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  • GMO foods

    GMO foods

    Food is essential to the sustenance of life, and ensuring food sufficiency has been a major preoccupation of humanity. Different cultural and scientific strategies to ensure food adequacy and food sustainability have therefore been adopted at different times. One of such measures is to genetically modify existing foods in order to create new varieties. This involves extracting the genetic features or DNA of one crop or animal and inserting it into another, such that the genetic make-up of the recipient crop or animal is altered. Such genetic engineering is usually targeted at achieving a specific outcome. For example, it could be done to achieve crop insect resistance, to increase crop yield or animal size or to achieve new colour features in the genetically modified product.

    The United-States-based Center for Food Safety (CFS), which self-describes as “a national non-profit public interest and environmental advocacy organization working to protect human health and the environment by curbing the use of harmful food production technologies and by promoting organic and other forms of sustainable agriculture,” is a particularly significant voice with respect to GMO products. According to a 2024 report of CFS, “currently, up to 92% of U.S. corn is genetically engineered (GE), as are 94% of soybeans and 94% of cotton (cottonseed oil is often used in food products). It has been estimated that upwards of 75% of processed foods on supermarket shelves – from soda to soup, crackers to condiments – contain genetically engineered ingredients.”

    CFS avers that a number of studies have shown that these engineered foods can pose serious risks to farmers, human health, domesticated animals, wildlife and the environment. The Center further observes: “Right now a debate is raging in the U.S. about genetically engineered (GE) ingredients in our food. The biotech industry claims that GE food crops will save the environment and solve the hunger crisis. But a growing number of scientists, doctors and consumers consider them a threat to the planet, and organizations like Christian Aid and the Institute for Food and Development Policy say GE food crops are likely to increase world hunger.”

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    CFS also notes: “In 1998, African scientists at a United Nations conference strongly objected to Monsanto’s promotional GE campaign that used photos of starving African children under the headline “Let the Harvest Begin.”  The scientists, who represented many of the nations affected by poverty and hunger, said gene technologies would undermine the nations’ capacities to feed themselves by destroying established diversity, local knowledge and sustainable agricultural systems. Genetic engineering could actually lead to an increase in hunger and starvation. Biotech companies like Monsanto force growers to sign a technology use agreement when growing their patented GE crops which stipulates, among other things, they the farmer cannot save the seeds produced from their GE harvest. Half the world’s farmers rely on saved seed to produce food that 1.4 billion people rely on for daily nutrition.”

    Such patents, according to New African magazine of 17 December, 2014, in an article by Ali-Masmadi Jehu-Appiah and Chris Walker, titled, “Ghana’s battle for food sovereignty”, creates a situation in which “seed companies would be able to claim ownership of varieties that have adapted through millennia of indigenous seed breeding but which have been finely altered in a lab, possibly through … genetic modification.” With respect to this tendency which has been called “bio piracy”, the magazine notes: “Across the world, farmers have got into dangerous levels of debt at the hands of companies which have promoted ‘improved seeds’ and come to control their supply.” The authors also point out: “’The origin of food is seed,’ says Food Sovereignty Ghana. ‘Whoever controls the seed controls the entire food chain.’” It has also been observed that none of the patented-seeds companies is owned by any African one, but are predominantly owned by a few American companies.

    In a 13 October, 2022 article by Claire Nasike, under the auspices of Greenpeace.org, titled “GMOs: A neo-colonial technology undermining food and seed sovereignty in Kenya,” it is noted: “GMOs aggravate food insecurity and threaten food and seed sovereignty. They do so by holding farmers in debt cycles that reduce their ability to produce more food for consumption. … In November 2021, cotton farmers in Busia were asking the Kenyan government to subsidise the price of Bt cotton seed which was retailing at KSh2,200 a kilo. In March 2022, there was an outcry from cotton farmers in Kenya because of the unavailability of Bt cotton seed, which the chief executive officer of the National Biosafety Authority attributed to the multiplication challenges experienced by the sole company given the task – companies fronting the GM crops, such as Mahyco, in which Monsanto has a 26 per cent stake, control the production and multiplication of these crops.”

    Nasike also notes: “Farmers in Burkina Faso abandoned the cultivation of Bt cotton that was introduced by Monsanto, now Bayer, citing the higher prices of Bt cotton seed and its poor quality compared to their indigenous cotton seed which produced a superior quality of cotton. Their adoption of Bt cotton caused them to lose their niche in the international cotton markets. Yet the same Bt cotton (MON 15985) that failed in Burkina Faso has been introduced in Kenya following national performance trials undertaken by the Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate (KEPHIS) with the approval of the National Biosafety Authority (NBA). This begs the question whether the Kenyan government is trying to enslave its people to biotechnology companies.”

    In addition, Nasike observes: “GM seed is patented and this could land the farmers on whose farm GM crops have grown without their knowledge into intellectual property disputes. These farmers are likely to be forced to pay royalties for GM crops that contaminate their farms through pollination or cross breeding. In the United States, Monsanto (now Bayer) sued hundreds of farmers to protect its patent rights on its GM seeds. In Brazil, Monsanto won a $7.7 billion lawsuit against farmers after the court ruled that farmers cannot save and replant Monsanto’s patented Roundup Ready soybeans. In India, the manufacturer of Lays Potato Chips, Pepsico before withdrawing the case had sued four farmers for about KSh15 million for illegally growing its potatoes.”

    In a 27 January, 2020 article by Jean Claude Habimana, titled, “A Rwandan farmer’s son: Why I advocate for GMO crops in Africa,” published in Alliance for Science, it is claimed: “Due to the special interests of certain people, especially those in the pesticide industries, GM crops have been misrepresented, leading to bad assumptions among the public. Truthfully, the pesticide companies know the potential of GM crops and they are afraid of it. To limit the general public from adopting these agricultural technologies, ‘paid people’ are coming up every day and they call themselves ACTIVISTS.” Contrary-wise, as part of its activism for the past 25 years, CFS reports that, in 2024, it has won a legal battle to overturn Monsanto’s GMO-seeds-complementing harmful pesticide dicamba. Specifically, CFS states: “Sprayed on GE crops, dicamba was touted as the ‘future’ for the ag biotech industry. Yet we have now succeeded in having courts strike down its approvals not once but twice! The victorious series of decisions protects farmers, the environment, and endangered species from pesticide drift.”

    Some critics of GMO foods are of the view that some experts, scholars or regulators are being funded to organise and attend conferences where they are teleguided to promote and carry out pro-GMO research to guarantee a steady flow of funding. Million Belay, the coordinator of the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa, put the point this way in a 10 June, 2020 article for Commondreams.org, titled “Africa Says, ‘I Can’t Breathe’: An African Civil Society Perspective on Systemic Racism”: “A cohort of actors including philanthrocapitalists, aid agencies, governments, academic institutions, and embassies are all working to make this narrative a reality. They talk about transforming African agriculture but what they are doing is creating a market for themselves cleverly couched in … nice sounding language.”

    The romanticisation and robust defence of GMO foods by some influential African experts, scholars, policy makers, media and even regulatory agencies – instead of exercising necessary caution – are reminiscent of the fascination with and zealous marketing of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), by experts, as the silver bullet for Nigeria’s economic challenges in the mid-1980s. The eventual adoption of SAP by the country in 1986 mangled the nation’s economy and has resulted in seemingly intractable socio-political dislocation. This appreciably validates the profound view that “on the big issues, the experts are very rarely right.” This view is held in the 1987 book, Spy Catcher: The Candid Autobiography of a Senior Intelligence Officer, written by Peter Wright (with Paul Greengrass).

