The Nation Newspaper

Category: Comments

  • ASUU: Is there a gathering storm over unmet demands?

    ASUU: Is there a gathering storm over unmet demands?

    • By Andrew A. Erakhrumen

    None, except those we will be mentioning later, should be ecstatic that a storm may be gathering again! Where? It is in the Nigerian public universities’ skies! Will there be a rain or not? No one can give a definite “yes” or “no” answer for now! The type of rain being envisaged – if need be – is also unknown! Unfortunately, this increasingly cloudy firmament, as usual, is not coincidental as there are certain characters – in the civil service/governmental bureaucracy – that always benefit from the chaos resulting from this kind of deliberately-arranged and sustained ‘misunderstanding’ that is not a misunderstanding in the first place!

    The issues, here, concerning the publicly-owned universities, in Nigeria, have roots in regularly recounted historical events but let us start from the recent past when “…..members of Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU)…..reluctantly activated their suspended strike, with a four-week roll-over strike, on the 14th of February, 2022 after ASUU-National Executive Council (NEC) Meeting of 12th to 13th of February, 2022, held at University of Lagos, Lagos…..” To give more time for the issues in dispute to be addressed, this action was rolled-over “…..on the 14th of March, 2022, for another eight weeks, after ASUU’s Emergency NEC Meeting of 13th of March, 2022 at University of Abuja, Abuja…..”

    To cut the story short, that action later became indefinite, lingering till 14th of October, 2022.

     During the industrial action, lecturers in federal and certain state universities were unpaid of what was (and still is) being referred to as “salary” between March and October, 2022! They were punished for daring to ask questions! They were humiliated and rubbished, so it seemed, by a group of opportunistic mediocrities with unconcealable and unconcealed anti-intellectual posture only experienced with dictatorial governments that were unelected and undemocratic!

    Is Nigeria not still being governed by the same group of people? Among these unrepentant anti-intellectuals is Adamu Twice “The Confused Journalist” who was thought to be an ASUU’s friend but turned out to not be! These characters were willingly, gladly and excitedly represented by one Chris Ngige who claimed, then, to be the “chief conciliator of industrial disputes in the country” but was always behaving “…..like a conspirator…..grandstanding through the media, muddling up issues and heating up the system…..” Ngige and some members of his group of anti-intellectuals left office since May 29, 2023 but where are those that replaced them? Or, is the same story continuing?

    With the way things are, now, it appears so because those in government especially at the federal level, cannot claim ignorance of what led to the 2022 industrial action! In fact, before assuming office, a lot of promises (typical of Nigerian politicians) were made by those currently in government concerning resolving the said crisis.

    Read Also: Minimum Wage: Labour rejects govt’s ₦54,000 proposal

     Just to refresh your mind, the issues leading to the 2022 industrial action by ASUU are anchored on government’s betrayal of trust concerning the items encapsulated in the 2009 Federal Government of Nigeria/ASUU Agreement, 2012 and 2013 Memoranda of Understanding and 2017 and 2019 Memoranda of Action including other unfortunate developments. As it is known with ASUU, the members have patiently waited to see what the ‘new’ government have in stock especially concerning the excruciating economic pain caused by the astronomical increases in the price of premium motor spirit and other items in the market. What has been the response of this federal government to the groaning of the people? Taxes and more taxes! People with an already weak capacity to produce are now being taxed the more to get poorer!

    Of course, as it has always been, members of ASUU are neither exempted from nor protected against the negative effects of these age-long and timeless but now-increasingly audaciously entrenched policies of premeditated pauperisation of the masses by the political elite. The country’s economy, like in the past, is still being run like a private company! If it is being well-run as such with positive results, perhaps, one would have been consoled. Government (economic) policies are based on the whims and caprices of inept characters. We have always told them that all should not be about politics; they should seek help among ‘non-politicians’ since those in government are confused! It is also clearer that the current central government is unwilling to depart from the inglorious route taken by its predecessors concerning ASUU’s demands.

     Anyway, ASUU at its NEC Meeting of 11th to 12th May, 2024, held at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State, concluded that “…..a number of issues on which ASUU has been engaging owners of public universities (federal and state governments) in the last one decade or so are yet to be meaningfully addressed. These include the sanctity of legally constituted governing councils; review of the 2009 FGN-ASUU Agreement; revitalization fund for public universities; earned academic allowances; and withheld salaries, promotion arrears, and third-party deductions of our members. The others issues are illegal recruitments; proliferation of public universities/abuse of universities’ rules/processes; and treasury single account (TSA) and new IPPIS [Integrated Payroll Personnel Information System] vis-à-vis the autonomy of universities.

    [Based on] a critical review of the current state of affairs in our universities as well as in our nation at the last meeting, the following major decisions were taken: (1) NEC condemns in strong terms the seeming refusal of federal and state governments to decisively address all outstanding issues with the ASUU; (2) NEC rejects all the ongoing illegalities and flagrant violation of university autonomy in public universities as a result of non-reinstatement/reconstitution of Governing Councils; and (3) NEC shall reconvene after two weeks from the date of the NEC meeting to review the situation and decide on the next line of action.”

    In conclusion, the main essence of this piece is to contribute to the efforts at intimating the public concerning those well-known ASUU’s unattended-to demands that have always been in the public space; certainly, these demands are not, in any way, strange to the public even as it appears that many have lost their sense of history in this country!

    Regrettably, once an industrial action, in the public universities, gets suspended, everyone including the government at all levels retire to deep sleep until the next provoked cycle of agitation! A storm may appear to be gathering again; however, not all clouds result into rain! Irrespective of this, it has always been considered senseless to constantly resort to the predictable regular Nigerian “fire brigade approach” in solving an age-long challenge requiring (a) sustainable systematic collaboratively-developed solution(s).

    In the light of this, we had expected (and still expecting) that government should quickly do the needful and rightful regarding all the outstanding issues (leading to strikes in public universities) that we earlier mentioned. For us, one year in office is enough to solve most of the “problems” (if they are so considered) that the people in government, now, were already familiar with long before their assumption of political power.

    •Erakhrumen teaches at the University of Benin.

  • Badaru: Insecurity and wind of hope

    Badaru: Insecurity and wind of hope

    • By Bunmi Adelaja

    Without a doubt, the war against insecurity is still being fiercely fought on different frontiers. But there is a blowing wind of hope which attests to the fact that the Ministry of Defence and all the allied agencies under it are not sleeping on duty. Minister of Defence, Mohammed Badaru, has been silently working the mills to surmount the general challenge of insecurity, though he blows no trumpet about this.

    Since August 16, 2023 when he and some other ministers were assigned portfolio, Badaru who was governor of Jigawa State for eight years (2015 to 2023) has never hidden his zeal to win the war. The man who strategically kept Jigawa peaceful for the eight years he was in office in the face of grotesque insecurity in the north at that time, has deployed the same strategy to rally the military to a new level of effectiveness. The process has been gradual but steady.

