Category: Comments

  • Pay scholars their money

    Pay scholars their money

    • The Federal Scholarship Board made a mistake to slash money for scholars abroad

    This is not the first time this will happen, although the news is a new dimension to the malady. Students who go outside the country to further their studies continue to be an endangered species. Whether it is state governments who would or could not meet their obligations, or Federal Government agencies who do same, the scholar faces a distinct fate. They are stranded.

    This time, it concerns the Federal Scholarship Board (FSB), and not only will it not meet its obligations to the scholars, it has changed policy midstream.

    The government reached a decision to slash the scholars’ allowances. It was contained in a memo signed by the Director of the FSB, Ndajiwo H.A., on behalf of the Minister of Education, Prof. Tahir Mamman.

    “After due consultations, the Federal Scholarship Board has come up with adjustments in line with budgetary provisions in the payment of BEA scholars’ supplementation allowances for the 2024 academic year,” the memo, dated July 23, 2024, and addressed to the scholars’ association, read.

    According to media reports, each student now gets $3,090 ($2,640 + $450) instead of the $6,450. Only medical students will get an extra $500 to raise their entitlements to $3,590.

    Breaking down the math, one of the sources rolled it out thus: “(500×12)+ 250 + 200 + (500) = $6,450 and $6,950 (for non-medical and medical students respectively) slashed to (220×12)+ 250 + 200 + (500)= $3,090 and $3,590 (for non-medical and medical students respectively).”

    One of the affected scholars said, “Seeing that only supplementation was touched (others that concern us are still constant), that’s a 56% decrease.”

    This affects scholars across the world, including Europe, North America and Africa. Even at that, they have not been paid for over a year.

    Ronald Donald, one of them was reported to have said, “Firstly, students have stayed 13 months without stipends, just promises upon promises. Now, the only thing the FSB could come up with is to reduce the stipends. Let me give you an idea of how living in Russia and Morocco looks like.

    “In Russia, a student needs a minimum of $300 to survive. The bus fares are expensive, and the hostel prices are up. Bread used to be sold for 70 rubbles is now 120 rubbles. In Morocco, the students don’t have hostels provided for them. As such, they rent apartments (at a starting price of $200 a month).”

    The experience varies from nation to nation. For instance, the embassy in Russia gives out loans to students under strict conditions, including the clause that they take the money back when FSB remits.

    Since the FSB cannot be relied upon, scholars have resorted to self-help. Some obtain loans, while others seek other means of making money.

    “Yes, several students took loans from even loan sharks because no one in this economy would loan millions to a student that doesn’t have a definite payback period or collateral,” said another student.

    According to one other testimony from the scholars, “We were under the agreement to be paid $500 per month and we have not been paid since June 2023 which has resulted in students engaging in exploitative illegal labour such as washing plates, and construction. I personally have worked in a soap warehouse and restaurant for 12 and 14 hours at a stretch, respectively, with reduced pay against the agreement and host country’s visa.”

    Parents have also had to step in when they can with implications for the value of the naira.

    “A few months ago, after several agitations and representations by our parents, our parents were encouraged by the FG to take loans to the tune of millions because of the exchange rate and the rising cost of living in our host countries to send to us for our survival, with the promise that the situation will be sorted out and our stipends would be paid. Suddenly, yesterday, they released a memo slashing our stipends by 56%. How are we to pay back the loans or even survive?”

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    This turn of events does not reflect a country that values education. If our country would need enlightenment to grow, it will only happen when young minds flourish. Two, this sort of failure of agreement does not encourage patriotism. When such students complete their education, they may think twice about serving the country. It widens the disconnect between citizen and government, and leads to corruption. It also encourages the flight of talent from the country because they become indifferent to national progress but personal fortune wherever they can get it.

    The concept of scholarship is laudable, and it is done by governments all over the world, and it ought to enjoy priority in any government’s budgetary wisdom. The idea of slashing it reflects a lack of understanding of the value of education.

    Governments are not compelled to train Nigerians abroad. If budget is an issue, why not give them scholarship at home, except on subjects not offered in our tertiary institutions?

    We urge the FSB to restore the budget and oblige their agreements.

  • Owu Kingdom in history and the Olowu at 60: Lessons for community growth in Nigeria

    Owu Kingdom in history and the Olowu at 60: Lessons for community growth in Nigeria

    The Owu Kingdom occupies a most prominent place in the annals of Yorùbá history. According to written sources, Owu was established shortly after the advent of Oduduwa, a historical fact that explains the popular Yoruba saying that “Owu lakoda”, which according to Akin Mabogunje, means Owu was the first to be founded after Ile Ife. Drawing their ancestral root from the loins of Okanbi, Oduduwa’s son, therefore, the Owu forebears became embroiled, like other kingdoms, in the internecine warfare of the nineteen century that pit one Yoruba group against the other. It was from this historical cauldron of intense conflicts and the migration attending them that the Owu ancestors further consolidated their hardiness, courage and bravery, especially during the famous Owu War. And no other personality embodies this historical character than Chief Olusegun Obasanjo whose sociocultural and national persona, both as a statesman and a warrior earned him the title of Balogun of Owu. It is with a deep sense of pride therefore, that I always trumpet my association with Baba Obasanjo as a father, a stateman, a warrior and a trailblazer in Nigeria’s political development.

    These same values and traits recommend His Royal Majesty to us as a worthy predecessor, a truly courageous scion and custodian of a crown that his ancestors earned. Since His Majesty ascended the throne and for the past two years, we have witnessed an energetic replication of the same spirit of accomplishments, fearless disposition and ferocious commitment that his forebears displayed in their many battles and struggles to protect their ethnic identity, moral dignity, territorial integrity and communal development. For the past two years of monarchical oversight, no one can deny the modelling case of a generous, thoughtful, committed, foresighted and development-minded monarch that is defined by community development and compassionate leadership. Oba Matemilola also has the profundity of a professorial status that makes him an enlightened monarch carrying the weight of sociocultural refinement and progressive improvement of his people.

    In putting the Olowu in context of a commendable growing trend in Nigeria, I like to say that with the increasing number of urbane, educated, core professionals, accomplished elites, and cosmopolitan modern traditional rulers all around Nigeria, we have been witnessing a resurgence of radical rulership. One that is just not content with occupying a sinecure status and thereby harvesting elitist opportunism devoid of political and social capital that could be deployed to reconnect their people back to the democratic imperative in Nigeria. Traditional institutions as nodal point for social mobilization, along with community-based organisations (CBOs), had filled in for the comatose state system and local governments as organizing framework for vibrant local self-help, catering for the needs of the communities, far and above the capacities and capabilities government agencies, over the years. An opportunity is therefore building up with this corps of expanding demographics of exemplary leadership like the Olowu who have offered to cumulate their efforts into a bigger advocacy for enlarged influence in the governance space

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    The Olowu’s brand and its significance therefore provides a veritable reference by which we can begin to understand the modernity of tradition. I had earlier argued that, Nigeria’s constitutional system notwithstanding, traditional institutions like the Obaship, Obis, Emirs, and all, have roles to play which cannot be interpreted as the rude intrusion of useless traditions. In other word, traditional rulership still wields sufficient local authority and indeed constitute enormous cultural and political capital in a measure that our refusal to recognize will continue to render constitutional order empty in terms of legitimacy, in spirit and in truth