    The view resonates largely with Nigeria’s Senator Adams Oshiomhole who said as follows at a public lecture in Abuja on 6 July, 2024: “the dictatorship of experts can be very, very dangerous; sometimes, more dangerous than the dictatorship of military generals. … [T]hey have the power to influence the way you think … even on issues where they are wrong. Because you don’t have the command of [their] jargons, the debate is closed and it’s limited to few of them alone.”

       Opponents of GMO seeds have argued that seed availability or even seed quality has not been the major challenge of Nigerian farmers, but the problem of produce storage – which has resulted in food waste – and insecurity – which has undermined food cultivation. Therefore, they insist that to prevent surreptitious introduction of GMO products and facilitate enlightened choice, appropriate labeling should be mandated. Regarding the partial success of its own legal challenge of the non-labeling of GMO foods in the United States, CFS reports: “The court agreed with us that ‘QR code’ labeling alone was unlawful, securing the requirement of on-package labeling of GMO foods. But we aren’t stopping there, and currently are challenging the loophole excluding “highly refined” GMO products from any mandatory disclosure.”

    There are at least three major dimensions of the GMO foods debate – the science of GMO foods, the economics of GMO foods, and the politics of GMO foods. The hegemonic dimension seems to be the most problematic; and it is by no means frivolous, because just as who pays the piper dictates the tune, who feeds the nation runs the government. When it is remembered that history is replete with instances in which some human societies have not been averse to economic asphyxiation and genocidal conduct, the political concerns about GMO foods are genuine. African nations, as such, ought to be circumspect about adopting GMO crops and those who, out of infatuation or irresistible pressure or inducement, have adopted such foods or who, due to lack of or inadequate regulation, have allowed GMO foods to be distributed or grown, have the moral obligation to take remedial or countervailing action.

  • Ogun political outlook ahead of 2027

    Ogun political outlook ahead of 2027

    By Tayo Oyekanmi

    The electoral umpire in the country (INEC) might not have officially released a schedule of activities culminating in the 2027 elections. But trust politicians, you can’t stop them from politicking all year round. The subtle positioning, alignment, and nocturnal meetings are already gathering steam across the country. Ogun State is not an exemption. Though who becomes the next Governor after Prince Dapo Abiodun in 2027 might be too early to say as of now. But that discourse is already gaining traction and momentum across the three senatorial districts in the state. All the senatorial districts have interested individuals. Yes, Ogun State political turf can be highly hellacious to predict, but the outlook as related to individual gladiators within the two major political parties of APC and PDP look straightforward as of now. Twenty hours can be a long time in the chess game of politics. But currently in APC, it will be Yayi and other teleguided or better still, gang up induced ambitions. Many will be in the race to muddle up the turf for sundry negotiations to achieve certain ends. But the summary of it all is that you are either for Yayi or against him. A similar scenario will be on display in PDP; it will be the game of Ladi Adebutu and others. However, it’s easy to forecast that PDP will eventually be home to renegades who will be seeing difficulties in Ladi Adebutu emergence and therefore will be interested in slugging it out for the ticket of the party. How the ranging battle for the control of the structure and the next Exco of the party pans out in the few weeks will go a long way in determining where the pendulum will swing within the party. However, it will be a herculean task to wrestle Lado to the floor for PDP’s ticket unless something extraordinary happens. That’s how the PDP is wired today in the state. Ultimately, Lado will always have a fairly good showing, particularly in Ogun East. Because the goodness of Baba Kensington Adebutu to a good number of people over time, coupled with his deep pocket will always count for something. But Ogun State is not just limited to Ogun East.

    Beyond the ticket affairs, Ladi Adebutu Governorship interest in 2027 will not be helped by the simple fact of hailing from Iperu, the same town of “outgoing” governor Dapo Abiodun. The changing of Ladi Adebutu’s electoral base to Odogbolu can only do little to erase the fact of originality of his homestead as Iperu, where he has always aspired and contested from. Besides, Lado will not likely abandon his abode in Iperu for anything beyond the political subterfuge. However, either Iperu or Odogbolu both still belong to Ogun East Senatorial District. Thus, the ambition will be a hard sell, putting into consideration that in the history of Ogun State, never have we had a Senatorial District succeeding itself for the Governorship seat. The people of Ogun State are too politically conscious and sophisticated for this kind of imaginative fiefdom.

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    Paradoxically, while the ever social affectionado and governorship obsessed Ladi Adebutu will be angling to do a straight double of 8 years for Ogun East, Ogun West people are already waiting with bated breath for 2027. The waiting this time is with a difference. Ogun West of today is totally different from Ogun West of time past. The ascendancy of Yayi has changed all permutations. The people of Ogun West now see the full arrival of Yayi as pivotal and focal point to break a seemingly jinx around the governorship seat. Despite the fierceness and multifaceted layers of opposition against Yayi that went beyond the shores of Ogun West in 2023, he polled the highest number of votes in the history of Senatorial election in Ogun West (112,887). His popularity and mobilisation even helped other candidates in APC to win their own elections. Having been in the saddle, the popularity and acceptability of Yayi are not waning. It keeps soaring day after day across the 59 Wards of Ogun West and beyond.  Many are now seeing Yayi, and rightly so, as the man with the wildest political reach and network to consolidate the APC hold in the State at both Governorship and Presidential election level. Which people will not be happy and grateful to have a son who puts his talents and self at the behest of his race and country?

  • Can the National Assembly replace constitution?

    Can the National Assembly replace constitution?

    • By Collins Okeke

    A bill titled “A Bill for an Act to Substitute the Annexure to Decree 24 of 1999 with a new governance model for the Federal Republic of Nigeria” circulated online for some time. Drafted by Dr. Akin Fapohunda, the Bill proposes a new constitution to be cited as “The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria New Governance Model for Nigeria Act 2024.”

    It suggests that the National Assembly has the authority to replace the 1999 Constitution with a new one. This proposition has sparked a debate about whether the National Assembly truly possesses the power to replace the existing constitution. This article explores this issue, drawing on the arguments presented by the distinguished constitutional law expert, the late Professor Ben Nwabueze.

    The constitution, in Section 4, vests legislative powers in the National Assembly, which comprises the Senate and the House of Representatives. According to Nwabueze, these powers are threefold:

    1. Power to legislate on behalf of the Federal Republic of Nigeria;

    2. Power to legislate for the federation to ensure peace, order, and good government;

    3. Power to legislate for the Federal Capital Territory.

    The latter two powers are explicitly defined in the constitution, with the areas of legislation listed in Section 299 and the Exclusive and Concurrent Legislative Lists.

    However, the first power—the authority to legislate on behalf of the Federal Republic—is more ambiguous and has been subject to various interpretations.

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    A core pillar of Prof. Nwabueze’s argument rests on the distinction between the “Federal Republic of Nigeria” as a sovereign nation-state, and the “Federation” as the collection of component units that make up Nigeria (i.e., the states and the Federal Capital Territory).

    He draws attention to Section 2 of the constitution, which separately defines these two entities.

    Section 2(1) describes Nigeria as “one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state to be known by the name of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” while Section 2(2) states that “Nigeria shall be a Federation consisting of States and a Federal Capital Territory.”

    With this distinction in mind, Prof. Nwabueze interprets Section 4(1) of the constitution, which vests the legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in the National Assembly, as granting the assembly the power to legislate on matters related to Nigeria’s national sovereignty.

    Meanwhile, he sees Section 4(2), which empowers the National Assembly to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the federation, as pertaining to legislation that impacts the component units of the federation.

    If one accepts Prof. Nwabueze’s interpretation, the logical next question is: Under what circumstances can the National Assembly legitimately invoke its Section 4(1) powers to legislate for the Federal Republic as a whole, rather than just the Federation?