    From meetings with international strategic defence partners and experts to rousing the various layers of the nation’s defence apparatchik, the minister has raised a banner of hope which profoundly points to a cup half full; not one, half empty.

    While the minister, not one known for garrulity, would rather maintain silence on his strategy, the result of his behind-the-scene actions are writ large and they testify of increased morale within the ranks of the defence sector actors. This is congruous with recent statistics released by the military in the area of counter-terrorism.

    Major-General Edward Buba, Director of Defence Media Operations, recently reeled out figures and facts behind the renewed onslaught on terror and banditry across the nation.

    In the first quarter of 2024 he said: “We have employed significant firepower to neutralise several terrorists and disrupt their activities. Indeed, significant number of terrorist commanders killed include but not limited to the following: Abu Bilal Minuki (aka Abubakar Mainok) – Head of Is-Al Furqan Province (ISGS and ISWAP) and Haruna Isiya Boderi,”described as “a notorious terrorist who operated along Birnin Gwari forest in Kaduna State as well as the Abuja-Kaduna Highway.”

    He sketched how the operational command and influence of the insurgents notably Kachallah Damina, Kachallah Alhaji Dayi, Kachallah Idi (Namaidaro), Kachallah Ubangida, Alhaji Balsu, and 50 others who terrorised the north-western part of the country were dimmed by sustained widespread military operations. Both aerial and land military operations have resulted in greater harvest with the likes of Damana Hanun Giwa, Ali Kawaje, Yallo Nagashi, Maikusa Katsina, Sai Dangote and other notorious terror merchants eliminated by the troops.

    Going by Buba’s account, between January and March this year, a total of 2,351 terrorists were killed, 2,308 suspects were arrested and 1,241 kidnap victims were rescued from different locations and dens of the insurgents, some of whom have turned their heinous vocation into a kidnapping venture which brings them much money. It stands to reason that the resurgence in anti-terror success is largely bolstered by the active engagement of the minister with various stakeholders in the defence value chain. This success under Badaru, though largely nuanced and barely reported for security reasons, has been linked to robust inter-agency relationship engendered by the minister.

    The onslaught has also resulted in more seizure of arms and ammunitions from the insurgents. Within the period, a haul of 2,847 weapons and 58,492 ammunitions were harvested from the insurgents. Not many Nigerians are aware that as the military is fighting both internal and external aggression by insurgents, they are also battling with economic saboteurs in the land borders and waterways especially in the creeks of the Niger Delta where millions of litres of stolen crude, diesel, kerosene and petrol have been seized from bunkerers and smugglers.

    Read Also: Army probes attacks on soldiers at Abuja Banex plaza

    The terror blight has become an international contagion and only a sub-regional, regional and global synergy will help mitigate or even eradicate the plague. On the international front, the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), under the command of Nigeria’s Major General Ibrahim Sallau Ali, has recorded tangible successes within the sub-region.  MNJTF comprises essentially military units from Benin Republic, Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger Republic and Chad which houses its headquarters in the capital city of N’Djamena. One of its flagship counter-terrorism offensives is the Operation Nashrul Salam. Nigeria is a major contributor in terms of personnel and funding of the operation of the joint task force.

    Aside the deployment of kinetic force by the military to combat insurgency and banditry, Badaru is also deploying diplomatic manoeuvres to rally more support for those on the frontline. Recently, he pleaded with the European Union (EU) to look in the direction of Nigeria, indeed Africa, in terms of funding in the same manner the West is funding Ukraine and other nations under siege. Badaru’s logic is that Africa should not be treated in isolation in the onslaught against terrorism. He noted that the world is now a global village and what affects America or Europe will ultimately impact on Africa and vice versa.

    Effective modern defence is tech-driven. Badaru understands this very well. At a recent two-day symposium on Defence Space Administration held in Abuja, the minister emphasized the need for the nation’s security apparatchik to leverage emerging technologies to surmount new challenges, ranging from cyber-attacks to space-based espionage and allied security demands.

    “In today’s rapidly evolving world where technological advancements are reshaping the landscape of national security, we must adapt and innovate to protect our defence infrastructure effectively. It is crucial to stay ahead of the curve and harness the power of emerging technologies to fortify our defence and ensure the security of our nation,” the Minister charged the audience made up of the Chief of Defence Space Administration, Air Vice Marshal AA Shinkafi and other top military officers.

    Badaru’s charge to the Defence Space Administration after inspecting some light-years-ahead defence infrastructure produced by the Administration was seen as a tonic to boost Nigeria’s military reliance and deployment of indigenous technology. President Tinubu’s quest for a Renewed Hope for all Nigerians through local production of goods and services, and guaranteed safety and security for Nigerians and foreigners living in the country finds a fitting prop in the Badaru charge.

    As Tinubu marks his first one year in office amid challenging socio-economic headwinds which he inherited, it has to be said, he should take consolation in the fact that some ministers, the likes of Badaru, Nyesom Wike, Dele Alake, Dave Umahi, among others, have shown enough devotion to duty and commitment to the cause of herding Nigeria out of the woods.

    When Badaru was assigned the defence portfolio, many had wondered what an accountant, activist and sports enthusiast and administrator would bring to the office at such a critical time. But today, even the fiercest critics of the Tinubu government will admit that there is a general air of improvement in security, though there is still a vast room for improvement. One of Tinubu’s desires in his Renewed Hope agenda is to defend the territorial integrity of the nation and to secure lives and property within. He has certainly found a worthy partner in Badaru, himself an exemplar of peace even as governor of Jigawa State.

    •Adelaja, security analyst, writes from Lagos.

  • Africa will never fail

    Africa will never fail

    • By Toyin Falola

    This day marks a significant moment for the future, which is not just a wishful aspiration; it is reality, which has begun now and will lead us to the future of our promise. The culture of resilience is central to our vast heritage; in our journey, our cultural diversity is unmatched anywhere else in the world. In our diversity, apparent in our landscape, languages, traditions, and customs, we have existed and continue to breathe them in a harmonious circle. Our resilience is prevalent in the preservation of culture, traditions, and customs in diverse and different regions of the continent. Despite obstacles of the slave trade, colonialism, apartheid, and prevalent neo-colonialism, we have prevailed.

    Our endurance in the face of encountering countless obstacles, as noted above, has not deterred us from triumph up till this moment. This is obvious as we have navigated the slave trade, the colonial era, and the struggle for independence and freedom; our resilience stands tall. Amidst past obstacles and challenges, Africa has stood the test of the aftereffects of the past eras and is currently dealing with the realities of economic challenges, but with you, we will triumph. I must say to you, as graduating students, it is incumbent upon you to tap into our rich history of resilience, unity, and culture to establish stable connections and collaborations beyond borders and promote a sense of unified effort amidst global presence. Therefore, you must combine the wisdom of history to guide the advancement of tomorrow and to foster a prosperous and harmonious Africa; in this regard, your resilience is important.