    The status of His Majesty is even more significant when situated within the local-national governance dynamics in Nigeria. Just recently, the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered a landmark judgment that goes a long way in reaffirming Nigeria’s federal status, and a possibility of a democratic redemption for our ongoing experiment in democratic governance. The local government areas constitute a legitimate tier of government that has suffered almost irreparable dysfunction due to our anomalous federalism. The framers of the Nigerian constitutions were wise in adopting a federalism that ensures that the government interfaces with the people at the level of local governance located at the local government areas. This is why the grassroots is where we need to transform our governance imperatives, and it is the traditional institutions and structures, supervised by the traditional rulers, that hold the key to this transformation. It is in this sense that the Olowu of Owu and his ilk—Igwe Nnaemeka Alfred Ugochukwu Achebe (the Obi of Onitsha), Sultan Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi (Ooni of Ife), Oba Sikiru Adetona (Awujale of Ijebuland), and many more—have become exemplars of a traditional institution with a modern significance. As an erudite scholar and urbane professional, His Majesty the Olowu brings a certain wisdom, forthrightness and pragmatism to the monarchy in ways that our constitutional framework can no longer ignore. In recent times, the fortune of traditional rulers in Nigeria has plummeted tragically. And this is due in large measures to the willful character fault of those involved. And yet, we cannot afford to throw away the baby of the constitutional utility of these traditional rulers and the traditional institutions under their charge with the bath water of the immature endeavors of a few of them.  

  • The House of Ga’a: Two Worlds of Ga’a

    The House of Ga’a: Two Worlds of Ga’a

    • By Dipo Victor Usikalu

    The movie “House of Ga’a” was released on Netflix on 26th July 2024 by Bolanle Austen-Peters. Since its release, it has garnered a lot of attention from movie lovers. The movie delves into the life of the powerful warlord Basorum Ga’a in the old Oyo Empire. Austen-Peters did an excellent job of portraying the two worlds controlled by Ga’a: his family and the kingdom.

    In the opening scene of the movie, we saw Ga’a leading the Oyo armies, along with three of his children and brothers, in a victorious battle against the armies from Nupe. This victory earned him a promotion to the position of Basorun, one of the Oyo Mesi. However, some of the chiefs were not happy about this. Femi Branch, who portrayed the character of Ga’a, did an excellent job in his role.

    The House of Ga’a viewed Ga’a as a man who was in complete control of his family. He was the alpha and omega, and no one dared to challenge his decisions or question his actions or authority. There was no distinction between Ga’a the husband and father on one side, and a member of the Oyo Mesi on the other. Just as he would not tolerate any questions from his family, he also detested being questioned by any member of the Oyo Mesi or any of the Alaafins he installed. He is a classic example of how power and authority can corrupt an individual.

    Ga’a essentially put his family in charge of the kingdom. He replaced all the governors of the communities under Oyo Ile, his kingdom, with his brothers and children. They had to provide him with returns before he would give anything back to the kingdom. He was so intoxicated by power that he imposed conditions on the installation of any new kings.

    The producer depicted a cold, unfeeling, and unscrupulous husband and father. He would marry his son’s wife and also marry the widow of his late younger brother, which is considered an abomination. He did not flinch or show any concern when he was told that his last wife had a stillbirth. A leader who has sold their soul to the devil is capable of any evil and wickedness. In the past, powerful men and rulers often disregarded and underestimated women. Women were expected to blindly obey them, regardless of the circumstances, and were often treated poorly. They were seen as insignificant and were not given a voice. Ga’a gave this treatment to all of his wives, with a special focus on Zainab his slave wife. Unfortunately, this mistreatment of women is still prevalent among today’s politicians.

    The producer should be praised for featuring both lesser-known and well-known actors, in contrast to some producers who only opt for A-list actors. These actors performed admirably.

    It is no surprise that Ga’a’s downfall came from the very two worlds he controlled: his family and the kingdom. His younger brother Olubu ( Lateef Adefimeji) felt slighted by the way Ga’a treated him, especially when his brother and cousins were elevated to the office of governors while he was left out. Ga’a cannot entirely be blamed for this, as it is understandable that nobody would promote someone struggling with alcoholism to such a position. The situation worsened when Olubu opposed Ga’a’s support for Abiodun and her daughter, Agbonyin after he had harassed Agbonyin. Therefore, it is not entirely Ga’a’s fault.

    However, Ga’a underestimated what a bittered man from his clan could do. Powerful men often make the mistake of underestimating the capabilities of individuals they consider insignificant. The community saw an opportunity to reach Ga’a through Olubu and took advantage of it. Unfortunately, Olubu was unable to enjoy his victory over his brother, as he was killed by the very community he thought he was fighting for. This demonstrates that someone capable of betraying their family member cannot be trusted by outsiders.

    However, the viewer does not get to see what a warrior’s home like Ga’a’s looks like. His room was similar to that of an ordinary person. Nothing reflects the kind of man Ga’a is. His chamber should be embellished with different kinds of charms. The place should have a scary appearance. Both the room and Ga’a should make Zainab shiver. However, the viewer did not get to see any of this.

    To gain a deeper understanding of this movie, it is essential to watch other movies that are similar to it. I had to watch Adebayo Faleti’s Basorun Gaa, which was produced in 2004. In comparison to Austen-Peters’ House of Ga’a, I found that Faleti did a better job at showcasing the rich Yoruba culture in every aspect. The dialogue is very rich, poetic, and full of proverbs. A movie of this nature should be full of these.

    In historical accounts, Yoruba warriors used to adorn themselves with various amulets and charms. However, these traditional elements are not present in Austen-Peter’s production. All the war scenes in the movie feature sword fights. I doubt that ancient warriors relied only on swords and machetes. Additionally, there are only a few scenes in the House of Ga’a where we witness incantations being performed.

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    The arrest and subsequent murder of Sasa, Basorun’s herbalist, by Oyemekun, whom I considered nothing more than a mere boy, doesn’t make sense to me. Sasa, with his mystical powers, should have been able to evade death, unless we can say that it was his time to die, which could happen by any means at the hands of any man.

    However, I must confess that the production quality is excellent. I appreciate that Austen-Peters didn’t solely use A-list actors, unlike Jagunjagun.

  • Preserving Mabogunje’s intellectual legacy

    Preserving Mabogunje’s intellectual legacy

    • By Isaac Megbolugbe

    The passing of Professor Akin Mabogunje two years ago sparked widespread celebration of his contributions, primarily at the practice level. However, his equally profound intellectual legacy risks being overlooked.

    Mabogunje was a quintessential intellectual who effortlessly navigated the hierarchy of knowledge, from intellectual to practical levels. While his practical accomplishments are widely recognized, the intellectual infrastructure that enabled him to perform was neither perceived nor understood by many in both the academic and the policy realm.

    Now that he is no longer with us, few can replicate his performance or understand how he achieved it. His academic colleagues are largely unaware of his scholarship practices, and many policy makers assume his accomplishments were due to inherited attributes or endowments rather than his knowledge process and craft.