    Dr. Olisa Agbakoba SAN, expanding on Prof. Nwabueze’s paper, provides some insights.

    He suggests that this power could be exercised in times of grave national importance or when there is an existential threat to the corporate existence of the Federal Republic.

    He cites examples such as the invocation of the “Doctrine of Necessity” in 2010 to appoint Goodluck Jonathan as acting president following the incapacitation of then-President Umaru Yar’Adua, and the potential creation of a new constitution, given its far-reaching implications for the nation.

    This brings us to the crux of Prof. Nwabueze’s argument: the National Assembly’s power to not just alter but completely replace the constitution.

    Nigeria has been on a journey to find a suitable model that will give the constitution acceptability and legitimacy. The country has considered national conferences, which failed.

    The present model of alteration of the constitution has not worked. It has cost so much, taken far too long, and failed to win popular and legitimate acceptance. Prof. Nwabueze suggests a third model: wholesale constitutional replacement.

    In advocating for this third model, Nwabueze makes a distinction between “sovereign” constitutions, which are written by the people through a Constituent Assembly or similar body, and “statutory” constitutions, which are enacted by a sovereign parliament. He points out that all of Nigeria’s constitutions to date have been statutory in nature.

    The 1960 Independence Constitution was a schedule to an Order-in-Council of the British government, the 1963 Republican Constitution was enacted by parliament simply repealing the 1960 Order-in-Council and replacing it with a new constitution, and the 1979 and 1999 constitutions were schedules to military decrees.

    Building on this, Nwabueze argues that the National Assembly has the power to repeal the current 1999 Constitution, which was enacted via Decree 24 of 1999, and replace it in its entirety with a new constitution. He believes this power derives from Sections 4(1) and 315(1)(a) & (4) of the Constitution.

    Section 315(1)(a) provides that an existing law shall be deemed an Act of the National Assembly to the extent that it is a law with respect to any matter on which the National Assembly is empowered by this constitution to make laws.  Nwabueze contends that since the National Assembly has the power under Section 4(1) to legislate for the Federal Republic, and the 1999 Constitution (Promulgation) Decree is a law on a matter the National Assembly can legislate on, it can therefore repeal and replace the decree, and by extension, the constitution.

    Professor Ben Nwabueze’s analysis provides a fresh and thought-provoking perspective on the extent and limits of the National Assembly’s legislative powers, particularly as they relate to the constitution.

    His arguments around the Assembly’s unique power to legislate for the “Federal Republic” as distinct from the “Federation,” and its ability to unilaterally replace the Constitution, are novel and merit serious consideration. However, these arguments are likely to remain contentious and generate further debate on this crucial issue.

    As Nigeria continues to grapple with the challenges of governance and the search for a suitable constitutional model, the ideas put forth by Nwabueze will undoubtedly play a significant role in shaping the discourse.

    While the ultimate resolution of this debate remains to be seen, one thing is certain: the question of the National Assembly’s power to replace the constitution will continue to be a central focus of Nigeria’s constitutional development in the years to come.

    • Okeke is Associate Partner/Head of Public Sector Practice Group at Olisa Agbakoba Legal (OAL).
  • NEMA, flood alerts and disaster mitigation

    NEMA, flood alerts and disaster mitigation

    • By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

    It has become a ritual tradition that, close to the rainy season, the federal government, through respective authorities, usually issue alerts warning state governments and residents about impending floods in vulnerable areas.  These alerts and predictions aim to prompt appropriate proactive measures to mitigate the menace of this human-induced and natural form of disaster bedevilling our environments. During the 2024 Annual Flood Outlook, the Nigerian Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) predicted that 31 states covering 148 local government areas (LGAs) are within high flood risk areas.

    Additionally, 35 states, including the FCT, with 249 LGAs, fall within moderate flood risk areas. The forecast for remaining 377 LGAs is low flood risk areas. The Nigeria Meteorological Agency (NiMet) and the NIHSA predicted that floods in high-risk areas will occur between April and November.

    Addressing stakeholders at the National Emergency Coordination Forum (ECF) meeting in May on the need for proactive measures against the predicted 2024 flood disaster, the Director-General of National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Zubaida Umar, highlighted the importance of early warning backed by early action to mitigate the impact of disasters.

    Notwithstanding, Nigeria has faced the recurring challenge of flooding, particularly during the rainy season. The impact of these floods has been devastating, affecting lives, properties, and the economy. The most devastating of all these floods was in 2012, when countless lives were lost and many properties were destroyed.

    Flooding in Nigeria is a multifaceted issue, driven by both natural and human-induced factors. The primary natural cause is heavy rainfall, which overwhelms the drainage systems in many urban areas.

    Human activities exacerbate these natural causes. Urbanization, with inadequate planning and poor drainage systems, contributes significantly to the problem. Many cities have outdated or poorly maintained drainage systems, which are often clogged with waste, preventing the efficient flow of water.

    Deforestation and land degradation also play crucial roles, reducing the land’s ability to absorb water, leading to surface runoff that causes floods. In response to these threats, NEMA has been implementing a comprehensive strategy to mitigate the impact of floods.

    A key component of this strategy is the enhancement of early warning systems. NEMA leverages advanced technologies and real-time data to provide timely alerts to vulnerable communities. This allows for better preparation and quicker response times, potentially saving lives and reducing damage.

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    Before the beginning of every rainy season, NEMA always intensifies its community sensitization campaigns. These campaigns aim to educate residents in flood-prone areas about the risks and preventive measures they can take.

    Emphasizing the importance of maintaining clear drainage systems and proper waste disposal, these programs foster a culture of preparedness and community responsibility. The involvement of local leaders and stakeholders is crucial in ensuring that these messages reach a broad audience. Addressing the issue of flooding requires a collaborative approach.

    NEMA works closely with state emergency management agencies, local governments, and international partners to ensure a unified and effective response. This collaboration extends to training and capacity-building exercises for emergency responders and community leaders, ensuring they are equipped with the necessary skills and knowledge to handle flood emergencies. 

    It is against this inter-agency collaboration that NEMA recently allied with the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), a critical stakeholder in the emergency response situation in Nigeria, to mitigate the menace posed by floods during the rainy season.

    Meanwhile, reducing the occurrence of floods also involves improving urban drainage infrastructure. NEMA advocates for the desilting of drainage systems, the construction of flood barriers, and the incorporation of flood-resistant designs in urban planning.

    These measures, combined with strict enforcement of environmental regulations, can significantly reduce the risk of flooding. Adequate funding and political will are essential for the successful implementation of these infrastructure projects. Government policy support is vital for effective flood mitigation.

    Strengthening policies related to urban planning, waste management, and environmental protection can lead to sustainable improvements. Effective implementation and enforcement of these policies require concerted efforts from all levels of government and active participation from the public.

    Furthermore, investment in technology plays a crucial role in disaster mitigation. Real-time monitoring and predictive analytics can enhance early warning systems, allowing for more accurate predictions and timely interventions.

    Utilizing drones for aerial surveys and mapping flood-prone areas can provide valuable data for planning and response efforts. By harnessing technological advancements, NEMA can improve its ability to predict and respond to flooding events more effectively.

    Community engagement is essential for the success of flood mitigation strategies. Active participation of residents in maintaining and protecting their local environment can make significant difference. Regular community clean-up activities, proper waste disposal practices, and adherence to environmental guidelines are simple yet effective measures that can prevent blockages in drainage systems and reduce flood risks. Engaged and informed communities are better equipped to handle emergencies and mitigate the impact of floods.