    By recognizing and embracing the various dimensions of our journey towards stable economic progress, it is important to embrace our economic prowess. Africa has witnessed a significant surge in economic growth and development, marked by the culmination of urbanization, investments, and the emerging tech industry; we must not relent. While Africa is often linked to economic challenges, our economic transformations are beyond mere numbers and statistics, embedded in the ability to create new possibilities, positively shaping the society, and to move beyond the conventional economic challenges that have been linked to the continent. One of the crucial changes is the innovative ideas in the tech sector, especially in countries like South Africa, Kenya, and Nigeria; with impressive growth, African tech start-ups are gathering great investments, adding to the growth of the economy, without disregarding other important sectors such as mining, agriculture, entertainment, tourism, and manufacturing, which are also key drivers of economic growth in different African countries. Start-ups in Africa are not only creating jobs but also contributing to tax revenue and attracting foreign investment, signalling hope for the continent. The substantial increase in employment opportunities generated by funded start-ups underscores their beneficial influence on African economies.

    Presented with a multitude of prospects, you are motivated to contribute to the knowledge shifts and economic transformations. As individuals, you have all it takes to excel in various endeavours, such as academia, entrepreneurship, and agriculture, and to contribute to their advancements. Remember, education is not just about garnering technical skills; it encompasses a deeper comprehension of how to navigate different challenges and obstacles. You are responsible for cohesion and social development on the continent. The advancement of the continent in all ramifications is a priority, and the continent is in your hands. By recognizing your social responsibilities as individuals, you will contribute by making deliberate decisions, calling for inclusiveness, and participating in governance for a better and advanced society.

    Invariably, your education is key for both job creation and contributing to the ever-increasing workforce of the continent. Your innovative ideas and entrepreneurship endeavours are no small measure key to addressing the level of unemployment in the continent. Tackling these challenges requires strategic planning that integrates investments in education and skills; this is not the job of the government alone. Your participatory level in leadership is of importance, as effective and good leadership is a recipe for a stable present and future. We must not shy away from the reality that numerous African countries are facing, ranging from institutional failure and bad governance; this is evident in the political instability, corruption, injustice, and ineffective public administration that plague numerous African countries. This shows that good governance, when evasive, automatically leads to underdevelopment and instability.

    When you seek leadership positions, look inward and find the determination to improve the well-being of your compatriots. The wisdom of the past will encourage the important characteristics of great African leaders of the past. Look into Kwame Nkrumah and Patrice Lumumba as the personalities of African resiliency and self-determination, and to Nelson Mandela and Julius Nyerere. Remember Nelson Mandela and one of his famous attributed quotes: “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” Other notables like Cheikh Anta Diop, Molefi Kete Asante, and Thabo Mbeki, among other great leaders of Africa, have shown dignified leadership and intellectual prowess in various endeavours. For many African nations, the struggle for a unified and prosperous community has been impeded by leadership crisis and political instability. Graduating students, once again, look inward and learn from the wisdom of history. To become the next generation of leaders, embracing the mantle of ethical leadership and contributing to good governance presents both a significant challenge and a remarkable opportunity.

    Read Also: Minimum wage: NLC, TUC insist on May deadline

    I want to reiterate that the youths are not only the catalysts for change but the ‘cream’ of society. Africa boasts a huge population of youths, and this demographic trend offers both opportunities and challenges, which place the youth at the helm of the continent’s development. According to Statista, as of 2023, Africa boasted the world’s youngest population among continents, with approximately 40 per cent of its inhabitants aged 15 years and below, in contrast to the global average of 25 per cent. In all sectors, the youth population has the potential to improve and contribute to the growth of the continent. Again, despite the urge to do more, African youths are making significant innovations in sectors that provide good healthcare and financial services. You must continue to advocate for democracy, transparency, and social justice.

    I must point out that African youth are making notable strides in technology and entrepreneurship, with a burgeoning number of tech start-ups and innovations led by young minds addressing diverse challenges. These endeavours should be improved on to signify more than just commercial ventures. However, your influence must extend beyond the economic impact and be pivotal in propelling social and political change. Across various societies, you must continue to emerge as champions of democracy, transparency, and social justice, catalysing public discourse and prompting both societies and governments to reassess and reform established norms. As graduates, you are to become agents of change and trailblazers in your fields with a profound sense of responsibility. I urge you to harness your education, expertise, and creativity not solely for personal advancement but also for the betterment of your communities and the continent.

    Remember, the future of Africa depends on You! Be ready to be a driving force for progress and transformation. Embrace your boundless potential with courage and resolve. Together, let’s build an Africa that fosters innovation, cherishes its heritage, and champions justice and equality. As you step beyond the four walls of this institution, carry the conviction that you possess the ability to make a substantial difference. May this day be etched in your hearts, not just for its academic significance, but as a beacon of hope and catalyst for change. And with you, Africa will never fail!

  • Boro Day: Time for reflections

    Boro Day: Time for reflections

    • By Braeyi Ekiye

    That Isaac Adaka Boro, leader of the Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF) declared the first ever breakaway Republic from Nigeria is no news.

    Together with his compatriots, Samuel Owonaru, Nottingham Dick and George Amangala, they held on to the fight for Niger Delta Republic through 12 eventful days, from February 23 to March 7, 1966 before the General Aguiyi-Ironsi-led Federal Military Government crushed the revolt and subsequently charged them for treason. They were later jailed.

    But, what led to the declaration of the Niger Delta Republic? The NDVF had advocated for greater control of benefits of oil and gas wealth for the Izons (Ijaws), nay Niger Deltans; what is now known as self-determination and resources ownership and control.

    The quartet of Boro, Owonaru, Dick and Amangala had envisioned a Niger Delta which would be the beacon of true civilization and progress where, equity and justice would prevail in the administration of the government.

    Boro and his patriotic comrades were released from prison in the wake of the Nigerian Civil War in May 1967, majorly, courtesy of Minority Rights Icon, Chief Harold Dappa-Biriye who pleaded with the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon for their release to assist in the war against Ojukwu’s rebellion. Boro and his men, after their release, plunged themselves head-long into fighting in the civil war that unfortunately consumed Isaac Adaka Boro under mysterious circumstances on May 9, 1968 at Ogu (near Okrika) in Rivers State at the age of 29.

    It is now 58 years since the quartet took up the gauntlet and told the Federal Government, ‘Enough is Enough’. And for their audacity to confront an all-powerful military government with a superfluous war chest, the Ijaws chose to celebrate these heroic sons of the Niger Delta on May 16 every year. The celebration, ostensibly, is to review the impact of the struggle by Boro and his team for Niger Delta’s self-determination, resources ownership and control within the Nigerian federation and to proffer a way forward.

