their weight ply the road. This should be considered while fixing the road and I wish to align with the suggestion of the Minister for Works, David Umahi that concrete roads should henceforth be constructed on our highways. The Dangote concrete road from Kabba to Obajana constructed in January 2021 has remained solid ever since. We finally got to Abuja 5.15pm after driving for about seven hours.

    On our return trip to Ado Ekiti two days later, I decided to pay attention to the state of the road right from Central Business District, Abuja to Ado Ekiti to know how many kilometres are motorable out of the 406 km distance. I discovered that the longest stretch of the road where we drove non-stop for about 1hour 24 minutes was from the Central Business District to Abaji which is about 118 kilometres. The next stretch was 38 minutes smooth drive on the 44kms concrete road from Obajana to Kabba. The final stretch was the 25 minutes smooth drive on the 34km Omuo- Agbado road.

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    The 25km Agbado- Ijan road was fairly smooth. The alternative route to Ado Ekiti from Omuo is the Omuo- Ilasa-Ayebode-Oke Ayedun-Odo-Ayedun- Ikole- Osin-Itapa- Ilupeju-Oye- Ayegbaju- Ifaki- Iworoko- Ado- Ekiti which are all federal roads. Some rehabilitation was carried out from Omuo to Oye but the road is still very bad. Governor Biodun Oyebanji is currently fixing the Ado-Ifaki road which is a federal government road. Altogether, the length of the road that is motorable from Abuja to Ado- Ekiti using the Omuo- Isinbode- Ode- Agbado- Aisegba- Iluomoba- Ijan to Ado Ekiti route is about 222 kilometres while the remaining 184 kilometres are in a terrible state.

    We noticed some repair works after Abaji for about 20 kilometres but that was all. There was also a reasonable security put in place especially joint security patrol and checkpoints involving vigilantes and regular forces between Lokoja and Kabba which I learnt were put in place by the immediate past Yahaya Bello administration in Kogi. This is commendable as it has drastically reduced kidnapping of motorists by bandits.  It is so sad that as a country, we cannot fix a 400 kilometre road that links our country’s capital city to other state capitals in the Southwest. There is no reason why the road from Abuja to Ado-Ekiti should not be well tarred and dualised with streetlights. I have heard about the Abuja-Lokoja road been awarded for reconstruction since the early 90s but the road remains in a sorry state. Abuja to Lokoja is 202 kilometres which should be two hours’ drive but it takes over three hours because the road is bad. It is a known fact that not many travellers in Ekiti, Kwara, Ondo and Kogi states who ply the road can afford air travel and so it is imperative for the federal government to fix the road. It is also easier for somebody (either rich or poor) going to Omuo from Abuja (340kms) to go by road than flying to Akure for about 40 minutes and spend over three hours from Akure to Omuo instead of just three hours 20 minutes from Abuja if the road is fixed. Presently, the driving time from Abuja to Omuo is four hours 32 minutes!  The 80km Lokoja-Okene road is also in a bad state and it is the former route for Ado Ekiti-Abuja travellers before Dangote constructed the Obajana- Kabba concrete road.

    The Southwest caucus in the national Assembly especially the Ekiti and Kogi caucuses should raise the issue of the Abuja- Ado Ekiti road as a matter of urgent public importance so that the road could be fixed for the use of the people of Abuja, Kogi, Kwara, Ondo and other Southwest states. The Houses of Assembly in the aforementioned states especially Ekiti where I currently serve, and Kogi should also escalate it as a matter of urgent public importance. Governor Usman  Ododo of Kogi State should  mount more pressure on the federal government to fix the Abuja- Lokoja- Kabba- Omuo road as Governor Oyebanji is doing in Ekiti State which has yielded result as the 78km Ado-Ikare road has been awarded.

    The Oyebanji administration is presently constructing a ring road that would complement the Abuja-Ado-Ekiti road and be beneficial to travellers transiting through Ekiti State to other states. The ring road will save motorists the hassles of passing through Ado township roads and will reduce travel time. The first phase of the ring road which starts from the outskirts of Iworoko will lead to the Ekiti International Cargo airport through Ago Aduloju and the Ekiti Knowledge Zone which will eventually link the Ado- Ekiti- Abuja road.