    In addition to immediate responses, long-term solutions are necessary to address the root causes of flooding. Afforestation and reforestation initiatives can help restore natural landscapes and improve the land’s ability to absorb water. Implementing sustainable agricultural practices can also reduce soil erosion and enhance water retention.

    These long-term strategies contribute to building a more resilient environment capable of withstanding heavy rainfall and minimizing flood risks. As Nigeria faces the impending flood season, the collective efforts of NEMA, government agencies, and local communities are crucial to minimizing the impact of floods.

    Through proactive measures, community engagement, and sustainable practices, Nigeria can build a more resilient future, ready to face the challenges of climate change and environmental disasters. The nation stands united, determined to safeguard lives and livelihoods from the relentless threat of

    • Aliyu, a youth corps member with the Centre for Crisis Communication writes via abdulhamidabdullahiali@gmail.com.
  • Notes from Nairobi

    Notes from Nairobi

    • By Ayodele Okunfolami

    A concert-like memorial was held earlier in the week for the 39 lives that lost their lives in Kenya’s anti-government demonstrations. The #RejectFinanceBill2024 demonstration began as a social media campaign to galvanize and mobilize Kenyans to reject a proposed bill sent to the parliament by President William Ruto. Amongst other changes, the contentious legislation proposes introduction of levies that would increase prices of sanitary towels, diapers, electronic devices and bread. It also included raising taxes for data as neighbouring Uganda had done. Kenyan youths staged peaceful protests demanding that the bill be dropped. In the process, many lives were lost.

    The Kenyan incident is mirrored across Africa. Actually, the Kenyan story is the Nigerian story and leaders of both countries should be proud that they have assertive youths who civilly express themselves. It is because the youths believe the democratic process that self-corrects itself that they go to the streets to protest.

    My point is that protests about any issue are and should be regular features in democracies. Unfortunately, our leaders detest protests. They first pretend as if they never saw it fermenting online, then wave the street protests aside hoping it would fade away. And when the protests persist, they then profile the protesters as sponsored by the opposition as a way of delegitimizing the rallies.

    For Kenya, the protesters were mischaracterized as spoilt children carrying expensive phones and driving e-hailing cars. That is a wrong way to view this generation.

    They are not called Gen Zs for nothing. They are the digital natives that live their lives on the internet and social media. So owning a good smart phone is most important to them. And it is silly to think it is only comedy skits they watch there. They run online courses, trade crypto, provide content and also get news they would have gotten from conventional sources. Although they have megabytes of data, they live their lives in bits. Their attention spans are too short to stay in an employment for 35 years or listen to a news bulletin for one hour. They surf from one TikTok viral video to another, as they change jobs and careers for the highest bidder. They job differently, they news differently.

    Don’t think they are ignorant or uninterested in the political and economic situation of their nation just because they are discussing celebrity weddings. They are equally aware that if Kenyan civil servants work all their lives they would be unable to afford Ruto’s wrist watch or that a Nigerian minister wears Versace Denim worth over $2,000. They are upwardly mobile doing the next professional course or putting their certificates aside to engage in one art or craft including Uber driving. They are not lazy and should not be seen as such.

    That we even refer to them as boys, girls, children or kids because the economy keeps them unmarried is a tad disrespectful. They are adults. They are men. They are women. They know what their parents, who were children of farmers, accomplished at 40 and they in their 40s, children of middle class, are frustratingly trying to find their feet.

    Unfortunately, powers that be don’t have that sense of urgency to responding to public grievances. What originally started as scrapping of a tax bill spiralled into #RutoMustGo. Recollect, it was the price of bread that triggered the Arab Springs that led to regime change across the Middle East and what started as a protest against Jacob Zuma’s imprisonment was taken over by unemployed South Africans demanding social justice. Protests usual begin from unlikely sources and have lives of their own. Because it is the unscripted moments that make news, protests that morph into revolutions can arise from a disgruntled citizen refusing to come down a telecoms mast because of insecurity and hardship or another counting his losses due to flash floods.

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    Kenyan youths feel betrayed by Ruto who campaigned on what he would do for them. They voted massively for him in 2022 but now want him out despite his backing down on signing the Finance Bill, conceding to reduction in salaries of elected officials and scrapping budget for First Lady’s office. It only shows #RejectFinanceBill2024 is a culmination of anger for years of unemployment and disenfranchisement from the economic circle. Ruto had allowed it to grow cancerous, now the hands of time cannot be unwound.

    The blistering rage of Kenyan youths climbed Kilimanjaro heights after Ruto returned from America. Ruto had received a red carpet welcome. He was the first African leader to be so chorographically received in 18 years. Ruto was accused of chartering a private jet worth millions of Kenyan shillings for the US visit instead of using Kenyan Airways. Ruto had explained that the journey was sponsored by friends. Besides the grandiose display of wealth by public officers who preach austerity to the citizenry, the relationship with the West was questioned. Coincidentally, as Ruto was all smiles with photo-ops in Washington, a senior member of his cabinet was in China talking debts. A finance bill that would have ordinarily gone unnoticed got microscopic scrutiny. The tax hikes were actually government’s way of raising 25% of budget to pay the interest on loans. The emphasis is on “interest on loans”. They have not even started paying the actual loans.

    It is sad that Africans continue paying for liabilities naively signed into and imprudently spent by their leaders. African leaders are showing themselves more obligated to their creditors than their citizens. If they are not collecting conditionalities of Western financial institutions, or accepting genetically modified foods or using their citizens for vaccine trials, they are bartering their seaports and airports for Chinese infrastructure. They have literally mortgaged the continent as a commodity.

    Does it make sense that Ruto sent Kenyan police officers to Haiti for operations on America’s request but is using the Kenyan military to deal with his own citizens? Or, that there were water cannons to resist protesters but no water to fight the torched parliament?

    African youths are not dumb. They are simply fighting for their future. They can’t come to terms seeing their British peers already living in their own houses on reducing mortgages before their 30th birthday while they can’t afford to leave their parents to rent a shared flat. Of what use are African leaders borrowing, travelling for multilateral summits and in South Africa almost half of all graduates that should work are not working while 35% in Egyptian youths are unemployed?

    With artificial intelligence, $15 trillion dollars will be added in the global north but Africa is left out. Nairobi is the start-up capital in Africa so these youths want their own share of this money. The onus is on Kenya, Nigeria and the rest of Africa to listen to their youth. Rework their economies from primarily agrarian that is bedevilled with vagaries of insecurity, international-price dependency, land unavailability, inappropriate infrastructure and subsistent to rendering services in technology. These youths have made it easier for their leaders by training themselves on various aspects of it. They have garnered various courses and different degrees and all they need is opportunities for expressions where they can profit thereof with leaders they can trust.

    • Okunfolami writes from Festac, Lagos.
  • Lessons from UK elections

    Lessons from UK elections

    By Chris Adetayo

    Citizens of the United Kingdom went to the polls on Thursday, July 4. It was the country’s first General Elections in five years. The results, mirroring the pre-election polling, saw the Labour Party win 412 out of a total of 650 seats. The winning margin was as convincing as any seen at any time in the UK’s centuries-long history.

    So, after 14 years in the saddle, the Conservative Party was booted out of office. Not a day too soon. For the party of Winston Churchill and Margaret Thatcher had, over its 14 year rule and through a catalogue of missteps, brought Britain to its knees. It practically and metaphorically removed the “Great” from the country’s name, and left it gasping for breath on so many fronts.

     It should never have turned out the way it did. When it won elections in 2010, the Conservatives replaced a tired and confused Labour Party. Tired from 13 years of being in the saddle; and confused over policies as then Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, made ultimately fruitless efforts to distance himself from his predecessor, Tony Blair.