    It is disturbing that the yearly Boro Day celebration has become an event of terror to business and commercial centres including markets in Yenagoa metropolis and environs. For fear of looting of commercial stores and markets by youths purported to be celebrating Boro Day, business and commercial houses and market stalls are always put under lock and key on May 16 every year. This act of lawlessness by celebrating youths should be condemned in unmistaken terms. The security agencies should be proactive in checking the excesses of these cult-like youths and bring to book anyone found culpable.

    There is no doubt Boro’s struggle for equity and justice for Niger Delta within the Nigerian political and economic space awakened the consciousness of Niger Deltans, especially the Ijaws to confront the Nigerian State over the despicable economic and environmental conditions of communities in the region. This, indeed, informed the Kaiama Declaration by the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) of Nigeria on December 11, 1998. The Declaration pointed at Ijaw’s inalienable right to the ownership and control of oil mineral resources in Nigeria. The IYC asserted that the degradation of the environment of the Ijaw land by transnational oil companies and the Nigerian State arose mainly because Ijaw people have been robbed of their natural rights to ownership and control of their land and resources. The IYC which has its roots stuck deep in Kaiama, Boro’s hometown, was the epicentre for the epochal 1998 Kaiama Declaration, during which over 5,000 Ijaw people representing over 40 Ijaw clans, chose to articulate their aspirations for the Ijaw people, and “to demand an end to 40 years (then) of environmental damage and underdevelopment in the region”.

    Read Also: Minimum wage: NLC, TUC insist on May deadline

    Earlier in December 1991, a vibrant environmental advocacy group had surfaced in the Niger Delta, specifically in Ogoni land, Rivers State. That year, the “Ogoni Bill of Rights” was presented to the Federal Government and people of Nigeria with an appeal to the international community by the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP).

    The foreword to the Bill written by late, Environmental Activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa, dated December 24, 1991, drew attention of Nigeria’s federal government to a number of issues, including neglect and deprivation of the rights and privileges of the people of oil and gas rich Ogoni land.

    The Bill asserted that the Ogoni people wished to manage their own affairs, while affirming to remain a part of the Federal Republic of Nigeria even as they demanded for political autonomy to participate in the affairs of the republic as a distinct and separate unit by whatever name called.

    In making this demand, the Ogoni people also referred the Federal Government to late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s assertion that: “In a true federation, each ethnic group no matter how small, is entitled to the same treatment as any other ethnic group, no matter how large”.

    The Ogoni’s therefore demanded their rights as equal members of the Nigerian Federation. The Bill maintained that Ogoni’s contribute and have continued to contribute to the growth of the federation and therefore, have a right to expect full returns from the Nigerian Federation.

    From the foregoing, both the Ogonis and the Ijaws and other ethnic nationality groups in the region are in agreement in the fight for the return of their stolen property-oil and gas resources, for them to manage and development the Niger Delta at their own pace.

    It is time for Niger Delta political elite, critical stakeholders, traditional rulers and the youths to more aggressively re-open these demands enunciated both in the Ogoni Bill of Rights and the Kaiama Declaration, with a view to positioning themselves for the legal and intellectual battle ahead in reclaiming the rights and privileges of Niger Deltans to their crude oil resources.

    The legal enterprise to free her people and their environment from further political and economic bondage should be a desirable option and should be pursued vigorously. Time to put on our thinking caps in a more focused manner, and also to think less of the question of political suicide on the part of our elected representatives and political appointees.

    Niger Delta political freedom, her economic and financial emancipation and empowerment of the people to run the affairs of this fertile region themselves without fetters is a task that must be done and the time is now!

    •Ekiye, a publisher writes from Yenagoa.

  • The ‘coup’ in Togo

    The ‘coup’ in Togo

    President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo early this month signed into law a new constitution for his country that is suspected aimed at indefinitely prolonging his stay in power. The new law essentially swaps the tiny West African nation’s presidential system with parliamentary system, adjusts the presidential tenure, and creates a new position of head of government that could offer the 57-year-old, who has been in power for two decades already, a platform for a lifetime of rulership.

    Under the new framework, Togolese voters will no longer directly choose the country’s president, as parliament will now have that power. Besides, the constitution raises the presidential term from five to six years and introduces a single-term limit. The nearly 20 years Gnassingbé has been in office would not count and he is eligible to take office under the new law when his current tenure expires in 2025. The constitution also creates a new office of de facto head of government known as ‘president of the council of ministers’ – a position reserved for the leader of the ruling party or coalition in parliament.

    Gnassingbé signed the constitution into law on the heels of Togo’s electoral commission announcing his ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) party as having won the country’s parliamentary poll held on April 29th by landslide. Ahead of that election, there was crackdown on civic and media freedoms in Togo. The government prohibited protests by civil society actors as well as politicians against the proposed new constitution and arrested opposition figures. The electoral commission banned the Catholic Church from deploying observers for the election. About mid-April, a French journalist who arrived in Togo to cover the elections was reported arrested, assaulted and expelled; and the country’s media regulator subsequently suspended accreditation of foreign journalists for the poll. With his party credited with winning 108 out of 113 seats in parliament, and 137 out of 179 seats in the senate, Gnassingbé – already in his fourth term in power – is well placed to be voted for another term in 2025 that will last until 2031 under the new framework.

    Read Also: Tek Experts Joins Forces with Cytek and Elev8 Tek under a New Brand: TeKnowledge

    The president’s supporters argue that the reworked constitution curtails his powers by changing the presidency into a ceremonial role. One of his ministers was reported saying the move would “improve democracy” in the country, while an adviser to the president claimed the constitutional changes would strengthen democracy and improve political stability because “the aspirations of our people are not served by the current constitution.” But Togolese opposition argue that Gnassingbé is looking beyond the 2031 expiration of the presidential tenure to an indefinite stay in the newly-created position of ‘president of the council of ministers.’ Under the new constitution, the presidency will become a largely symbolic role and power will reside with the president of the council of ministers – a sort of prime ministerial post that opposition suspect Gnassingbé aims to assume so he could bypass the presidential term limit. The position is reserved for the leader of the party with the majority in parliament, and it is Gnassingbé who currently fits in that profile.

    Togo, a French-speaking country of about nine million people, has been ruled by the same family for 57 years. Faure Gnassingbé came to power in 2005 after the death of his father, Gnassingbé Eyadema, who seized power in a 1967 military coup and ruled the country with iron fist for 38 years. It was the military that installed Faure Gnassingbé as president on the heels of his father’s death, but following intense domestic and international pressure he called an election that he won at the cost of hundreds of Togolese nationals losing their lives in crackdowns against protests over that poll victory. Gnassingbé has since won three more elections: in 2010, 2015 and 2020 – all of which were disputed as shams by the opposition.