    The incident of kidnapping on the Abuja-Ado-Ekiti highway will be reduced to the minimum if the road is fixed because the present parlous state of the road makes it easy for kidnappers and bandits to operate as motorists must go on snail speed or stop at some very bad spots on the road. It is also worthy of mention that the joint security put in place especially at the Kogi axis of the road has been very effective as this has reduced the incident of highway banditry and kidnapping. If the Abuja-Ado Ekiti Road is fixed, many of us who travel by air would prefer to travel by road because it would be cheaper and more pleasurable as there will be no flight cancelation, non-availability of seats or flight delays. If the road is fixed and travel time is reduced to four hours, a traveller from Ado to Abuja can keep a 10am appointment if he leaves Ado at 6am.

    In the same vein, the Akure- Ilesa- Ife-Ibadan Road equally needs urgent intervention by the federal government. It is a big relief that the Lagos- Ibadan expressway has finally been fixed after many years. Travel time from Ibadan to Lagos has been reduced to less than one hour now from the previous two hours due to traffic as a result of bad road. The earlier the federal government fix the Abuja- Ado-Ekiti Road and the Akure- Ilesa- Ife-Ibadan Road which are two strategic roads linking the federal capital to the rest of the southwest, the better for all of us. It is no rocket science to fix these roads because we have the resources and it is the least the citizens could ask for.

    •Rt. Hon Jamiu, immediate past Deputy Speaker and present member representing Irepodun-Ifelodun II in the Ekiti State House of Assembly, writes from Ado- Ekiti.

  • Prayer to end bad governance?

    Prayer to end bad governance?

    SIR: I once discussed with a friend about the state of affairs in Nigeria. He described Nigeria as a “theatre of tragic comedy”. I didn’t get the full picture until now. The events that keep unfolding in recent times make me conclude that the definition is perfectly fitted.

    One of the events is the proposed national prayer. What exactly do we want from God that we are not blessed with? Has it stopped raining? Have our crops stopped yielding? Has the ever-fertile soil stopped being so? Sun is no longer rising? Moon has refused to set? Is the abundance of natural resources we have in the country no longer traceable? What else do we want from God that requires the power of prayer to make it a reality?

    The two prominent Islamic countries whose development attracted the whole continent in the medieval world were Baghdad and Andalusia. The contribution of these two places in today’s medicine, astronomy, philosophy, chemistry and other fields of human endeavour cannot be overemphasized. This great civilization wasn’t achieved by converging in a place for prayer sessions.

    Why is it that it’s only in this part of the world that tools would be given, with all the necessary supplements to complete a task, yet, we would seek the giver’s intervention again?

    Read Also: How to end bad governance, by Adebayo

    Dubai did not become what it is today by its people being prayer warriors. Rather, it is what it is because of decisive actions taken by the people. Nigeria reportedly sent financial aid to Saudi Arabia in the good old days. Not only that, Nigeria was once a medical tourism destination for Saudis. Today, Saudi is not only doing fine economically but sending aid to Nigeria and other countries of the world. Did they achieve this by clinging to prayer? The country is one of the advocates of scholarship, rolling out funds to encourage scientific output. Their library is filled with books with students from within and outside the country reading from. The opposite is what we all see in viral videos of a looting spree in Nigeria. The so-called agents of change stole everything in a library in Kano, leaving only books. We all saw the Digital Industrial Park (DIP) Kano reduced to rubbles. How are we different from the so-called bad government officials?

    Thousand years of prayer cannot change anything if we remain in this state without any effort to change our ways. The blessing we intend to seek cannot come until we are merciful to our fellow human beings.

    • Ibn Solih Ridwanullah, Ekiti State.
  • Harnessing biogas to power the future

    Harnessing biogas to power the future

    SIR: In a nation grappling with the dual challenges of waste management and energy scarcity, Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The solution to both these pressing issues may lie in a single, often overlooked technology: biogas. As the most populous country in Africa, Nigeria’s potential for biogas production is immense, yet largely untapped.