    In his seminal work, “Urbanization in Nigeria” (1968), Professor Mabogunje showcased his intellectual prowess by declaring that cities and regions are spatially implicated within urban systems. This work provided a theoretical focus and incisive treatment of Nigerian urbanization, arguing that the forces of urbanization are universal, but their intensity varies, leading to the emergence of urban systems that affect individual urban centers’ growth and development.

    Narratively, Professor Mabogunje encouraged us to gaze upon the sprawling metropolises and vast rural landscapes, recognizing the intricate web of connections that binds them together. This interconnectedness defines urban systems – a complex network of cities and regions, each influencing the other through a delicate balance of spatial dimensions.

    At its core, an urban system is a dynamic entity, comprising physical structures, governance and economic systems, and processes that shape demographic, economic, and social dynamics. These elements interact and intersect, giving rise to a multifaceted whole greater than the sum of its parts.

    Consider the flow of people, goods, and services between cities and regions, fueling economic growth, cultural diversity, and innovation, but also creating challenges like managing transportation networks and addressing disparities in resource allocation. Historical and cultural contexts, economic and demographic factors, political decisions, and environmental changes all converge to shape urban systems’ development trajectories.

    As national planners and policymakers, it’s crucial to grasp the intricacies of urban systems. By acknowledging interdependencies between cities and regions, we can craft effective strategies to address pressing issues like inequality, sustainability, and infrastructure gaps. This requires a holistic approach, integrating national policies, sectoral programs, and local implementation.

    In his Autobiography (2011), Professor Mabogunje surmised that true development comes from transforming access to the four factors of production – land, labor, capital, and entrepreneurship – empowering individuals and enhancing a country’s capacity to raise its earning capacity and gross domestic product.

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    In 2017, when awarded the Vautrin Lud Prize, Professor Mabogunje reiterated his statement, defining geography as “the totality of the environment.” From an intellectual perspective, his statements can be interpreted as:

    1. Holistic understanding: Viewing geography as an integrated field encompassing physical, human, and cultural aspects.

    2. Interconnectedness: Highlighting the interconnectedness of environmental components and the need to consider them collectively.

    3. Systems thinking: Approaching geography as a complex system with dynamic relationships between components.

    4. Contextualization: Emphasizing the importance of context in understanding geographical phenomena.

    5. Transcending disciplinary boundaries: Incorporating insights from ecology, sociology, economics, and other fields to understand the environment and economy.

    Intellectually, his statement challenges reductionist approaches, encourages nuanced understanding, and suggests a comprehensive and integrated approach to geographical research and practice. Overall, Professor Mabogunje’s work reflects a sophisticated and inclusive understanding of geography, emphasizing the need for a holistic, system, and contextual approach to understanding the environment, economy, and development.

    When Professor Mabogunje argued that cities and regions constitute an urban system that can be studied for its organization and development, he made a profound intellectual statement that many overlooked. He reiterated this idea in his 1980 book, “The Development Process: A Spatial Perspective.” His development ethos for Nigeria was conceptualized as an urban system problem that could be comprehensively addressed and solved, achieving a balance between development and environment, as well as between places, cities, and regions.

    Mabogunje contended that spatial inequalities are the foundation and manifestation of development inequalities. This issue cannot be resolved solely at the policy level; it requires an intellectual approach to balance equities and options inherent in development. His work necessitates constructing a spectrum of thought experiments to explore these complexities.

    Despite his intellectual contributions, nobody engaged with his work at the same level. He was praised and awarded the Nobel Prize in Geography, but his ideas were not thoroughly investigated or critiqued, either in Nigeria or abroad. The intellectual underpinnings of his two classic books, “Urbanization in Nigeria” and “The Development Process,” remain unexplored, leaving a gap in understanding the depth of his scholarship.

    By neglecting to engage with Mabogunje’s intellectualism, we missed an opportunity to delve deeper into his ideas and build upon his work. His contributions deserve a more nuanced examination to appreciate the complexity of his thoughts and their implications for development and urban planning.

    Implications of His Intellectual Work

    As we reflect on Professor Mabogunje’s scholarship, several unaddressed intellectual issues come to the forefront. His conceptualization of cities and regions as interconnected urban systems, for instance, requires a comprehensive approach to understanding development and organization. Yet, this idea remains largely unexplored.

    Furthermore, Mabogunje’s emphasis on spatial relationships and inequalities as the foundation of development inequalities demands an intellectual approach that goes beyond policy-focused solutions. However, this aspect of his work has not received the attention it deserves.

    Mabogunje’s argument for achieving balance between development and environmental concerns, as well as between different places, cities, and regions, is another crucial aspect of his scholarship. Nevertheless, this idea has not been fully engaged with, leaving a gap in our understanding of how to address these complex issues.

    The lack of intellectual engagement with Mabogunje’s ideas is a missed opportunity for Nigeria. By not exploring his concepts in depth, we may have overlooked solutions to development challenges. The persistence of spatial inequalities is a testament to this.

    Moreover, policy efforts may be ineffective or incomplete without a deeper understanding of the intellectual underpinnings of Mabogunje’s work. The absence of thought experiments and intellectual engagement with his ideas may have limited innovation in development approaches and solutions.

    Ultimately, Mabogunje’s intellectual legacy remains incomplete. His ideas and contributions have not been fully explored, debated, or built upon. It is crucial that we revisit his work and engage with his intellectualism to unlock the full potential of his scholarship and address the development challenges facing Nigeria.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, Professor Mabogunje’s intellectual work offers a wealth of insights and ideas that can inform our understanding of urbanization, development, and spatial relationships. By engaging with his intellectual legacy, we can unlock new perspectives and approaches to addressing Nigeria’s development challenges. It is essential to recognize the value of his intellectual contributions, preserve his legacy, and build upon his ideas to ensure their continued relevance and impact. By doing so, we can honor his memory and contribute to the advancement of knowledge in his fields of expertise.

     •Megbolugbe, retired professor at Carey Business School, Johns Hopkins University, and fellow at Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors was a former student, mentee, and colleague of Professor Mabogunje.  He is resident in the United States of America.

  • Kagame and bogey of Africa-styled democracy

    Kagame and bogey of Africa-styled democracy

    • By Ayodele Okunfolami

    For the past 24 years, Rwandans have known no other president than Paul Kagame. He had been the de facto leader since 1994 when he served as vice president and Minister of Defence before kicking out President Pasteur Bizimungu. His authoritarian rule will continue for at least five years after winning another landslide election victory.

    Kagame had won 99.15% of the votes. That result itself is a red flag. It echoes the reality of Rwanda’s political landscape where elections are just pageantries where Kagame wins. He had won with 98.79% in 2017 and in similar percentages in previous elections.

    Because under Kagame, landlocked Rwanda has been experiencing guided, political stability, economic growth and declining poverty levels, the supposed dividends of democracy that is lacking in many African countries, there have been calls from different quarters for Africa to craft an indigenous democracy that suits its peculiarities.

    I have heard former President Olusegun Obasanjo in recent months call for Africa’s adoption of Western liberal democracies a mistake and so canvasses for a democratic model that encompasses the African culture and traditions. I disagree with this notion.