    Let’s be clear: the new constitution in Togo was ostensibly at the behest of the parliament, which mid-April gave final approval to the changes. The law was initially approved by the lawmakers in March; but in the face of public outrage, President Gnassingbé paused the reforms and said they should be subjected to further  consultations and a second parliamentary vote. Pro-government lawmakers travelled round the country to “listen to, and inform civilians on the constitutional reforms.” They met with traditional rulers and select opinion leaders, although they eventually didn’t effect any change to the constitution before passing it again in April. Opposition figures and civil society activists plied resistance to the new law, which they dubbed a constitutional coup, but they were harshly repressed by Togolese security forces. In March, an opposition press conference under the banner of “Don’t Touch My Constitution” was broken up by the police. Amid the turmoil, the president momentarily held down the parliamentary poll, but that move further fuelled the unrest. The government then announced that the election would go ahead after all and rescheduled it to April 29th, which was just over a week later than the original date. The ruling party emerged with a sweeping victory in that poll, thereby securing the leverage needed to implement the new law to self-advantage. It was on the heels of that outcome the president signed the constitution into law.

    Prior to Gnassingbé signing the constitution into law, Togo’s opposition parties filed a lawsuit with the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in a bid to overturn the controversial law, which they contend is illegal because the parliament lost its mandate already by virtue of elections having been delayed beyond its statutory tenure. In the lawsuit, 13 opposition parties and groups requested the court to condemn Gnassingbé’s government for violating democracy and good governance, according to court documents seen by AFP. The litigants also argued that the constitutional reform was “made in absence of any prior public debate and without political consensus,” and that the opposition had their rights violated by the state of Togo.

    Another front of opposition since Gnassingbé signed the constitution early in May has been by a group of Togolese civil society organisations that called for protests to defend and preserve the old constitution. “We will never accept this new constitution, even after its promulgation. The Togolese people must decisively look towards 2025,” a spokesperson for the civil society groups told The Associated Press, adding: “A presidential election is absolutely necessary for the people to choose a new president and finally achieve a democratic transition in Togo.” But there hasn’t been much these objectors could do because the authorities have blocked all protests against the new law. Violent crackdowns on political demonstrations have been routine under President Gnassingbé, as they were during his father’s long rule. Meanwhile, an implication of the new law is that there will be no election in Togo in 2025, but Gnassingbé will most likely be handed a six-year tenure renewal by the parliament that is under his party’s control.

    Togolese people need help to resist the new law that is foisting a lifetime hegemony on them. Democracy is embattled enough in the West and Central African region that has witnessed eight military coups in three years, and forced constitutional alterations in some countries allowing rulers to prolong their stay in office. Gnassingbé apparently has the Togolese military under his thumb, but that is no reason why the world should ignore the travails of democracy in his country. The least ECOWAS leadership can do at this time is speak out against harsh suppression of dissent and authoritarian enactment of the new constitution in that country. Actually, the regional authority should work at mediation in Togo’s crisis. The bloc shouldn’t only be fighting military adventurers who illegally seize power in member-states, it should also exert moderating influence on civilian leaders who hold their citizens in oppressive thrall while overreaching the bounds of democracy. The bloc did that deftly when Senegal was recently in crisis, and it can do same now for Togo. If ECOWAS posts proactive oversight on member-nations during political crises, that might go a long way to avert intervention by military goons.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Tinubu’s big bets on gas

    Tinubu’s big bets on gas

    By Abdulaziz Abdulaziz

    Three distinct events in the course of last week all point to the unmistakable direction of the Tinubu administration in putting Nigeria on a firm and sustainable energy path.

    First was the order that government ministries and agencies must prioritise vehicles powered by Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) in their procurement. The second was the commissioning by the president of three important gas projects through a virtual ceremony on Wednesday. The third in chronology was the announcement of the mass deployment of 530 CNG-powered buses nationwide followed by a heart-warming inspection tour by a federal government team to a company taking the lead in provision of CNG vehicles in Nigeria.

    We take them one at time.

    Read Also: Tinubu mourns Ilomona’s monarch, Oba Oyekanmi

    At the Federal Executive Council meeting on Monday, a bold decision of the government to cease purchase of petrol-powered vehicles was announced. It was a move championed by no other person than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu himself. In considering a council memo for the proposed purchase of 200 Toyota Land Cruiser vehicles for use by the Nigerian Customs Service, the president made a deft move by drafting in his vision for Nigeria’s energy future into the play. At the end, the council agreed that it should be a policy that henceforth government money should not be used to purchase petrol-only vehicles.

    The policy has far-reaching implications. With 209.5 trillion cubic feet of proven gas reserve, Nigeria ranks 9th in the world among gas-rich countries.  Yet, the country is still far away from full utilization of this abundant natural resource for both domestic use and export. Since his coming, President Tinubu has shown his eagerness to change Nigeria’s energy story using the potentials of our gas deposits.

    In driving the point to members of his cabinet, the president noted that Nigeria “will not progress if we continue to dance on the same spot. We have the will to drive the implementation of CNG adoption across the country, and we must set the example as public officials leading the way to that prosperous future that we are working to achieve for our people. It starts with us, and seeing that we are serious Nigerians will follow our lead.” 

    As if it were a planned sequel to that powerful statement, two days later, the president launched three salient gas projects with collective capacity to generate $500 million for Nigeria in the next 10 years.

    The three milestone projects were the expanded AHL Gas Processing Plant; the ANOH Gas Processing Plant, and the 23.3km ANOH to Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) Custody Transfer Metering Station Gas Pipeline.

    Speaking during the virtual inauguration of the projects at the State House, President Tinubu assured citizens that his administration is stepping up its coordination of other landmark projects and initiatives that will ensure the earliest realization of gas-fuelled prosperity for Nigeria.

    The president noted that the projects are fully in line with the Decade of Gas Initiative and his government’s vision to grow value from the nation’s abundant gas assets while concurrently eliminating gas flaring and accelerating industrialization.

    “This event is highly significant to our country as it demonstrates the administration’s concerted efforts to accelerate the development of critical gas infrastructure geared at significantly enhancing the supply of energy to boost industrial growth and create employment opportunities.

    “It is pleasing that when these projects become fully operational, approximately 500MMscf of gas in aggregate will be supplied to the domestic market from these two gas processing plants, which represents over 25% incremental growth in gas supply,” the president said in his remarks.

    The new projects are purposed to bolster more gas to the power-generating sector, gas-based industries, and other critical segments of the economy which would build into the government’s bid to leverage the nation’s vast gas capacity to drive economic growth.