    Now, industry leaders and renewable energy experts are calling on policymakers to embrace this technology, which could simultaneously address multiple national challenges and pave the way for a greener, more sustainable future.

    The potential applications of biogas are diverse and far-reaching. From cooking fuel to power generation, biogas could help alleviate Nigeria’s chronic energy shortages. Moreover, the process yields a valuable by-product: bio-fertilizer. In a country where agriculture remains a cornerstone of the economy, this could prove instrumental in boosting productivity at a lower cost, while also aiding in pest control.

    Nigeria’s waste management problem is well-documented. Major cities like Lagos generate an estimated 10,000 metric tonnes of waste daily, much of which ends up in overflowing landfills or polluting waterways. By converting this waste into biogas, Nigeria will not only reduce the environmental impact of improper waste disposal but also generate much-needed energy.

    The energy potential is significant. According to a study by the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Nigeria could potentially generate 25,000 megawatts of electricity from biogas. This would go a long way in addressing the country’s energy deficit, which has long been a barrier to economic development.

    Job creation is another potential benefit. The biogas industry could create thousands of jobs across the value chain, from waste collection and sorting to plant operation and maintenance. In a country grappling with high unemployment rates, particularly among youth, this could provide a much-needed economic boost.

    Biogas technology has been successfully implemented in many countries around the world. In Germany, for example, there are over 9,000 biogas plants in operation, contributing significantly to the country’s renewable energy mix. In India, millions of small-scale biogas digesters provide cooking fuel for rural households.

    Read Also: Climate change: FG advocating biogas as alternative to charcoal for domestic cooking

    The technology is scalable, ranging from small household digesters to large industrial plants. This flexibility makes it suitable for both rural and urban settings in Nigeria. The environmental benefits of biogas adoption in Nigeria could be substantial. By diverting organic waste from landfills, biogas production could significantly reduce methane emissions. Methane, a potent greenhouse gas, is produced when organic matter decomposes in anaerobic conditions, such as in landfills.

    Moreover, by providing a renewable alternative to fossil fuels, biogas could help Nigeria reduce its carbon footprint. This aligns with the country’s commitments under the Paris Agreement and could position Nigeria as a leader in renewable energy in Africa.

    While biogas plants can be cost-effective in the long run, they require significant upfront investment. The path forward, according to experts, involves a three-pronged approach: political decision-making, community involvement, and the creation of an ecosystem that brings together politicians, communities, and green finance initiatives. The latter involves bringing together various stakeholders, including government agencies, private sector companies, financial institutions, and community organizations.  The potential benefits of biogas adoption in Nigeria are clear: improved waste management, increased energy access, job creation, and environmental protection. What remains is for policymakers to recognize this potential and take decisive action.

    • Okeke Esq. Abuja.
  • Obasanjo: The alarmist on the march again

    Obasanjo: The alarmist on the march again

    SIR: Across the globe, past leaders of governments are always circumspect and restrained when it comes to their views and perceptions on the affairs of their countries. Even, when there are compelling issues of urgent national importance, they seamlessly walk in to the corridor of power to interface and engage the incumbent leader confidentially.  This is often anchored on the respect and honour for the incumbent occupier of the office and more importantly, to protect the sanctity and sacredness of that office.

    The situation is almost the same in Nigeria except for ex-president, Olusegun Obasanjo who has for decades appointed himself as General Overseer over the nation affairs, despite the fact that his tenure came to a close in 2007.  

    In the last 17 years, the former president has always sat on the necks of incumbent presidents irrespective of their party affiliation. 

    Umaru Yar’Adua had his tenure constantly disrupted and interrupted by the Owu High Chief. Of course, Nigerians are not oblivious of how Obasanjo terrorized former president, Goodluck Jonathan before curtains was drawn on Jonathan’s tenure in 2015, simply because the Otuoke born ex-president bluntly refused to pander to him particularly in the early part of his tenure.

     It was same with the mediate past president, Muhammadu Buhari during which Obasanjo wrote series of unsolicited and undesirable letters on the affairs of the nation.

    Nigerians are therefore not taken aback by the series of sporadic attacks on the Tinubu administration with the recent one camouflaged in a very inciting, potentially destructive and toxic pronouncement that “Nigeria is sitting on the keg of a gun powder”.