     The Conservatives, led by David Cameron, started well in 2010. They introduced policies to curb the run-away public debts and expenditure, and made valiant efforts to reform the healthcare service and immigration, amongst many others. But, in a few short years, arising from its own internal contradictions, the party dragged the country through multiple civil wars.

     First was the Scottish Referendum. For years, a section of the Scottish establishment had desired and demanded a referendum on the issue of Scotland’s independence. This was despite the devolution of so many powers to the Scottish parliament; powers that, in many ways, mean that Scotland is run like a separate state. David Cameron gave in to the demands and a referendum was held in 2014. In spite of a 55% majority opting to remain part of the UK, the damage to national unity was palpable as the losers have refused to be placated. Ultimately, the referendum resolved very little, yet costing the government and people so much. 

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    Shortly after, perhaps basking in the euphoria of keeping Scotland in the UK, and giving in to the demands of a few but vocal backbenchers in his ruling party, Cameron accepted to have another referendum, this time on the UK’s continuing membership of the European Union.

    If the Scottish referendum was divisive, the Brexit referendum was even more so. It was extremely toxic. In the event, though the government campaigned for the UK to remain in the EU, a slight majority voted to leave. The outcome of the referendum and the implications of it continue to dominate so much of the UK’s internal and external affairs.

     Despite the majority voting to leave, executing a smooth exit from the EU defied the political and administrative excellence that the British are long famed. In the process, it effectively cost three prime ministers – (David Cameron, Theresa May, and Liz Truss) their jobs. Their successor, Rishi Sunak, has just led their party to its worst election result, winning only 121 seats, down from 365 in 2019.

    The Labour Party has returned to power. Unlike 1997 when it was led by Tony Blair, it has little in the charisma department going for it. Perhaps because of this, it is not promising much. That’s a good strategy, for it will take years to undo the damage done to Britain’s economy, culture and image by the Conservatives.

    For Nigeria in particular, and Africa in general, there are many lessons to learn from the UK Elections. One is that populist clamour are not always the best way to drive a nation forward. As the dusts settles on BREXIT, it has become increasingly clear, even to its advocates, that it was a wrong decision. To quote former Prime Minister Tony Blair, it was “an unbelievable act of self-harm”. The majority got their way, and its protagonists used it as a lever to gain political power. Just about every one of them is, publicly or privately, holding a different view now. Leaders are elected to take tough decisions and should have the courage to do so, rather than pander to populist demands at every turn.

    Another lesson is that political leadership requires persons with strong moral fibre. The Conservative leadership, unable to end the tide of asylum seekers crossing into the UK from continental Europe, came up with the idea of sending them to Rwanda. The policy was a repudiation of much that is good and great about the UK, from respect for human rights to its fundamental belief in fairness, equity and due process. The country’s image will take years of painstaking work to recover from that misadventure. Nigerian leaders must learn from this, that no matter the stakes and no matter the challenge that a problem presents, they must seek solace only in solutions that edify the country and humanity.

     Every nation pays a huge price for political instability – even in a storied democracy like the UK. In less than a decade, the country had four prime ministers. One was in office for less than two months. There was a rotating door of secretaries and ministers coming and going. All of these brought with it policy somersaults at home, affecting different sectors of national life. Away from home, foreign leaders had little time to build rapport with their UK counterparts before they exited. All these cost Britain dearly. It is another lesson we must take on board as our politicians jostle for positions across the land.

    Furthermore, the reality that no political party is too entrenched for the people to bring to its knees is a lesson to take to heart. In 2019, the Conservative Party won a landslide majority. The expectations of many analysts were that this signalled a decade or more of domination of British government by the party. Yet, barely a General Election later, they were swept aside in an even bigger landslide. Political parties in Nigeria must learn from this, especially the ruling All Progressive Party (APC). However strong it may perceive its position in Nigeria today, its actions and cohesion will largely determine its electoral fortunes during future elections. It must, of necessity, strike a fine balance between populist policies that will be damaging in the long term, and tough decisions that imperil the survival of its citizens in the short term.

     The UK election, from when the prime minister announced the date for the elections took a mere six weeks. France has just had its own General Elections, all within a month. The argument can be made that it’s easier to achieve this short turn-around in a parliamentary system. However true this is, spending two years on it, as we do in Nigeria, is just counterproductive. The National Assembly and the Independent National Electoral Commission must continue to seek ways for us to get better – in timing, in voting process, in results declaration. We must especially seek to understand why the UK gets a 60% voter turnout with only six weeks to plan, while Nigeria consistently fails to manage a 30% turnout despite all the time it spends planning.

    In the final analysis, Britain has pressed a reset. It is as well. For the world needs a strong, moral, and connected Britain. A Great Britain that is sure-footed at home and abroad and a force for good on the critical global issues of this century. Keir Starmer, the new prime minister, needs all the luck and support in the onerous task to make this happen. May he succeed.

    •Adetayo is a public and international affairs commentator and writes from Lagos.

  • El Rufai’s political disintegration?

    El Rufai’s political disintegration?

    By Abdu Abdullahi

    Who will ever forget Malam Nasir El Rufai, the great political gambler and the emperor of Nigeria’s contemporary politics? Famous for being adamant of the consequences of his actions and inactions, he is also renowned for perpetrating political shenanigans both at the state and national levels. He is reputed to be the ‘father’ of the ill-motivated Kano inconclusive election of 2019.

    Nasir El Rufai means different things to many people. He is both the loved hero and the hated villain. He acts both the antagonist and protagonist roles with aesthetic talents and achievements. Arrogantly, he parades himself as a general who requires no artillery. Like him or hate him, his unwavering approaches to complex matters are always firm and resolute towards achieving outstanding goals. His governmental decisions were a proper mixture of the good, the bad and the ugly.

    When his inner convictions become explicit for our scrutiny to make valid judgements on his fulfilled mission, it is apparent that he is passionate about facing challenges. Luckily for him, he possesses the intellectual resources for overcoming them. This trend motivates him to higher brilliant performance. Thinking of El Rufai is reflecting on his human sagacity, fostering progress and development through conquering main obstructions.

    If development has its own chronic pains which many leaders will not want to absorb, El Rufai has his own way of absorbing them and waxing stronger. But the point he outrageously abuses is that of compromise. He is merited to have sterling courage as his biggest asset. Thus, he will rather overwhelm circumstances instead of allowing circumstances to overwhelm him. This shows that his political will is robust and deserves tremendous accolades. Those who cheer this glorified and gifted attribute often refer to his reign as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

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    El Rufai’s political loyalty aligns mostly with self-indulgence. He is largely combative with people and not ideas. This is where his political parallelism rears its ugly head. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he discerns and defines political loyalty from the point of view of personal fulfilment and not collective end effects.

    El Rufai is a bad player of sanctimonious character, erroneously believing in his perfection even if all other people doubt him. However, his greatest flaw is his bloated intolerance for doubting him.

    Also, discussing El Rufai is a profound surveillance of his personality traits that often clash with the values of the mainstream society. Till date, many people fail to understand the unusual working of his school of psychology that breeds anomalies to execute obnoxious policies of government. The demolition of the Kasuwar Barci market in Kaduna in 2020 is a typical example. What baffled the victims more was the audacity that propelled Nasir to visit the destruction site to ensure that it was perfectly done!

    In an interview with The Guardian, a victim, Malam Musa Zubairu lamented, “The governor has destroyed our lives by demolishing our market; where can we go now? This governor has no pity for us and Allah will pay him back”. Those who rated him as belligerent then drew comparison with former Benue Governor Samuel Ortom, who donated N50 million to the victims of Oturkpo Main Market inferno in the same year.