    The president was, expectedly full of praises for the NNPC Ltd under Malam Mele Kyari, and its partners for heeding to the clarion call to ramp up efforts to accelerate investment and developments of projects in the gas sector on a win-win basis.

    For President Tinubu, the goals are clear: The government is ready to partner private sector in deepening domestic gas utilization, increase national power generation capacity, revitalize industries, and create multiple job opportunities for economic growth.

    At another part of the country on the same day, excited transport sector stakeholders were taken through the government’s agenda for CNG vehicles and the torrents of incentives targeted at investors in the new energy vista.

    The event was a stakeholders’ engagement for the Southwest region organized by the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative (P-CNGi). It was a follow up to the major event held with stakeholders in Abuja to secure their buy-in for the government’s vision for the cheaper and cleaner transport sector.

    Launched last year, the P-NGi aims to midwife transition into gas-powered transportation in Nigeria. Aside working with private sector players to widen gas infrastructure nationwide, the programme has facilitated opening of conversion centres and placed order for hundreds of buses for mass transport on campuses and cities to pilot this new energy source. Michael Oluwagbemi, P-CNGi project director said 530 of those buses would soon be rolled out on our roads.

    Encouraged by the government’s desire to develop the CNG ecosystem, a number of businesses such as NIPCO, Matrix, BOVAS, Mikano, JET and Innoson are making huge investments in making available the CNG infrastructure and flooding the market with CNG-powered vehicles. On the trip to Lagos, the federal government delegation had tour of Mikano plant along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway where the company is assembling assortment of vehicles with a new focus on CNG compatibility. From what we saw at the Mikano plant and the explanation by its chairman, Mofid Karameh, as well as comments from stakeholders at the Wednesday gathering in Lagos, the bright future for the CNG in Nigeria is clear. 

    It is important to stress that President Tinubu’s vision of utilisation of Nigerian immense gas resources is not new. As someone familiar with the energy market, the president has been a front line advocate for exploring our gas resources for cheaper and cleaner energy. His goal is to hasten domestic utilisation and quicken its export to fertile Europe gas market. He had said it as a candidate and has reiterated it again and again since coming to office. Thankfully, the president is not one given to lip service to issues he feels strongly about. These latest steps, among others, have given unambiguous expression of his political will to save Nigeria and Nigerians from perpetual energy crisis and boost prosperity.

    •Abdulaziz is a senior special assistant to President Tinubu.

  • Abiodun: Five phenomenal years…

    Abiodun: Five phenomenal years…

    By Kayode Akinmade

    He came into office amid ceaseless assaults by a violent Establishment. He had no handover notes. But he had an agenda, a steely resolve, and a burning passion to transform the Ogun environment. Today, five years on, even the most cynical observer would admit that the Iperu-born prince and boardroom genius has turned the Gateway State around, infused a climate of excitement into governance and state management, building joy and hope for the future in the populace. This is remarkable in a country long hobbled by politicians’ failed promises.

    Perhaps the most salient aspect of Abioduns’ leadership is the climate of peace actively fostered in the state. Peace pervades the length and breadth of the land because the Sheriff in charge is determined to leave a lasting legacy of life-changing projects behind, and would not be drawn into political brawls even when a predecessor, taking advantage of the calm in the land, tours the senatorial districts, staging hate campaigns. That is not by accident. Abiodun is a transformational leader, and transformational leaders, as the leadership expert and presidential biographer James MacGregor Burns tells us, are those who, in company with their followers, advance to a higher level of morals and motivation. The fact cannot be disputed that through the strength of their vision and personality, transformational leaders inspire their followers to a higher level of intellectual stimulation, and hence social change.

    Read Also: UPDATED: 36 Assembly Speakers back State Police

    Against this backdrop, Ogun being rated as Nigeria’s most peaceful state comes as no surprise. People tend to copy what they see their leaders doing. Ogun people have not forgotten the highly instructive incident that took place shortly after their governor assumed office. Some pastors of the RCCG had been kidnapped while he was away in Abuja on official business. Given the viciousness of the outlaws, hope was low regarding their rescue. But the governor simply requested for and obtained helicopters for aerial surveillance of the target area, and all the clergymen were rescued unhurt. Jubilations erupted in many places…

    The Abiodun administration initiated the Security Trust Fund, rallying stakeholders to contribute to the fight against crime. It procured over 100 patrol vans, motorcycles, walkie-talkies, and other security equipment to enhance the operational efficiency of security agencies. Then came an additional 25 patrol vans and surveillance drones in collaboration with Lagos and Oyo states to monitor activities along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. And then came Amotekun, deployed at flashpoints…

    Because Ogun is calm, the strides in agriculture, the mainstay of the Nigerian economic, have been simply phenomenal. Through the Anchor Borrowers Programme, the Abiodun administration revolutionized youth involvement in agriculture. It created the Ogun State Investment Promotion Agency (OGUNIPA) and the Ogun State Business Executive Council (OGUNBEC) to make the Gateway State the destination of choice for investors. The administration empowered thousands of farmers through training, capacity building and provision of farming inputs, and Ogun is now a leading producer of rice, maize, and cassava in Nigeria. The story cannot be different with Abiodun’s heavy investment in the development of agricultural infrastructure, including irrigation systems, farm roads, and storage facilities.

    When a government fosters partnerships with private sector players, attracting investments and driving growth; implements initiatives to improve livestock production, including the distribution of breeding stock, veterinary support, and establishment of grazing reserves, the result is bound to be refreshing.

     The Abiodun administration has strengthened extension services, providing farmers with access to expert advice, technology, and best practices to improve their productivity and efficiency. It has supported farmers to produce high-quality products and linked them to markets and processors. It has created thousands of jobs in the agricultural sector, having developed and implemented policies like the Ogun State Agricultural Policy and the Ogun State Livestock Development Policy.  There is no space to detail the government’s empowerment of  farmers with solar pump machines; the N50 million Ijebu Development Initiative for Poverty Reduction (Eriwe) meant to develop the fish subsector in the state; the empowerment of over 40,000 agripreneurs in cassava cultivation, or the distribution of motorcycles to extension agents to reach farmers in remote areas across the state.

    In education, the abolition of all levies spiked enrolment in primary schools, even as the government adopted a school per ward for development as a model school. The promotion of teachers and equipment of schools and higher institutions and revolution of the transcript processing system has restored dignity to Ogun schools. And among the giant strides of the Abiodun administration, the Gateway International Airport, an agro-cargo facility situated in Remo North, has garnered global attention, with dignitaries and investors expressing interest in its immense socio-economic benefits. It will generate approximately 50,000 direct and indirect jobs. Fittingly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved the Special Agro-Cargo Processing Zone as a Free Trade Zone. Actually, what is on the ground is an airport city, with an agricultural processing zone located close by. Exporters of farming produce are about to experience an absolute windfall.