    Read Also: Tenure of President, governors not our problem— Obasanjo

    The culmination of the pronouncement was Obasanjo’s assertion that successive presidents after him failed to consolidate the “glorious achievements” that his administration recorded in all facets. 

    Nigerians vividly recall the travail of Lagos State with the federal government, with years of withholding state federal allocations simply because Bola Tinubu administration created 37 LCDAs out of the existing 20 LGCs, an awesome developmental initiative that has produced several cities within the state

    We equally recollect that the ex-president was declaring “state of emergency” in states with reckless abandon, even for the issues that could have been conveniently and seamlessly resolved with political dialogues.   

     Nigerians need to enquire from the ex-president from what sources the fund deployed to construct the gigantic and very expansive Obasanjo Library in Abeokuta came from? No other monument in that sector can rival that huge complex in Nigeria, even, nay Africa! Is it not from extortion from those corporate giants he corralled in a fund raiser?

     On infrastructural development, the ex-president ensured that he abandoned all-important Lagos/Ibadan expressway for the period his tenure lasted. It was Buhari administration that almost completed the project with Babatunde Raji Fashola as minister, before the Tinubu regime now took control to round up the construction work.

    The ex-president practically neglected Ota/Abeokuta and even, Sagamu/ Abeokuta, as well as Benn/Ore roads. Could Southwest and even, Southeast geo-political zones have functioned without aforementioned roads, commercially and otherwise?

    Such is the damage of immeasurable and incalculable proportion that ex-president inflicted on this country and citizenry’s psyche during his reign (1999-2007).

    So, what are his justifications for claiming that successive administration refused to consolidate his achievements in office? Are the above he wants them to build upon?  This question could only be answered by Owu High Chief, himself.

     This writer passionately appeals to ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo to leave this president alone to run his programmes and execute his policies as he had promised Nigerian people; after-all, Bola Tinubu remains the only one answerable and accountable to Nigeria on his stewardship.

    Ex-president must stop crying more than bereaved. He’s not the only one who loves Nigeria. We also do!

    • Kola Amzat (FCA, FCIB) Lagos.
  • Dangote Refinery: Business or tourist site?

    Dangote Refinery: Business or tourist site?

    • By Bosun Adetiloye

    With exactly a week to go in his presidency, President Muhammadu Buhari on May 22, 2023, inaugurated the Dangote Refinery, a 650,000 barrels per day facility reputed to be the largest single-train petroleum refinery in the world. There was pomp and circumstance as the refinery reportedly came on board, but as it would later turn out, Buhari would appear to have been goaded into inaugurating an uncompleted refinery. It might also be that the former president was just too eager to have his name inscribed on what was perceived as a legacy project.

    That action would subsequently set the stage for events that have called to question, Aliko Dangote’s readiness to operate as a player in the Nigerian petroleum sector. To begin with, the promise made by Dangote during the inauguration of the refinery to the effect that the plant would commence in August 2023 did not materialize simply because the refinery wasn’t ready contrary to the story put out by the Buhari Presidency and Dangote himself.

    Production of diesel and aviation fuel only commenced in the first quarter of 2024 after the refinery had, between December 2023 and January 2024, received six cargo supplies of crude.

    Recall that Dangote, while announcing the commencement of production of the two products, thanked President Bola Tinubu and the two regulatory agencies in the Upstream and Midstream and Downstream sectors of the Nigerian petroleum industry as well as the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) for their support.

    Read him: “We thank President Bola Tinubu for his support and for making our dream come true. This production, as witnessed today, would not have been possible without his visionary leadership and prompt attention to details. His intervention at various stages cleared all impediments thereby accelerating the actualisation of the project. We also thank the NNPC, NUPRC and NMDPRA for their support. These organisations have been our dependable partners in this historic journey.”