    Ironically, Nigeria under him embraced western economic prescriptions. Why align our economics, religion, medicine, sports, entertainment and other values, institutions and products after the West but disagree with their democracy?

    And what exactly are World Bank and IMF recommending for African economies that are unfavourable? What is detrimental in someone telling you to reduce your budget deficit? They are simply telling you to minimize your debts.

    Is anything wrong in redirecting subsidies from politically popular areas like petrol and pilgrimages to highly economic returns like agriculture and education? When they say you should devalue your naira, they are only telling you to patronize made-in-Nigeria goods. When they say you should privatise inefficient state-owned enterprises, is it not a way of raising needed capital, reducing cost and bureaucracy of governance for increased profitability?

    Moreover, you cannot blame the doctor or anti-malarials if you don’t have the discipline to take the drugs as prescribed, diet appropriately or clean up the mosquito-infested environment that caused the disease in the first place. Like the human body, economies are complex so that medicine that is good for the heart may be injurious to the kidney. So, while trying to lower inflation with higher interest rates, you should be careful not to discourage investment. Are these not the expansive macroeconomic policies that Obasanjo applied in his democratic administration that Nigeria witnessed some of its highest growth rates in history?

    So, if Africans are not seeing any benefit in western liberal democracy, the problem is not the system but the practitioners and the solution doesn’t lie in tweaking it to indulge our undisciplined elite or to shift grounds to accommodate a melancholic citizenry awaiting a benevolent dictator or accidental messiah.

    First, we should perish the idea that democracy is Western. It is not. It is universal. Like formal education cradled in the Middle East, which the Western world is leading today doesn’t make education western. Democracy was conceived in ancient Greece, spread into the Europe, and now propagated by America. Besides, democracy is both elastic and adaptive in nature in that it adjusts to the culture of the people it finds itself. Britain may be parliamentary, America presidential while France is a combination of both, there are variants across the globe; however the fundamentals of free speech, citizen participation, accountability, political tolerance, equality, multiparty participation, human rights, periodic free and fair elections are not compromised no matter the geography. And democracy has found a way to adapt itself to the people of Africa so looking for afro-democracy is fruitless. It exists. By gaining independence, we simply say we can govern ourselves our own way. The problem we have is the discipline to abide by the constitution we wrote by ourselves and for ourselves.

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    Even if we call democracy western and choose to reject it, what alternatives are we proposing? Are we as well looking for alternatives to going cap in hand asking for aids from western donors or vaccines from them or is it only their democracy and economic remedies we are attempting to reinvent? Besides, democracy remains an experiment whose success depends on inputting the right parameters. Also, it is an abstract concept that even the most democratic of nations still aspire to attain.

    Unfortunately, the likes of Kagame are poor examples of what an African democracy should be, and I advise we should not be carried away but instead be more circumspect.

    At a watch party as results were announced, Kagame claimed it was the uniqueness of his political party, Rwanda Patriotic Front, and the Rwandan electorate. Really? How can a country that still bleeds from the infamous Tutsi-Hutu animosity that led to an unforgettable genocide consistently give its votes to someone on one divide without asking for a balance in power? As advanced as America is, their votes still reflect their racial, religious and gender differences and one fractious Rwanda will vote 99% for somebody? Give me a break!

    Elections that consistently see less than 1% of the electorate voting against you are nothing short of a sham. Even God Almighty had a third of heaven “vote” against Him when the devil rebelled. Mr Kagame, there is nothing unique about Rwanda, the elections that have being returning you have all been fraudulent. Period!

    An election which barred key opposition parties from participating for flimsy reasons of not garnering enough signatures is not democratic and this is where Africa keeps missing it. We are so starved of good governance that we approach democracy by how we elect our leaders, so we tamper with our individual constitutions like Rwanda and electoral processes without embodying the spirit of democracy. It is the other way round. Democracy is not about wanting young people willing to protest to listen to the president; it is about the president listening to the people. Democracy is the rule of the people not leaders constantly tweaking how we vote or changing who we vote for.

    Rwanda may be doing well economically relative to sub-Saharan countries but that is only the tip of the spear. Firstly, that is an exception, and no one builds a doctrine out of exceptions. Secondly, what we don’t see is that Rwanda is irredeemably indebted to the tune of 76% of its GDP so like its continental peers, she is at the mercy of the West whose liberal democracy they are frowning at. Hence, Rwanda sports-washes by hosting NBA matches for Africa and volunteers to accommodate illegal immigrants ejected from the UK. Kagame has learnt this art to turn away the eyes of the media from all the human right abuses. And since one cannot separate the economy from the ideology of the government, it is just a matter of time before the bubble bursts on Rwanda.

    Weeks before, Ruto was the toast of the West; today, he is isolated like a COVID patient struggling to breathe life into his presidency.

    Rwandans should not be envied; they should be pitied. The likes of Kagame are littered around the continent. Kagame seems to have started well like others, he would soon become like his mentor from the trenches, Yoweri Museveni, who is now an irritant to the Ugandans he has been ruling since 1986. That is the democracy Africa is showcasing to the world. The democracy of Paul Biya, Teodoro Obiang and other museum pieces that gunned their way into power and have placed their boots on their citizens’ necks. That is African-styled democracy. We have already experienced it, and we can say it is flawed.

    If Africans look inwards, we will find out democracy is not alien. Our traditional kings, whom we regard as deities, have councils of elders to whom they take counsel. It is not different from the executive-legislature democracy that we have imbibed. Our problem is both the thrones and the councils have chosen to be unaccountable to the people they are supposed to serve. But as Barack Obama once told Christiane Amanpour, “Democracy will win if we fight for it. It is not self-executing. It depends on the engagement of citizens and active mobilization of the people in the belief of self-governance, rule of law, independent judiciary, free press.”

    No country gets democracy right. What makes nations admirable is that they deliberately and consistently strengthen the various arms of government, opposition parties, impeachments, recalls, media, civil societies, trade unions, protests and other democratic instruments. For the optimum use of our cars, we follow the makers’ manual. Similarly, for us to make the most of democracy, it is the application of more democracy, not less of it or surrendering to an adulterated form.

    •Okunfolami writes from Festac, Lagos.

  • Transformative journey of LG administration

    Transformative journey of LG administration

    • By Frank Ojeme Anyasi

    Local government administration is the third tier of government in Nigeria. It is the government that is closest to the people. It is responsible for grassroots development. The functions include provision of essential amenities and public goods, such as the construction and maintenance of roads, street lighting, drains, parks, gardens, recreational facilities, schools, primary health centres, markets etc.

    Historically, local government administration in Nigeria has undergone significant evolution from its inception in the pre-colonial era, to post-independence period, marked by increased autonomy, the journey has been transformative.

    In the pre-colonial era, Nigeria had a well-established system of local government administration, deeply rooted in traditional governance system. The system varied across different regions, reflecting the diverse culture and values of Nigerians. The system ensured that interests of the community were represented and that the people had a say in their own governance. Chiefs and traditional rulers held positions of authority. They were responsible for maintenance of law and order within their communities. There was community-based decision making among the people that fostered a sense of belonging and inclusivity, thus strengthening bonds and cohesion. There was superb system of tax collection. In fact traditional governance system played a role in the emergence of local government administration.