    I have thoroughly studied his political psychology. It is saturated with templates for enemy creation as well as increased fantasy. This is even as Al-hassan warns that, “Do not buy the enemy of one man for the love of a thousand men”.

    In a posting on his Facebook account on November 5, 2018, he unguardedly wrote: “FRIDAY REMINDER: To the cursed Kaduna senators, enemies of Kaduna State and their co- travellers”. Thus, El Rufai’s political record is full of enemies, real and imagined.

    El Rufai was recently reported acting like a nomadic politician. He was traversing from one part of the country to the other to attain a political succour. His greatest headache now is how power structures of 2027 should look like, especially at the centre. His contacts with major political players in the country are indices for the political hardship and frustration he is undergoing. He is neither at the centre nor at the state level. His political structures are collapsing. His only healing lies with the outcomes of 2027 elections.

    El Rufai’s political evolution was largely shaped and boosted by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Atiku Abubakar. He later abandoned them to become an independent politician without a political godfather. But in the end, he became a godfather to Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State. But he must have forsaken him now because of the probe against him bordering on corrupt practices. This is also unfolding at a time it is discovered that he owns a magnificent edifice in Dubai. Initially, he told the world that the only house he owned was in Kaduna. The puritanical pretence he exhibited is now fading. We are now watching the other side of El Rufai.

    According to the French writer Andre Malraux, to be a king is foolish; what matters is to make a kingdom. As Kaduna’s controversial governor, El Rufai maintained a stubborn status of being a powerful and indomitable king. He fiercely fought those whom he wrongly or rightly perceived as his foes. In the end, he fared well in many areas but he failed to establish a new Kaduna kingdom. The only kingdom that prospered was that of the brutal bandits. There was unprecedented mayhem across the state. Blood, sorrows, fears, despairs pervaded the whole state. Eventually, the brutish bandits demonstrated that they were the greater kings.

    Harold Lasswell’s incisive book, ‘Politics: Who gets what, when and how’ is a good material for reference. El Rufai got what he wanted lavishly in the past. He knew how he succeeded but later engaged in political risks and bohemian plundering.  El Rufai’s desperation for 2027 is a symptom of his unprecedented political dislocation. Nigerians are now wiser and know that his political scheming is staggering opportunism.

    In 2023, I wrote a piece titled, ‘El Rufai Vs Foes: Who will laugh last? I enumerated his perceived adversaries such as Senators Shehu Sani and Hunkuyi, the frustrated Shiites, the disgruntled Christians of southern Kaduna, the sacked primary school teachers whose benefits were delayed for payment and the victims of his demolition exercises, among others. He is now powerless and the listed people above are watching his political decomposition.

    Finally, our ‘new’ El Rufai is no longer at ease. His political resources and exuberance have declined. He depends on 2027 to rejuvenate his emerging political disintegration.

    •Abdullahi writes via aaringim68@gmail.com

  • Nigeria: The tribe must die

    Nigeria: The tribe must die

    By Maxwell Adeyemi Adeleye

    Over the past six decades of Nigeria’s independence from the colonial masters, it is mortifying to imagine the current place of Nigeria in the world economy. Growing up, I could boast that Nigeria earned its title ‘Giant of Africa’ due to its development, diversity, and economic situation. What was regarded as a blessing in the 19th century currently stands as the bane of Nigeria. I have seen first-hand, how this diversity, while a potential strength, often becomes a source of division. For Nigeria to achieve its full potential in growth and development, it’s important to transcend these tribal and ethnic divisions.

    Reflecting on Nigeria’s history, I am often amazed by the lasting impact of colonialism on a nation as large and diverse. Nigeria’s borders were drawn by colonialists, joining over 200 ethnic groups and tribes into a single nation for the convenience of governance for them. The vast diversity and numbers remain proof that Nigeria was never meant to be a country but more. Colonial amalgamation created a nation-state with nothing but ethnic divisions, distrust, and tribal war. Situations that warrant proper consideration weren’t considered. The colonial masters didn’t consider our cultural, linguistic, and historical differences. Consequently, Nigeria inherited a legacy of division that continues to influence our politics and development.

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    Clearly, it is obvious that the only advantage and collaborations of these historical divisions and how Nigerians are interwoven is through marriage. Every weekend, there are definitely Yoruba and Igbo owambe and other inter-ethnic marriages.  Many Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa individuals married across ethnic lines, forming bonds that transcend tribal identities. Visit Kano, and see the high number of Yoruba women married to northerners. These inter-ethnic relationships only further complicate the notion of separation.

    Prominent individuals own properties around the country, ignoring their ethnicity. This is another major reason why these individuals would rather watch Nigeria burn down rather than split into nations.

    The role that tribe plays in Nigerian politics cannot be over-emphasized. Politics fosters nation’s growth and development, but our tribal sentiments are the major driving force of our politics. Political decisions, budget allocations, and developmental initiatives are often influenced by ethnic and religious considerations. I am saddened by the fact that Nigerians’ major deciding factor for voting is tribe and not credibility and competence in the 20th century. It is only during Nigerians elections that voting patterns are frequently divided along ethnic and religious lines, removing the basis of democratic process and hindering national unity. Nigerians will fight tooth and nail during elections to support a tribal brother regardless of their competence. Cease regional development due to tribal sentiments. Politicians are tightly woven regardless of their tribe and religion but will push this as an agenda during competition. Public offices, resource allocation, and development projects are frequently distributed based on ethnic affiliations rather than on need or competence. This not only hampers development but also fosters resentment and division among different ethnic groups.

    David Easton, a renowned political scientist, said that for a political system in a country to be stable and effective, it must manage conflicts and build a sense of community among its members. This means that Nigerians must first build loyalty and trust to themselves, above ethnic and religious barriers, in order to create a political environment where all citizens feel represented and valued. To build a stable and effective political system, Nigeria must eradicate ethnic barriers and promote loyalty on the national level rather than an ethnic agenda. We must learn to stop the dog-eat-dog acts and stand up for the nation.

    Michael Samora, a sociologist, argued that a nation divided by ethnic and tribal lines cannot achieve sustainable growth. This theory is further proven by the current Nigerian society. Social integration, according to Samora, involves creating policies and institutions that promote inclusivity and equal opportunities for all citizens, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. Samora’s theory shows the need to eradicate ethnic divisions to foster social collaboration.

    Many Nigerians’ ethnic loyalties often override national loyalty, leading to social fragmentation and conflict. The 2023 election has shown how tribally inclined many Nigerians are, including the youths. Politicians set the hooks, like fishes, citizens pick the bait. Driving their agenda, my brother must rule. Only a particular fraction of Nigerians are a step ahead of the norm, showing their support for another candidate. Without a cohesive society where individuals are valued for their contributions to national development rather than their ethnic affiliations, Nigeria remains decades from development.

    Going through Easton and Samora’s theories, I can firmly assert that Nigeria’s growth and development depends on the eradication of the concept of tribe and ethnicity. Ethnic divisions create barriers to effective governance, social collaboration, and economic development. They breed mistrust, fuel conflicts, and perpetuate inequality. When we as citizens identify more with their ethnic groups than with the nation, it becomes challenging to mobilize collective efforts toward national goals. For Nigeria to achieve sustainable growth and development, we must transcend our tribal and ethnic divisions. The insights from David Easton and Michael Samora portray the need for the removal of tribe and ethnic as an important attribute to identify as a Nigerian. It is either you are a Nigerian or not a Nigerian. Being Nigerian should come first.