    It is important to note the remarkable comments by Dangote supra because just a few months later, he would turn round to refer to the NNPC Limited and the NMDPRA as unpatriotic entities working against the refinery and Nigeria. Dangote’s histrionics began when he accused the NNPC Ltd and International Oil Companies (IOCs) of refusing to sell crude to him. He said they preferred to sell to companies operating outside Nigeria. When the barren allegations was laid bare by the fact that both the NNPC Ltd and the IOCs already had crude supply agreements predating even the setting up of Dangote Refinery, which could not be breached without exposing them to litigation, Dangote changed tactics. He then accused the NNPC Ltd of setting up a blending plant in Malta from where they import poor quality fuel into the country.

    Some discerning industry players were knowledgeable enough to know that the accusation amounted to red herring to distract Nigerians from the real issues. One of these was that just before he hurled the allegation against the NNPC Ltd, the NMDPRA had alerted Nigerians to the high sulphur content of diesel produced and sold by Dangote Refinery. The sulphur content in the diesel, which grossly exceeded internationally-acceptable standard, is injurious both to humans and vehicles.

    In addition, the NMDPRA said Dangote had lobbied government to ban importation of petroleum products since his refinery was already producing them. According to Engineer Farouk Ahmed, CEO of NMDPRA: “Dangote is requesting that we suspend or stop importation, especially of AGO and DPK, and direct all marketers to his refinery. That is not good for the nation in terms of energy security, and it is not good for the market because of the monopoly.”

    Read Also: Dangote Refinery’s diesel, Jet A1 to disrupt Europe’s market, says OPEC

    •Tourist site?

    Realizing that his gaslighting of the NNPCL and NMDPRA had failed to sway Nigerians to his side, Dangote has devised a new stratagem of whipping up sentiments, using leading public officials in parliament, non-state actors in the civil society organizations, and the media to procure essential validation and association. To achieve this mind-bending objective, he has turned the refinery, which ought to be striving hard to meet up its production target, into a tourist site where these leading public figures visit and eulogise his ingenuity. Top on the list of visitors to the refinery is Senate President Godswill Akpabio who led a cast of ranking senators to the refinery.

    Said Akpabio at the site: “They told us in Abuja that Dangote Refinery is a farce but we have come here and seen for ourselves that the refinery is alive and running. Dangote has put to shame a lot of people. They are wondering how it will be possible for a single individual to accomplish what a whole nation could not accomplish; what 240 million people could not maintain; what a continent could not do and then one person will build 650,000bpd project…”

    Less than a month after Akpabio and company visited, Tajudeen Abbas, Speaker of the House of Representatives, also led his colleagues on another junket to the refinery.

    Less effusive in his adulation of Dangote, Abbas nonetheless eulogized the businessman: “Dangote Refinery symbolizes not only the strength and potential of Nigerian industry but also the dedication and vision of one of our most esteemed business leaders, Mr Aliko Dangote. As we tour this state-of-the-art facility, it is impossible not to appreciate the significant contributions that Dangote Group is making to our economy.”

    A coalition of Civil Society Organizations also found it a “worthy” venture to visit the Dangote Refinery on what seemed a pilgrimage to achieve a united voice of validation for the facility. The CSOs, now pushing to outshine other tourists, have arrogated to themselves the power to monitor crude supply compliance from the NNPC to the Dangote Refinery.

    Next in line was a team of media executives across print, electronic as well as online media professionals including bloggers and content creators. The facility also hosted interest groups from the Niger Delta under the banner of Host Communities of Nigeria Producing Oil & Gas.

    It is instructive to note that while the leadership of the National Assembly, the CSOs, the media and others are falling over one another to sing Dangote’s praise, those with a keen eye for business are taking a different view of things. Last week, Fitch, the global rating agency downgraded the Dangote group, the Dangote Industries Limited, due to what it described as the “significant deterioration in the group’s liquidity position and uncertainty related to its ability to refinance maturing debt related to the syndicated loan raised to finance construction of Dangote Oil Refining Company (DORC).”

    Specifically, Fitch said: “The downgrade reflects significant deterioration in the group’s liquidity position following lower than expected disposal proceeds, operational and financial underperformance compared to our prior expectations, also affected by local currency devaluation, and lack of contracted backup funding to repay its significant debt facilities maturing on 31 August 2024.