    The colonial era saw the introduction of indirect rule system that involved the use of traditional rulers as intermediaries between the colonial government and the local communities. The aim was to maintain control and administration of the local government areas with minimal resources. Traditional rulers were given limited powers and were expected to enforce the policies of the colonial administration. Native authorities were established and they were headed by traditional rulers who were appointed by the colonial government.

    The Native Authority had limited autonomy. Colonial administrators had to approve decisions made by the Native Authority. They were dependent on the colonial government for funding. This limited their ability to address the needs of the local communities effectively. The establishment of Native Authority provided a formal structure for local government administration.

    Independence era marked a significant turning point in the evolution of local government administration as they began to play important role in the provision of services and grassroots development. However, the central government still maintained a significant level of control of local authorities. In the 1963, Republican Constitution, Nigeria adopted a federal system of government with four regional governments. Each region had its own constitution and was responsible for managing its own constitution and was responsible for managing its own affairs. The regional governments had control over certain aspects of local government administration, within their respective regions. This allowed for greater flexibility in addressing local needs and challenges.

    The military rule led to a shift in the country’s governance structure. The country transitioned into a unitary system of government. Efforts to strengthen institutions and promote grassroots development were hindered during this period.

     In 1976, the Federal Military Government implemented a series of local government reforms. These reforms were aimed at restoring some autonomy to the local governments. Critical issues addressed by the reform included relationship with traditional rulers and financial allocation. On the aspect of the administration, the reform made provision for elected local government chairmen and councillors. There was provision for revenue grants from federal and state governments to the local governments. The elements of the 1976 reforms were enshrined in the 1979 constitution. Section 7 of the constitution recognized local government as the third tier of government. Thus, the local government was guaranteed statutory revenue allocation from the Federation Account along with the federal and state governments. Each state government was required to establish a unified local government service board.

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    Another milestone in the transformative journey of Local Government administration is the recent Supreme Court judgment, granting financial autonomy to the 774 Local Government Councils which has sparked of considerable debate on the balance of power between the state and central government. Section 162(5) of 1999 constitution says the amount due to local governments from Federation Account shall be allocated to the states to the benefit of their local governments. The framers of the constitution through this section wanted to achieve two goals. They wanted to achieve the principle of federalism by making local governments the responsibility of the state government. Second objective was to ensure the financial viability of their local governments hence they required states to pass on the allocations for the benefit of their local government councils.

    Disappointingly, state governors have frustrated the objectives by refusing to pass on the federal allocations for the benefit of their local government councils. It is this mischief that the Supreme Court judgment was meant to cure.

    However, local governments may have “financial autonomy” but not administrative and political autonomy. Local government chairmen and councillors were selected by governors before elections. The criteria for the selection included popularity, intelligence and above all ability to navigate political landscape without upsetting the status quo. This raises the issue of symbolism and reality. Expectedly, the loyalty of the local government chairmen and councillors is to the governor. With this, the financial autonomy of local government will continue to remain a mirage. It is like putting a bandage over a mortal wound.

    The credibility and quality of elections into local government has to be sorted out if local government autonomy would be guaranteed. A school of thought suggested that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC should be saddled with the responsibility of conducting local government polls, but some political analysts argue that the option will further diminish the principle of federalism as it will amount to concentration of more power at the centre.

    It appears, the most viable option is a negotiated political and legislative process between the central and state government leading to restructuring Nigeria to create a balanced relationship between the centre and its constituent units. Whatever challenges the Supreme Court judgment has thrown up, it is the final judgment. According to late Justice Chukwudifu Oputa: “We are not final because we are infallible rather we are infallible because we are final”.

    •Anyasi writes from Abuja.

  • And the Almighty spoke to Joe Biden!

    And the Almighty spoke to Joe Biden!

    By Mike Kebonkwu

    Joe Biden, the president of America was poised to enter into the ring a second time with the maverick Republican candidate, former president, Donald Trump in the forthcoming general election November.  Old, weak and almost infirm, Biden believes though quite delusionary, that he was the only person with a chance to defeat Trump in the election.

    He had ignored advice and entreaties from ranking party members and adamant to hints from his body physiology to step down bearing on his slow physical agility and mental acuity. Politicians are hardly intuitive whenever they get to power whether in Africa, Asia, Europe or America.  They are driven by lust for power and do not know when to quit the stage. With his gait and calibration becoming so weak with faltering missteps and gaffes, he was still ready to soldier on.  

    As it is often said in the Christendom, God rules in the affairs of men; and Americans pride themselves as God’s own country!  Joe Biden had told his American compatriots that he would not step down from the race unless the Lord Almighty spoke to him. Lo and behold, the Lord spoke and the number one politician in America heard Him and tendered a letter of resignation from the race. America is indeed God’s own country! 

    Our own former president, Muhammadu Buhari spent more time in hospital in Europe from the time he was sworn in for the first term due to debilitating health condition and that did not stop him from contesting for a second record time even though he was absent-minded most of the time.

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    So you can now understand when our own politicians visit marabouts, pastors and consult herbalists and oracles to hear from the deities in their shrines like the Okija shrine for political endorsement.  We cannot forget so soon the celebrated testimonies during enquiries on defence spending how some politicians were said to have collected hefty sums of money from a former national security adviser (NSA) to consult pastors, imams and other star gazers and spiritualists to win the election.

    American election is highly partisan; people vote along party lines not necessarily based on any ideological persuasion.  The American people are also proudly calculating enough to exercise objective assessment of the capacity of their political leaders and would not allow a senile invalid to lead the greatest power on earth. They know how to throw their dice in political gamble and would rather vote an unpredictable maniac than someone slowed down by age and mental health challenges.

    America with its expensive presidential system is still perceived as a model of democracy but appears to have lost it virginity when Trump supporters invaded the Capitol Hill on January 6, 2021.   The American democracy has been on rapid descent lately being inflicted with geriatric malaise and gerontocracy where the two frontrunners in the forthcoming election are well above 70 years of age. The issue actually goes beyond the age but their state of mind and physical strength because someone may be old and still be strong and fertile. Come November, the Americans will head to the polls without Joe Biden due to celestial intervention of the Almighty God.  In withdrawing, Biden endorsed his incumbent vice president as his nominee; and soon after it has been endorsement galore for Kamala Harris.  This is before the forthcoming party convention later in August and one therefore begins to wonder the role of delegates for the convention which has clearly become a fait accompli. 

    Their America is certainly becoming not too different from our own dear Africa after all in political behaviours. I am still struggling to figure out the place of political endorsement and exercise of freedom of choice by the people in democratic system.  

    It will be revolutionary and historical if Kamala Harris wins the party ticket and proceeds to win the election and thus becoming the first female president of the United States of America.  Kamala Harris is a unique personality in every material particular being a ‘hybrid’ American with Afro-Asian roots, and a fearsome prosecutor. Are the American public and the Establishment ready for a female president and coloured for that matter?  This will be the dilemma for the electorate.  This will also in all probability throw the white supremacist in wild frenzy as in their inflammatory rhetoric, “to make America great once again” to do everything to subvert the process. 