    As a pan-Yoruba individual does not affect my rationality, I prioritize development over ethnic loyalty, but this cannot be said for millions of Nigerians. The truth remains, Nigeria’s glory will return with the abolishment of tribes. Otherwise, we are in for a long ride. But if we cannot put Nigeria first above our tribes, it is better we go the USSR way – peaceful dissolution of the amalgamation of 1914.

    •Adeleye is a Strategic Communications Expert and Real Estate Broker based in the United Kingdom.

  • Kongi at 90

    Kongi at 90

    • Louis Odion

    Yes, take a glimpse at this photograph. You would probably imagine, momentarily, a model among the bevy paraded by, say, the popular ritzy GQ magazine.

    If so, well, you just fell for a disguise.

    Now, take a closer look. Strip that bucket hat and you will behold, in its luxuriant bloom, that familiar hoary mane complemented by no less immaculate goatee to which folks around the world have long grown accustomed as evocative of no other than Kongi in any gathering, anywhere.

    Today, it took more than “yabis” (teasing) to extract a few seconds from Professor Akinwande Oluwole Soyinka and get him to shed his accustomed stern mien and momentarily act a model, one hand fashionably in the pocket, on a North African soil. But without the usual preening or sashaying of the runway.

    That fleeting GQ moment was, by the way, captured in Fes (Morocco) in June 2023 by this writer with a camera phone as an emergency “paparazzi”, after sidestepping a bit to get a perfect angle for the lens against blinding lights by the elementary law of photography. Amid sustained volleys of “yabis” by an old disciple, Sir K (Kunle Ajibade) alongside Mrs Rakiya Dhikru-Yagboyaju and Ahmed Garba-Gombe who formed Kongi’s entourage while guests of King Mohammed VI of Morocco as part of activities to mark Morocco’s 28th Book Fair last year.

    The location was the vast lounge of Nejjarine Ensemble, ornate with its Oriental mosaic and sculptures, perhaps the most remarkable among the kaleidoscope of historical monuments and buildings long classified by UNESCO as world heritage sites in Fes. Outside this sprawling palace (built in 1711 by Sultan Moulay Ismail), history cast a rather long, sepulchral shadow on the forecourt under the mild pre-summer sun.

    Indeed, hours earlier in faraway Rabat, no sooner had Prof materialised in a rare white linen shirt from the elevator into a waiting party of his entourage (from Nigeria) and Moroccan officials at the lobby of the exquisite Sofitel Hotel than Sir K lobbed the first “yabis” by joking if Prof was already considering career switch from literature to modelling.

    Of course, an inexhaustible bag of humour himself, Prof absorbed as much as he dispensed withering ripostes that sometimes left us breathless with tearful laughter. Sometimes, his humour was self-deprecatory. Like his recall of once being made to repeat a passage — and again — through the scanner at an international airport abroad, until a further meticulous search by apprehensive security agents revealed that the trigger of the persistently treacherous alarm bell was not more than the phial of granulated native African pepper Prof habitually carries around to spice his meals at Oyinbo restaurants.

    Even more extraordinary was Kongi’s undiminished agility and razor-sharp sense of recall at such an advanced age. Eager to show off their abundant tourism treasures, the Moroccan officials had taken us to many high and low locations. Not once did Kongi, barely a month short of his 89th birthday then, appear to have missed a single breath or betray the slightest hint of weariness over an otherwise loaded itinerary.

    Indeed, something seemed to have moved a day earlier in Rabat (Morocco’s political capital) when news circulated that the literary eagle had landed in Casablanca (the commercial nerve centre), straight from the U.S. (We had flown from Lagos and arrived in Rabat hours before Kongi).

    For the four days we spent in Morocco, there was always a scramble by local folks to see or come near the first black Nobel laureate in Literature who, according to the Swedish Academy, “with poetic overtones, fashioned the drama of existence.” The one who, with the sheer power of the written word, had achieved world celebrity. The one whose voice forever instils mortal fear in the hearts of tyrants and bigots everywhere.

    Words also reached our mercurial Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, a bosom friend of the King of Morocco, who was also in Rabat around the same time. The Nigerian ambassador to Morocco, Mansur Nuhu Bamali (now late), brought His Royal Majesty to see Kongi on arrival at Sofitel. Both had a lengthy private chat on the plum couch in the lounge.

    As for the occasional bucket hat, those who know will reveal a darker story. In the 90s, it served Kongi abroad as a disguise against Abacha’s paid killers after being publicly charged with treasonable felony in Nigeria on account of his pivotal role in the pro-democracy struggle after the June 12 annulment at grave personal risk. Indeed, throughout Nigeria’s postcolonial history, only a few — if any — could be said to have been as invested in pursuing the common purpose as Kongi. (A fact now lost on some of our millennials and Gen Z utterly bereft of a sense of history and quickly recruited as online trolls for puerile graffiti).

    But in the latter years, that bucket hat has evolved into a civil utility: either as a prop to sneak into a targeted tavern undetected or simply evade a never-ending stream of autograph hunters and hustlers for photo ops.

    Two Mercedes limousines were provided for the journey to Fes. But before take-off, Kongi asked I “abandon Kunle and others” in the second car and keep him company in his.

    For the about two-hour trip, it felt invigorating to sit next to and converse non-stop with arguably one of the world’s greatest minds in the last century, the monarch of the language himself, famously described as “the conscience of the African continent.”

    Indeed, as Prof enters the nonagenarian club this week, there is no doubt that what obsesses him remains a fierce commitment to the values of tolerance, justice, good governance and compassion for the vulnerable in Nigeria and everywhere. Plus, an advocacy for youth empowerment in the political economy where gerontocrats seem reluctant to let go.

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    The said linen shirt he “premiered” in Morocco was, in fact, a gift from a young Nigerian fashion designer. He chose to “launch” it before a foreign audience to help promote Nigerian talent.

    To the far younger ones like yours sincerely, Prof’s father-figure stature naturally makes him a guardian. But despite the vast age difference, Kongi also relates to you as a friend with uncommon solidarity and loyalty.

    That spirit was on display when this writer turned 50 in March 2023. He was not in the country when “OPEC President” (Tunji Bello) hosted a dinner in my honour in Lagos, attended by the likes of Aremo Segun Osoba, Pa Julius Adelusi-Adeluyi, Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi and several media heavyweights.

    On returning to Nigeria two weeks later, Kongi chose to host a lavish luncheon for his younger disciple at one exclusive “hideout” in Ikeja GRA. T.B. was excused because of Muslim Ramadan. But the “gang” (Sam Omatseye, Kayode Komolafe, Azu Ishiekwene and Andrew Odion) had a swell time feasting. Of course, wine flowed freely.

    Azu won the additional lottery of a bottle of vintage wine as a “takeaway” from Kongi’s famous cellar for a tribute he wrote earlier on me which Prof found interesting.

    Eventually, when the waiter brought the invoice, I tried to play smart.

    In the hoary years, the mammal, according to African wisecrack, should suckle her brood instead by a reversed law of nature. I thought being hosted by a Nobel laureate alone was already a significant honour and, as a cultured Bini man, I should not allow that to leave a hole in the old man’s pocket.

    But on sighting my ATM card and conspiratorial whisper to the waiter on the side, Kongi preempted me. With a vehemence, he insisted on picking up the bill himself and thrust forward his credit card. Overwhelmed, I knelt in gratitude, to which he frowned, jocularly waving me to stand up “And stop embarrassing me in the public.”

    That’s the essential Prof.