    “We view the lack of DIL’s audited accounts for 2023 as a corporate governance issue. The earnings before interest tax depreciation and amortization (EBITDA) contribution from DORC has (sic) been far below our previous projection.”

    Significantly, Fitch noted that the gloomy situation the Dangote group had found itself was pushing it to consider selling of 12.5 percent of its stake in the refinery. In 2021, NNPC Ltd acquired a 7.25 percent stake in the Dangote refinery’s project entity for $1.0 billion, with an option to purchase the remaining 12.75 percent stake by June 2024. “Since the option has not been exercised, the group plans to divest a 12.75% stake in DORC in 2024,” Fitch Ratings said.

    It is remarkable to see that in one month, the Dangote Refinery had become a Mecca of sorts to top parliamentarians and society watchdogs like the media and CSOs, all of who by the nature of their functions are supposed to be impartial and objective with the protection of the common good as their top priority but who in reality had become blatantly partisan.

    In their newfound love for Dangote, none of these individuals or groups addressed the critical issues of Dangote Refinery’s production of adulterated diesel or attempt by Dangote to entrench a monopoly by asking government to freeze out his competitors.

    Granted that local businesses like Dangote Refinery, which are of strategic benefit to Nigerians, should be protected from being overrun by foreign business entities, it does not excuse it from complying with provisions of extant by laws regulating its operations. The allegations against Dangote Refinery are weighty and need to be thoroughly investigated. We do not need more dramas at this time.

    • Adetiloye is an Abuja-based public analyst.
  • UK riots and travel advisories

    UK riots and travel advisories

    Britain was in recent weeks convulsed by violence resulting from the behaviour of protesters waging a xenophobic cause. The riots were so unhinged that the Nigerian government had to issue a travel advisory to Nigerian citizens going to, or resident in the United Kingdom – a stinging role swap with a country that has been in the habit of periodically issuing travel alerts to her own citizens about Nigeria.

    Over the past couple of weeks, crowds spouting anti-immigrant slogans stood up to law enforcement personnel in one of the UK’s worst violence in more than a decade, leading  to arrest of hundreds of rioters who hurled bricks and other projectiles at the police, looted shops and attacked hotels housing asylum-seekers. The unrest was allegedly instigated by far-right agitators who used the social media to spread misinformation about a knife attack that killed three girls aged between six and nine years penultimate Monday at a Taylor Swift-themed dance class in Southport, a coastal town north of Liverpool in northwest England. Eight other children and two adults were injured in the attack. Agitators circulated claims online that the stabbing suspect was a Muslim and an asylum-seeker, stoking anger among some Britons who falsely believe immigration is to blame for most deadly crimes in their country.

    But the attack suspect was neither an asylum-seeker nor Muslim. And the British police moved to debunk the circulating misinformation because the suspect they arrested was a 17-year-old named Alex Rudakubana, whose parents are of Rwandan origin but who was born in Wales and had moved to Southport area since 2013. Efforts by the police to set the records straight fell flat, however. On the day after the killings as Southport community members gathered to comfort one another and lay wreaths, hundreds of protesters attacked a local mosque with bricks, bottles and rocks under suspected instigation by Islamophobic groups. Few days later, British authorities took the unusual step of disclosing the identity of the underage suspect – all in a bid to squelch the rumour fuelling the violence. They also announced that the suspect had been charged with three counts of murder and 10 counts of attempted murder. Only that those disclosures did little to pacify the xenophobic rage.

    Whereas attempts by British authorities to rightly inform were to no avail, far-right disinformation swirled and inflamed anti-migrant sentiments as rioting spread to other cities and towns in the UK. Reports said among the worst incidents of violence was recorded early last week when hundreds of rioters stormed a hotel housing asylum-seekers in Rotherham, outside of Birmingham. The British government has a policy by which it keeps in hotels asylum-seekers – many of them illegal immigrants who had entered the country from France by crossing the English Channel in inflatable boats – while their application is being processed. It was one of such hotels rioters attacked in Rotherham. During the encounter, police personnel in riot gear were pelted with bricks and chairs as they tried to defend the hotel from attackers, who kicked in windows and pushed a burning wheelie bin into the building to burn it down. Few hours later on same day, a mob attacked another hotel housing immigrants some 112 kilometres to the south.