    The lesson here is that there are bad politicians in America just as we also could count good politicians in our own clime. Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, former president conceded victory to an opposition even before the final votes were collated even when some of his party members were scheming and acting as gangsters at the collation centre to subvert  the counting.   Umaru Musa Yar’Adua acknowledged that the election that brought him to office as president “had shortcomings” and promised electoral reforms which he could not achieve before his demise. 

    On January 6, 2021 the American symbol of democracy at the Capitol Hill was desecrated when Trump supporters stormed and invaded the parliament to subvert the electoral process.  Before this time he had enlisted the white supremacists, the Proud Boys to standby as they were ready to go to any length to have Trump back at the White House.  Just the same way politicians here recruit touts, hooligans and gangsters to rig election and snatch ballots. 

    One is unable to see why people are praising Biden to high heavens for withdrawing from the race. There was nothing honourable or ennobling about his action to deserve any ovation after all he was quite adamant and ready to go on in his desperation with obvious gaffes.  It was clear he could not have continued in the race with obvious physical and mental deceleration.  Before now, it was probably a general belief that it is only in Africa that you have geriatrics and gerontocracy, where the ghost of ancestors with senile dementia hold on to political power.

    While Biden had with him a lot of experience in public service as a politician, Trump is a wheeler-dealer business tycoon and an outsider with  mercantile mentality ready to trade off anything if it advances his empire.  To him, whatever money cannot buy does not exist!  He is combustible and highly unpredictable and has the capacity to throw the entire world into a state of frenzy and possible world war contrary to his campaign spark that he is the only person gifted to avert a Third World War.

    America has remained a world power whose sphere of influence is diminishing due to declining quality of political leadership. It is still standing as first class military power to reckon with even though it is also being challenged by emerging possible military coalitions.  Both Biden and Trump are not fit candidates to run the biggest global bureaucracy.   Biden clearly lacks the speed of motion and thought and has become absent minded while Trump is an accident waiting to happen. 

    It is about time to interrogate the whole business or concept of modern democracy and whether politicians actually have the interest of the people and nations at heart.  Had Biden remained in the race, Trump place at the Oval Office was a done deal with Republicans poised to win.  Kamala Harris has become a nightmare to Trump who will stop at nothing, attacking everything about her including to her motherhood.   Without a doubt, to some extent, global peace and security depend so much on the person that emerges as the president of the United States of America with its sphere of influence in trade and the war chest of its military.  The younger generations of leadership across the world are not generating enough energy to lead because of lack of deep mentoring.  This is also a lesson for us here if only we can overcome the bug of religion and ethnicity. 

    •Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney. He writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • Technology, small and medium-sized enterprises

    Technology, small and medium-sized enterprises

    By Lanre Adedara

     The world has become a global village, and any company, be it small or medium-sized, that does not embrace digital technology cannot be competitive as it will be operating at a significant disadvantage. It is therefore in the interest of SMEs to adapt to the digital technological trend to survive and not die off prematurely sooner than later.

    In this digital era, technology has become a useful and powerful tool that small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) can leverage to grow and thrive amidst tough global competition. The benefits of deploying appropriate technology for business and industrial use by SMEs are immense. These benefits range from improved efficiency, higher productivity, expanded market reach, improved customer engagement, access to financial services, and enhanced security to leveraging data analytics. The positive impact of technology on SMEs should never be underestimated.

    Operational efficiency

    One of the primary benefits of technology for SMEs is the enhancement of operational efficiency. With the advent of cloud computing, businesses can now store and manage their data more effectively. Tools like project management software and customer relationship management (CRM) systems help streamline processes, improve communication, and increase productivity. This means that small businesses can do more with less, optimizing their resources to focus on growth. Automation of routine tasks, such as invoicing and inventory management, frees up time for business owners to concentrate on strategic initiatives.

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    Moreover, the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning into business processes allows SMEs to analyse vast amounts of data quickly, enabling smarter decision-making and more efficient operations. AI-driven tools can predict market trends, optimize supply chains, and even personalize customer experiences, giving SMEs a competitive edge.

    Market reach

    Technology enables SMEs to reach a broader audience. With a well-designed website and a strong social media presence, small businesses can attract customers from all over the world. E-commerce platforms allow them to sell their products and services online, breaking geographical barriers and opening up new revenue streams. Additionally, digital marketing tools provide targeted advertising options, ensuring that marketing efforts reach the right audience at the right time.

    Beyond just reaching new customers, technology also facilitates better market research. SMEs can use online surveys, social media analytics, and web analytics to understand their target audience’s preferences and behaviours. This information is invaluable for creating effective marketing strategies and product offerings that resonate with customers.

    Customer engagement

    Customer engagement is crucial for the success of any business. Technology offers various tools to enhance this engagement, from chatbots that provide instant customer service to email marketing platforms that keep customers informed and engaged. Social media also plays a significant role, allowing businesses to interact with their customers in real-time, gather feedback, and build strong relationships.

    Personalization is another key aspect of customer engagement. Using customer data, SMEs can tailor their communications and offers to individual preferences, creating a more personalized and satisfying customer experience. This not only helps in retaining customers but also encourages word-of-mouth referrals, which are invaluable for growth.

    Accessing financial services

    Access to financial services has traditionally been a challenge for many SMEs. However, FinTech solutions are changing this landscape. Innovations like digital wallets, online lending platforms, and Buy Now, Pay Later (BNPL) systems provide SMEs with the financial tools they need to manage cash flow, obtain credit, and offer flexible payment options to their customers. These technologies make it easier for small businesses to operate and compete with larger enterprises.

    Furthermore, blockchain technology is revolutionizing financial transactions by providing a secure and transparent way to conduct business. Smart contracts and decentralized finance (DeFi) platforms offer new opportunities for SMEs to access funding and manage transactions more efficiently, reducing reliance on traditional banking systems.

    Leveraging Data Analytics

    Data is a valuable asset for any business. SMEs can use data analytics to gain insights into customer behaviour, market trends, and operational performance. This information can guide decision-making, helping businesses to tailor their offerings, optimize pricing strategies, and improve overall efficiency. With the right analytical tools, even small businesses can harness the power of big data to drive success.

    Even when the future looks bleak and gloomy, leveraging data analytics empowers the company to make informed decisions. Predictive analytics can help SMEs anticipate market shifts and adjust their strategies proactively, ensuring they stay ahead of the competition. Additionally, real-time analytics enable businesses to respond swiftly to emerging opportunities or challenges.

    Enhancing security

    Cybersecurity is a growing concern for all businesses, but SMEs often lack the resources to implement robust security measures. Fortunately, technology provides affordable solutions. From advanced encryption to multi-factor authentication, small businesses can protect their data and ensure that their operations remain secure. This not only builds trust with customers but also safeguards the business from potential threats.

    Implementing a comprehensive cybersecurity strategy involves regular updates to security software, employee training on best practices, and continuous monitoring for vulnerabilities. By staying vigilant and proactive, SMEs can mitigate risks and focus on their core business activities without the constant worry of cyber threats.