    On his 80th birthday in 2014, I wrote a tribute for Kongi. Ten years later, nothing has changed to persuade me to rethink or regret my words. I crave readers’ indulgence to bring the following extracts from that essay:

    “What truly makes Soyinka great is not so much for the monumentality of a talent that spews pithy poetry, gripping prose and transcendental drama. His greatness lies more in the courage and character he brings to bear on creativity.  At an age when no territory seems restricted any more, when many of yesterday’s heroes and heroines have been exposed to be counterfeits, and when more and more of the surviving statesmen would instead trade away their honour for temporary gains, Kongi remains an exemplar.

    “His fiery pen and caustic tongue notwithstanding, Kongi remains tender at heart, one who may disagree with you in principle but never holds back in the fellowship of humanity or be detained by bitterness over the past. Only that could explain the complicated relationship he has had over the years with his relative, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo.  Feisty OBJ had decided to veer from the political turf as sitting president in 2005 to engage Soyinka in an epistolary joust. In a signed statement, he took a swipe at Kongi for criticising his policies.

    “But discerning observers who read the open letter could not but raise their hands in panic immediately, fearful of the approaching literary wrath on the proverbial errant native doctor who carries his ritual offering past a mosque. While it was readily conceded that OBJ was fussy by nature, many had expected that his fabled native intelligence would have served him well by dissuading him from venturing into a square rope against Kongi in a literary duel.

    “Their worst fears were soon proved right. Soyinka’s response was an atomic bomb. OBJ’s presidential garment was torn beyond recognition by the time the smoke cleared. For once, the Ota chicken farmer became tongue-tied. Months later, the hatred that open ‘roforofo’ (dirty fight) had generated would not prevent Kongi from showing up at the funeral of OBJ’s spouse, Stella, who died suddenly following complications arising from a medical procedure in Spain.

    “When OBJ finally met with Kongi face to face on the aisle outside the funeral parlour, the story is told of how the president exploded in a playful rage, ‘Wole, iwo! (Wole, you!)’, raising an arm in mock threat. Defiant Kongi fired back, “Segun, Ori e!” thumping his head in a supreme Yoruba gesture of contempt.  More embarrassed than amused by such audacity, the guards around the President cleverly looked away.

    “Again, when Chief Emeka Ojukwu qualified the victory he achieved in the sham elections arranged by the Abacha junta to select delegates for the 1994 Constitutional Conference as conferring on him a mandate ‘superior to June 12’,  vintage Soyinka gave expression to popular thinking in the country then by simply dismissing the ex-Biafran secessionist as ‘an expired warlord’.  That critical riposte would not prevent Kongi from attending Ojukwu’s burial (in 2012) to pay last respects to a personal friend.

    “The same generosity of spirit is evident in his warm relationship with General Yakubu Gowon today.  At the presentation of a memoir by the Oba of Benin early (in 2014), Soyinka continually poked good-natured jokes at Gowon while giving a keynote address to the audience’s admiration. It was hard to believe that it was the same Gowon who had clamped him into the gulag during the Nigerian Civil War. His 28-month solitary confinement birthed the book, ‘The Man Died’.

    “When it was his turn to speak, the former head of state threw the crowd into a fresh bout of laughter by cautioning Kongi to watch his tongue: ‘You should remember that it was because of the same sharp tongue of yours that I sent you to prison in the 60s.’

    “Being the first black man to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, Soyinka’s life sends an enduring message: the infinite possibilities of the black race.”

  • ECOWAS summit: Six steps the leaders can take to restore stability and growth in West Africa

    ECOWAS summit: Six steps the leaders can take to restore stability and growth in West Africa

    • By Olayinka Ajala

    This year’s summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) takes place against a challenging environment for the regional bloc.

    Recent developments in the region have included coups, insecurity and economic instability. Climate change also poses challenges.

    Six successful and two attempted coups in the region since 2020 were followed by the withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger from the bloc. All three were founding members of ECOWAS (in 1975) and are key countries in the Sahel.

    The 15-member economic bloc has developed the most integrated economic community in Africa through a free trade area, free movement of citizens, development of regional infrastructure such as roads and a mechanism for conflict resolution. The bloc also has a functioning court of justice.

    But the bloc and its members face threats to their stability.

    As a scholar of politics and international relations with expertise on West Africa and the Sahel, I have previously analysed the importance of ECOWAS for peace and security in the region.

    ECOWAS played a key role in restoring peace in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s, for example.

    This year’s summit must begin to restore this stabilising role. I have identified six steps the leaders of ECOWAS could take:

    • Finding short-, medium- and long-term solutions to insecurity in the region

    • Boosting trade within the region and enhancing economic development

    • Tackling drug trafficking

    • Adopting climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies

    • Developing a blueprint for youth development and empowerment

    • Ensuring democratic stability in the region.

    Addressing these issues is essential to maintain peace, promote stability and achieve economic development in the region.

    Insecurity

    In the last few years, there has been an increase in conflicts and insecurity in several countries in West Africa.

    The problems range from terrorism to farmer-herder conflicts. Some communities have been devastated by insurgency, and the residents forced to leave their homes.

    Data obtained from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees indicates that in 2022, west and central Africa hosted 11.2 million forcibly displaced people, including 7.8 million internally displaced people and 1.6 million refugees. A large percentage are from West Africa.

    When farmers are displaced, the consequence is food insecurity. Insecurity goes beyond borders and must be addressed collectively.

    Internal trade

    A World Bank report in January 2024 stated that despite the potential to produce enough food locally, several countries in West Africa rely on food imports from outside the continent.

    The ECOWAS leaders must identify ways of boosting local production. This would reduce unemployment and boost local economic growth.

    Drug trafficking

    In the last few years, drug trafficking has soared in West Africa and the Sahel. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime stated that seizures of cocaine in the Sahel increased from an average of 13kg per year between 2015 and 2020 to 1,466kg in 2022.

    There has also been an increase in drug use among young people in the region. Drugs such as kush – which is as dangerous as heroin and cocaine but costs much less – is devastating communities, resulting in thousands of deaths.

    ECOWAS leaders must tackle the drug epidemic.

    Impact of climate change

    Climate change is making an impact on communities, resulting in increased competition for resources, violent conflicts and forced migration in several countries in the region.

    While ECOWAS has taken commendable actions to deal with the impact of climate change, such as the ECOWAS Climate Strategy and Action plan, more needs to be done about adaptation.

    The link between climate change and farmer-herder conflict, for instance, must be recognised to prevent further conflicts. Other aspects of climate mitigation such as early warnings and early actions must also be established.

    ECOWAS leaders must also develop strategies for accessing and generating funds for climate change responses.

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    Youth development and empowerment

    The west and central African regions have some of the highest concentrations of young people in the world. With a median age of 17.5 years, there is an urgent need for leaders of the countries in ECOWAS to develop a blueprint for youth development.

    The coups in the region, which were supported by thousands of young people, indicate the frustration of young people with the current governance structures. The recent violent riots by young people in Kenya also point to deep fissures in several African countries.

    Democratic stability

    Since 2020, there have been six successful and two attempted coups in West Africa. Several reasons, such as economic instability, insecurity, corruption and external interference, have been given.

    ECOWAS leaders must explore ways of preventing more coups, starting with an emphasis on good governance.

    Military leaders must be encouraged and supported to transition to democracy as soon as possible. Re-establishing communication with the military leaders is essential for the stability of the ECOWAS region.

    How ECOWAS leaders can address these issues

    Addressing these issues will require commitments and sacrifice.

    Key strategies would be to cut the cost of governance at all levels, tackle corruption, engage the youth and develop local capacities.

    This will restore confidence in the region’s countries, boost local productivity and restore hope among the people.

    • Ajala is Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. “https://theconversation.com/ecowas-summit-6-steps-the-leaders-can-take-to-restore-stability-and-growth-in-west-africa-233997”