    The riots marked an early litmus test for British Prime Minister Keir Starmer who took office only on 5th July – barely three weeks before the outbreak of violence. He deplored the hate mongering and vowed to bring the full force of the law to bear on rioters. “I guarantee you will regret taking part in this disorder, whether directly or those whipping up this action online and then running away themselves,” he said early last week, adding: “This is not protest. It is organised, violent thuggery.”  Starmer was chief prosecutor for England and Wales during the last major outbreak of riots in 2011, and his new Labour government was swift in delivering arrowheads of the rots to justice as he reassured that communities would be kept safe and perpetrators of violence harshly punished. He also announced plans to raise a “standing army” of specialist police to deal with rioting in the UK, and pledged to improve communication and cooperation among the country’s law enforcement agencies amidst indications that mobs were travelling across towns to stir up trouble.

    Officials of the Labour government have since unveiled a policy to prosecute people who post or repost materials that incite racial hatred on social media platforms.

    Starmer came up against criticisms by segments of the British political elite and a wider class of influencers, though. While the main (Tory) opposition was critical of the rioters and supportive of the Labour government’s hard hand in dealing with them, right-wing populist Reform UK party leader, Nigel Farage, accused the government of subjecting the rioters to “two-tier policing” and treating them more harshly than other protesters – Black Lives Matter protesters, for instance.

    It didn’t help matters that American social media proprietor, Elon Musk, constituted himself into an agitator-in-chief in British affairs. The owner of X (formerly Twitter) commented last week that “civil war is inevitable” in response to a post blaming the violent demonstrations on effects of mass migration and open borders. When the UK government took exception to his comment, the billionaire who touts himself as free speech absolutist doubled down, labelling the British premier as #TwoTierKier – apparently referencing Farage’s allegation. He also likened Britain to the defunct Soviet Union for attempting to restrict offensive speech on social media.

    Read Also: NAF strikes destroy 13 illegal refineries, 10 overhead tanks in Rivers

    With the roiling crisis, the Nigerian government, early last week, issued a travel alert to citizens over the UK riots. It was payback time – intended or not – for the UK that had often issued travel alerts to its own citizens on real and suspected threats of violence in Nigeria, and indeed issued such advisory concerning the ‘hunger protests’ that began across some states of this country from 1st August. The advisory from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs warned of “increased risk of violence and disorder” in the UK occasioned by riots stemming from the Southport killings. It further counselled in a statement: “The violence has assumed dangerous proportions as evidenced by reported attacks on law enforcement agents and damage to infrastructure. To this end, citizens are advised to be extra vigilant and take measures as follows: Avoid political processions and protests, rallies or marches. Avoid crowded areas and large gatherings. Be vigilant and self-aware at all times.”

    Nigeria wasn’t alone in issuing a travel advisory over the UK riots. So also did Kenya, Malaysia, India, Australia Indonesia, the United Arab Emirates and Hong Kong. Kenya, which itself was recently rocked by nationwide protests against proposed tax hikes by the William Ruto government, and on which Britain and some other countries of the West had issued travel alerts, stated in a social media post: “A deeply worrying situation in the UK. Kenyans are urged to exercise caution.”

    Travel advisories are ordinarily the duty of governments to issue in the interest of their respective citizens regarding countries where they think those citizens could be endangered. The United States, UK and Canada issued alerts about Nigeria to their respective citizenry many days before the August 1st commencement of the recent ‘hunger protests’ across the country. And they’re fully entitled to it. But Surprise! Surprise! It is two clear weeks since the outbreak of virulent protests in the UK, and both the US and Canada, among other Western nations, have found no need to issue any advisory to their citizens about the King’s country.

    Sometimes you can’t avoid the conclusion that travel advisories are a diplomatic witch-hunt targeted at certain countries. But you really can’t blame the advisory issuers because it could be a function of perception – that is, perception of the capacity, professionality and ethical composure, among other things, of the security personnel of some countries to handle violent crises more than others. In that sense, travel advisories are a call to reality check.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.