    Innovation and collaboration

    Technology also fosters innovation and collaboration among SMEs. With digital tools, businesses can collaborate with partners, suppliers, and customers seamlessly. Online platforms and cloud-based solutions make it easier to share information, work on joint projects, and innovate together. This collaborative approach can lead to the development of new products, services, and business models, driving growth and competitiveness.

    Innovation is not limited to product development; it also extends to improving internal processes and customer interactions. By adopting a culture of continuous improvement and leveraging technology, SMEs can stay agile and responsive to changing market demands.

    Customer experience and personalization

    In today’s competitive marketplace, providing an exceptional customer experience is paramount. SMEs can leverage technology to offer personalized and memorable experiences that meet individual customer needs and preferences. Personalization involves tailoring interactions and offerings based on customer data and insights.

    One way SMEs can achieve this is through the use of Customer Relationship Management (CRM) systems. These systems store detailed information about customers, including their purchase history, preferences, and interactions with the business. By analysing this data, businesses can create personalized marketing campaigns, recommend products, and provide targeted offers that resonate with individual customers.

    Embracing the future

    The future is undoubtedly digital and SMEs must embrace this reality to thrive. Investing in technology is not just about keeping up with the competition; it’s about setting the pace and leading the way in a rapidly evolving business landscape.

    The adoption of digital technology by SMEs is no longer optional but a necessity for survival and growth. The myriad benefits, from enhanced operational efficiency and expanded market reach to improved customer engagement and access to financial services, are too significant to ignore. By leveraging technology, SMEs can unlock their full potential, achieve remarkable growth, and secure their place in the global market.

    Embracing technology is the path to success for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The journey may be challenging, but the rewards are well worth the effort.

    •Adedara is a software engineer with a deep passion for leveraging technology to drive business success.

  • Testimonials

    Testimonials

    By Gbenga Omotoso

    LET us forget about them all – for a while.

    The thoughtless impeachment of former Adamawa Governor Murtala Nyako by a band of lawbreakers and erratic errand boys posing as champions of decency; the buffoonery of replicating the #BringBackOurGirls protest; the buccaneering that is the plot to impeach Nasarawa Governor Tanko Al-Makura, his Rivers, Edo and Borno counterparts Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, Adams Oshiomhole and Kashim Shettima. Let’s close our eyes to them all.

    It has taken some prompting – tongue lashing, some cheeky fellows insist – from a 17-year-old girl to arouse President Goodluck Jonathan’s sense of empathy. He has eventually met the parents of the abducted girls – not in troubled Chibok , but in the cosy banquet hall at the Villa. 

    As I said, let’s push them all aside today.

    It is a season of birthdays. Prof. Wole Soyinka is 80. Aremo Segun Osoba is 75. Prince Henry Odukomaiya is 80. Chief Ajibola Ogunsola is 70. Prof. Olatunji Dare is 70. Editorial Notebook is joining the celebration of these giants, whose stories have been told by better tested hands. But, here, dear reader, are just some testimonials.

     Long before I met him physically, I had encountered Prof. Wole Soyinka. I read his books at school. His photographs would land on my table as a young sub-editor at Rutam House, and I would look at them and hail his bravery and strength of character. Then, an opportunity came in 2010 for me to see the genius at close range. Kunle Ajibade of The News and I were with him at the African Development Bank’s (AfDB’s) Eminent Persons Lecture Series in Tunis.

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    The Nobel laureate’s lecture, “Caution…Intellectuals at work”, was vintage Soyinka. Those who felt Africa’s intellectuals were not doing enough about the continent’s troubles got an answer. Amid applause, Soyinka enumerated the roles of the intellectual and lambasted dictators, saying there is no benevolent dictatorship. Needless to say, some months after, the Arab Spring hit Tunisia. Zayn al-Abidin Ben Ali, “the benevolent dictator”, who led from November 1989, fled. Prescience. Talk of the writer as a prophet.

    After the lecture, it was time for lunch and some questions for the distinguished lecturer. Soyinka asked Femi Fatoyinbo, an official of the AfDB who facilitated his acceptance to deliver the lecture free of charge – the professor had never met Femi before then – to fetch some wine. Femi went round the gigantic hotel for some 30 minutes without bringing a bottle. Soyinka was getting impatient. At last, Femi returned with a piece of bad news. The hotel does not serve alcohol. “Let me go somewhere else. I’ll return before lunch,” Soyinka said. Before he could step out, AfDB President Donald Kabaruka and all the other big officials had arrived for lunch. They shook hands with Soyinka, congratulating him for a great job.

    At lunch, Prof. refused to eat. He would not answer questions. He needed some wine, and he told his hosts. The managers of the hotel thought it was a problem they could easily handle. One rushed down to the bar and showed up with a glass full of something that looked like red wine. Soyinka could not be tricked. “My friend, take it back; get me the real thing,” he fired back at the official whose smiling face had melted into some scowl of confusion. In a few minutes, the man walked briskly down the hall, holding a glass of wine, real wine, which he covered with a snow-white handkerchief. Soyinka tasted the stuff, nodded in satisfaction, and smiled in triumph.

    He had forced the hotel to change its policy. We were to learn later that the hotel was built with a grant from Saudi Arabia after it was agreed that alcohol would not be served there for 25 years.

    Lunch over, it was time for the eminent lecturer to sign the guests’ book. Television cameras were rolling, and photographers were struggling for vantage positions. Soyinka bent down and, in a few seconds, he delivered a potentially combustible verdict in Yoruba: “Iru ibi ti o daa bayi, otin to daa loye ka maa mu nibe” (we should be drinking nice wines in a good hotel such as this).

    Amid laughter, later at his hotel’s reception, after learning that the book he signed actually belonged to the bank, Soyinka asked Femi Fatoyinbo, my friend who works at AfDB, to fetch it for him to write another comment.

    The lesson: Soyinka’s sense of freedom is all-embracing. It includes even the right to drink a good wine. And Expresso coffee– his favourite, I suspect, anywhere.

    A young restaurateur was so excited at Soyinka’s visit to his place. He said his late father would have been glad to see the lifetime experience of the Nobel laureate’s presence at the restaurant. He urged Soyinka to accept as a mark of his appreciation, the gift of a 25-year-old gin brewed specially by his family. Prof. was moved. He thanked the young man and accepted to be photographed with him beside his late father’s portrait.

    I recall vividly that night when the late Mr. Mac Adetoyi Alabi, our Night Editor at “The Guardian”, had a visitor who stayed unusually long, slowing down the first edition. Baba, as we all called him on account of his old age and long experience, even saw off this visitor. That was unusual. Asked a few minutes after he had settled down again who that visitor was, Baba looked up, his face expressing some incredulity. “You don’t know him?” He shook his head slowly and raised his voice. “That’s the last editor of “Daily Times” , Henry Odukomaiya.”

    I left Baba, smiling and wondering… “the last editor of Daily Times”. Prince Odukomaiya left “Daily Times” to midwife the birth of National Concord, which was financed by the late billionaire and politician, Chief M.K.O. Abiola. He was also the man who set up the Champion, mentoring many journalists. Prince Odukomaiya deserves all the encomiums being poured on him. He has done well.”