    Although the state of federal roads—and they are so many—in the state presented challenges during Abiodun’s first term, the story is fast changing. Go to Ota and see things for yourself. In any case, listing the roads constructed by the Abiodun administration is a daunting exercise. Infrastructure is the first pillar of the ISEYA mantra but accorded a top priority attention in the scheme of programmes being executed.  Notable among these roads already completed are the 3.41km Olomore Sanni Road, 0.9km Elega Mokola Bridge Entrance, 2km Idi -Aba Elite, Oke Lantoro Road,1.62km Ijaiye-Oke Ejigbo-Iporo Ake Road, 7.8km Obantoko Road (Fajol America junction-Unity Estate Gbonagun, 5.7km Somorin-Kemta Idi -Aba Road, 42km Abeokuta Sagamu Expressway, 3km Panseke Adigbe Road, 6.6km Siun Owode Road, 2.35km Arepo Road, 8km Revised s Scope Mowe Ofada Road,1.5km Kuforiji Olubi Quarry Road, Adigbe, and 1.85km Iyana Oloke junction to Mapoly School Gate.

    Then we have the 3.1km Ikoritameje Adenrele/Olose Titun Vespa Road, 2.4km Olusegun Osoba Toyin Agbado Road,1.5km construction of Sango Ota -Oke -Aro-Ojodu Abiodun Lagos End (Yakoyo to Mr Bigg), 2.0km Inner Roads, Itori Junction Road, 4km Oba Erinwole Road,Sagamu,13km Sagamu -Ode Lemo Road, 3km Idarika Street Road, 8km Orile Oko Road, 3km Awujale Road, Stadium and Oke Aje,1.2km Ogbagba Street, Ijebu Ode, etc. The Atan-Lusada-Agbara roads are a marvel. Housing estates covering different strata of society complement the good roads.

    Enter the health sector, a sector for which even the federal government acknowledged Ogun’s exemplary status during the COVID-19 pandemic. We are talking of an administration that inaugurated State Emergency Medical Treatment Committee to enhance the Ambulance and Emergency Service delivery, conducted training for health workers on comprehensive screening for new-borns to tackle sickle cell disease and secured, for the first time in 45 years, full accreditation and upgrade of the Ogun State Schools of Nursing and Midwifery to collegiate status.  We are talking about an administration that targeted 1.4m school-age children as change agents, promoted partnerships across the three tiers of the health sector, introduced free Covid-19 rapid testing of residents in health facilities, inaugurated Sexual Therapy and Assaults Referral Centre in Olabisi Onabanjo University Teaching Hospital (OOUTH), the Family Planning Centre at the State Hospital, Ijebu-Ode, and distributed over 25 tricycle ambulances to rural areas.

    The administration upgraded and increased the fleet of Ogun State Ambulance and Emergency Services from four vehicles inherited to 26 in two years, introduced 24-hours Ambulance and Emergency Services across the 20 LGAs, carried out free eye surgeries, contained cholera outbreaks, distributed 3.7m insecticide treated nets, commissioned two molecular laboratories to boost the state’s testing capacity for COVID-19 and other epidemiological diseases, and contained COVID-19 with less low fatalities.

    With Abiodun’s strategic foresight, Ogun can look towards the future with hope. Long before the federal government removed subsidy on fuel, Abiodun initiated CNG-run vehicles, tricycles and motorcycles in the state. Long before the economic downturn that attended subsidy removal came, he floated the Ogun-Kebbi Joint Commission on rice production. Ogun, as attested to by multiple awards.

    •Akinmade is Special Adviser on Media and Communications to the Governor of Ogun State.

  • As Northwest kicks off search for peace and security

    As Northwest kicks off search for peace and security

    By Abdulsalam Mahmud

    A two-day ‘Northwest Peace and Security Summit,’ which kicked off yesterday at the Katsina State Government House is expected to end today. Organized by the Northwest Governors’ Forum, NWGF, in collaboration with the United Nations Development Programme, UNDP, the summit is themed: “Livelihood, Building Resilience and Promoting Peace and Security: Addressing the Nexus of Banditry, Extremism and Climate Change in North West Nigeria”.

    Everyone knows that the states in Nigeria’s Northwest geo-political zone: Katsina, Zamfara, Kaduna, Kano, Jigawa, Kebbi and Sokoto have been ravaged by the heinous activities of terrorists and armed bandits. Residents of the aforementioned states, particularly Zamfara and Katsina, are the worst hit.

    Just law week, bandits massacred 30 people together with an Islamic cleric at some communities in Maradun and Tsafe Local Government Areas of Zamfara. The victims, sources claimed, were mostly farmers. “It was a bloody week in Anka LGA, which suffered grave losses after bandits invaded five communities there over five days – Tuesday to Saturday.

    Read Also: NLC, TUC warn FG not to touch pension fund

    “When the dust cleared, at least 49 persons lay dead. Anka residents reported that bandits slaughtered 18 persons in Farar-Kasa, 22 in Dangulbi, two in Duhuwa, four in Tsatsomawa, and three in Yar Sabaya communities,” according to a media report.

    Similarly, 24 persons were killed and several others wounded in a fresh bandits attack on Unguwar Sarkin Noma community, in Sabuwa Local Government Area of Katsina State, penultimate Friday. Those killed were mostly vigilante members, who reportedly came out to confront the bandits.

    Two months ago, Nigerians were alarmed by the abduction of 287 schoolchildren in Chikun Local Government of Kaduna State. “On March 8, bandits killed two residents during Friday prayers in the Kwasakwasa community, Birnin Gwari LGA, while many others were kidnapped.

    “On March 12, at least 30 villagers were abducted from Budah village in Kajuru LGA. On March 13, bandits invaded Banono community in Kajuru, killing one person and kidnapping eight others. On March 16, bandits ravaged Maro ward, Kajuru LGA, kidnapping 14 villagers,” the media equally reported.

    Take it or leave it, the Northwest now looks more troubled than the Northeast. In September last year, a study by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) identified banditry as the gravest security threat to the country.

    According to the study, while terrorists have killed about 350,000 people and displaced millions, the fatalities from the activities of the bandits at some point outweighed that of the Boko Haram terrorists. “In 2019, bandits were reportedly responsible for almost half of all violent deaths in Nigeria,” the research claimed.

    With its once-upon-a-time robust economy now in disarray, the Northwest is now the metaphor for underdevelopment, illiteracy and poverty. This is a sad commentary; one that seriously disturbs the NWGF, under the chairmanship of Governor Dikko Umaru Radda of Katsina.

    The NWGF, by convening the two-day summit, is bent on proffering lasting solutions to the woes affecting its region. The event however, is not the maiden attempt by the Northwest governors to engage key stakeholders in tackling their regional security problem. Last month, members of the NWGF together with three of their colleagues from the North-central, were in the United States for a symposium on peace and security.