    A friend of mine who was an editor at “The Punch” told me of how relieved he was when he stopped getting short messages from Chief Ogunsola. He felt the chief was being fastidious, pointing out errors that many a reader would overlook and a journalist would explain away as the “printer’s devil”.

    I disagreed with my friend. If Ogunsola had not been thorough, perhaps “The Punch” would not have been as prosperous as it is today. The paper was at a low ebb when he took over as chairman. Now, it is celebrated as a successful business.

    My former boss, Mr. Lade “Ladbone” Bonuola, once said he needed to have a word with Ogunsola. “I will like to preach God to him,” he said. I don’t know if Mr. Bonuola eventually did. In case he didn’t, somebody should, even as the Chief reserves the right to his opinion on any issue, including the existence of The Almighty.

    Aremo Olusegun Osoba came into journalism by chance. Many do not know that he was a sub-editor, one of those guys who mould the character of a newspaper but who are never seen or heard, unlike reporters who are the glamour boys of the trade. For Osoba, reporting is the soul of newspapering. He excelled in it and became a reference point for editors telling their reporters how to do it. His newspaper days have been well documented by Mike Awoyinfa and Dimgba Igwe in his biography.

    If Osoba is the Aremo (the chosen one, the favourite) of reporting in Nigerian journalism, Prof. Olatunji Dare is the Jose Mourinho (the Special One), the master satirist. To him, humour comes naturally. But many do not know that Prof. Dare was a physics teacher.

    I have gained immensely from his amazing talent. In fact, to him, I owe the name of this column. Dare finds it so easy to write on any subject, making something out of nothing and spicing it all up with a huge dose of humour, forcing you to laugh in a country where there is little to provoke even a smile.

    Like the late Baba Alabi, Dare detests errors. You dare not second guess him. He will reprimand you severely. But, ironically, he believes a newspaper is a miracle. “Every time a newspaper hits the newsstand, I know a miracle has happened,” says the professor, “because in the course of production, a thousand and one things could have gone wrong.”

    Many have written about Dare’s resolute stand on the June 12 debacle, how he refused to join The Guardian team that went to burnish the late Gen. Sani Abacha’s ego for him to reopen the newspaper, which he shut down in a senseless show of power, how their week was incomplete without reading Matters Arising and how he quit Rutam House.

    None has, however, recalled that Dare actually wore a lush beard for months – in protest against all that he went through. It is a tribute to his forgiving spirit that Mrs. Maiden Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian, was at MUSON Centre last Thursday when Dare was being honoured.

    Mrs. Ibru spoke of how great and influential the newspaper was, ascribing it all to the presence of many, including Dare. That was a remarkable tribute.

    How I wish we could have more of our greats to celebrate. But will the situation in Nigeria–another bomb went off yesterday, in Kaduna, killing scores–allow us to?

    •Omotoso is Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Lagos State. This article was first published in July 2014. It is being rerun to celebrate the eminent Nigerians who are its focus.

  • Windfall levy on banks’ exceptional FX gains

    Windfall levy on banks’ exceptional FX gains

    •  By Musa Ilallah

    Nigeria is set to implement something unprecedented: a 70 percent tax or levy on a ‘windfall’ profit that accrued to commercial banks following last year’s significant devaluation of the Naira—a devaluation arising from a series of significant economic reform initiatives by President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

    The banks had been holding substantial foreign currency assets, which multiplied instantly in local-currency value following the devaluation.

     A Nigerian newspaper carried out an analysis of Nigeria’s five biggest banks (the famed F-U-G-A-Z) and found that the foreign exchange revaluation gains they declared in H1 2023 – amounting to a combined 1.3 trillion Naira – were seventeen times more than what they declared in the same category the previous year, H1 2022.

     The federal government has now decided that it will, in the spirit of fairness and redistribution, impose a levy on the portion of this windfall profit that has arisen specifically from those FX gains.

    The government wants to ensure that the benefit spreads to as many Nigerians as possible, through public spending: the levy will be spent on infrastructure, education, healthcare and public welfare initiatives.

    The Bill sent to the National Assembly to give legal backing to this move, by amending the 2023 Finance Act, has been passed by both chambers. Opinions have been mixed, expectedly. The argument against it is the one against taxation generally—all things considered, nobody likes taxes or levies—and also the idea that government might be trying to reap where it hasn’t sown. This of course does not make any sense, considering that it’s the government, through its policy-making, that made the windfall possible in the first place.

    There’s also the claim that this move will alarm investors—that it’s some kind of anti-business move, especially at this time that the banks are in capital-raising season.

     But that is a claim that can be dismantled easily.

    This is a one-off redistributive levy being imposed on a benefit that will not be replicated in the bank’s books anytime soon. It’s a levy that fully recognizes the exceptional nature of what is being taxed.

     As to the arguments for the windfall levy, there are a handful of compelling ones.

    First is the moral imperative for this benefit to go round to as many beneficiaries as possible. Not necessarily as direct cash handouts, but better still through investment in critical interventions and services—infrastructure, education, health, social welfare and so on.

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    Also, the planned levy is not seeking to appropriate the entire available windfall. It is a one-off 70 percent levy, of a substantial sum of money, which leaves the balance of 30 percent available for the banks to still benefit from and put to use, in the form of dividends, or whatever else they choose to do with it. Meanwhile, the Tinubu administration’s reforms in the last one year have helped restore a level of macroeconomic stability and predictability that’s not been seen in a while.

    The new banking environment, with its return to orthodox principles, is a big plus for the commercial banks, especially those who are interested in doing banking the right way.

     The foreign exchange reforms have clearly been—and will continue to be – very favourable to the banking sector in Nigeria—this massive FX windfall that will now be taxed and invested into critical government spending being just one example of the upsides. It should also be pointed out that windfall taxes/levies are not uncommon at all, around the world. Since 2022 the UK government has imposed an annual windfall tax on oil and gas companies in the country—which have been enjoying record profits on account of the hike in energy prices caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    The UK government has said that the taxes will stop as soon as oil and gas prices drop below a certain threshold. Going forward, in my view, public focus should ideally be on ensuring that the proceeds of the windfall levy are spent judiciously and transparently.

    Nigeria has many things that these funds could be applied to, and it’s important that there are conversations about this.

     We have the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF), the new Students Loan Fund, the Consumer Credit Initiative, the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund. Some of the money could also go into subsidizing CNG vehicle-conversions for citizens, setting them up for lower transport and commuting costs in the long-term.

    The key is for the federal government to focus on interventions that can be readily felt by as many people as possible.

    And of course, it makes all the moral and logical sense in the world for Nigerians to directly benefit from monies arising from the effect of foreign exchange reforms that, whilst necessary, have caused quite a bit of pain in the populace.

     As for the banks, they are in fact also going to benefit from this levy.

    The economic boost that the application of the windfall levy should generate in the wider economy will be felt even by the banks themselves.

    I hope that in the public conversation going forward, this levy on banks’ FX gains is not wrongly framed in ‘government versus private sector’ terms. Instead, it is ‘government, private sector and the people’ versus the many challenges that the funding will address, for the benefit of Nigerian households and businesses.

    This is definitely one tax/levy that all Nigerians should welcome.

     .

    •Ilallah can be reached on musahk123@yahoo.com