    Organized by the Africa Centre at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), the symposium aimed to address the security challenges in the Northwest and Central. “Recognizing the crucial role of state governors in mitigating security threats and fostering peace, the symposium aims to enhance their capacity in conflict prevention and peacebuilding efforts across Nigeria.

    “Through dialogue and collaboration, the Africa Centre seeks to empower governors to address the underlying causes of instability and strengthen peacebuilding initiatives at local and state levels. During the symposium, Northern Nigeria governors and their counterparts will engage in panel discussions focusing on the drivers of insecurity and opportunities for stabilization.

    “These discussions aim to deepen participants’ understanding of the complex security landscape, identify strategies for addressing security challenges, and explore opportunities for sustainable peace and development in the region,” said a statement by Ibrahim Kaula Mohammed, the spokesperson of Governor Radda, ahead of the forum.

    The NWGF’s search for peace, integration and economic development in their region remains a herculean task, like it has always been. Therefore, it is expected that the discussions, speeches and papers to be presented at the event will be rich, insightful, well-researched, in a way that will highlight portent solutions to the North West’s banditry malaise.

    Delegates and participants at the summit should also not mince words in telling the NWGF that its members need to develop efficient strategies that will eradicate poverty and illiteracy in their states. Defeating terrorism and banditry becomes easier when people are educated and adequately empowered financially. The NWGF, as a matter of fact, should be told that their summit will not add any impetus to the fight against banditry if it is just all about talking and talking.

    Concrete steps and implementable actions must be taken in the days ahead. This summit they have convened should be instructive in all ramifications of decimating terrorists in the Northwest.

    One cannot but applaud governors Radda and Dauda Lawal Dare of Zamfara for establishing local security networks in their respective domains, last year. Already, both the Katsina State Community Corps Watch and Zamfara Community Protection Guards (CPGs) are complementing the efforts of conventional security agencies in the two states.

    As such, it is only imperative that other members of the NWGF expedite action in creating their own local security outfits, to assist our regular security forces in fighting criminals and bandits. In the Southwest, we now have a regional but non-conventional security group called Amotekun.

    Established barely four years ago, operatives of the network have been unrelenting in pounding terrorists, cultists, gunmen and other criminals terrorizing the zone. It won’t be a bad idea to have something like Amotekun being replicated in the Northwest. Governor Radda, as the NWGF leader, should assiduously champion that.

    Time is running out. Anything hindering the creation of state police should be sorted out now. The Northwest – pardon my bias – need more security personnel on the ground to fight bandits, or even take the battle to them in their hideouts. Again, the police officers attached to VIPs will be more productive when they are deployed to the field for combat operations against enemies of the state.

    The federal government repeatedly says it has uncovered the sponsors of terrorism in the country. It is however unfortunate that the alleged criminals have not been exposed and prosecuted, allowing them to continue perpetrating their barbaric ‘trade’. This should stop. Lest it distracts the focus of the Northwest governors, who are doing everything possible to facilitate the swift return of peace and security in their region.

    •Mahmud is the Deputy Editor of PRNigeria and wrote in via: babasalam1989@gmail.com.

  • Consumer Credit Scheme: Matters arising

    Consumer Credit Scheme: Matters arising

    By Olusuyi Adaramewa

    As part of the Renewed Hope agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s (PBAT) administration, the birth of the Consumer Credit Scheme /Corporation signals yet another landmark – a colour amber, in its key performance indicators.  In concretizing the initiative, a N100billion (about USD85m) has been earmarked for the take-off of the first phase of the scheme slated for May 15.  Going by reports, the phase one would kick off with the Civil Service on that day. Thereafter, its cascading effect shall be felt by other segments of the Nigerian public.

    Methinks that this developmental stride outweighs a mere actualization of political slogan or a mere appeasement of the Breton Woods or multi-lateral agencies often labelled as being surreptitiously moulding our present socio-economic reconfiguration. If anything, the bottom line is that it appears to be a right step in the right direction. This becomes obvious given the fact that it may unlock credit opportunities and their potentials in the system, thereby alleviating some challenges attached to the perennial paucity of funds in the economy.

    One of the key challenges of a consumer credit scheme in an emerging economy like ours is the issue of financial inclusion. How far have we addressed this in Nigeria? Without mincing words, and but for the few noticeable hiccups, we are bound to be gleeful over the mirthful episodes that have characterized the payment system landscape within the last one decade or so. Put clearly, the Nigerian payment system has been rejuvenated and transformed to the extent that more people have been included in its ecosystem. Based on the results of the EFInA Access to Financial Services in Nigeria 2012 survey, “34.9 million adults representing 39.7% of the adult population were financially excluded. Only 28.6 million adults were banked, representing 32.5% of the adult population.” 

    Read Also: Consumer Credit Scheme: Credit Corp warns against fraudsters

    Gratifyingly, and according to the World Bank, the financial inclusion rate has risen to about 64 per cent of the eligible populace in 2024. This signals that around 64 percent of the adult population in the country has access to financial services such as bank accounts, loans, investments, and digital payments. The Guardian of Wednesday, May 8, presented an impressive growth trajectory in the  values of electronic payments in Nigeria , for the past eight years: “2016 N62trillion, 2017 N83trillion, 2018 N109trillion, 2019 N150trillion, 2020 N356trillion, 2021 N272trillion, 2022 N387trillion, and 2023 N600trillion.”

    Despite this upbeat, there are still some challenges with infrastructure, making it excruciating for the average Nigerian to seamlessly cash in and out, via the electronic channels. For instance, power has remained elusive, while other supporting infrastructural facilities have been in comatose. Security is equally a challenge that shakes the entire financial system to its foundation. Robbery, kidnapping, vandalism and other terrorism related vices make their inroads into the system daily and further challenge the development of the financial system.

    It must be noted, however, that many individuals in the country, still lack access to formal financial services, which can limit their ability to invest in education, start businesses, or deal with unexpected expenses. Where there seems to be some succour to bridge the credit gaps, the cost of borrowing is extremely high, sometimes more than 30 per cent. As if that is not sufficient, the conditions attached are stringent and somewhat unattainable. Expectedly, therefore, by providing access to credit via consumer credit scheme, it may help bridge this gap and empower individuals to improve their quality of life.

    It bears stating that the credit consumer system requires a robust financial infrastructure, including but not limited to credit reporting systems and consumer protection laws, to prevent consumers from falling into debt traps.  Indeed, we can borrow a leaf from the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) of the UK in order to regulate the scheme.

    In the UK, effective April 1, 2014, responsibility for regulating consumer credit passed to the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA). The “FCA supervises the conduct of over 50,000 firms, and regulates the prudential standards of those firms which are not regulated by the Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA)”.

    By the same token, “the PRA regulates around 1,700 of the largest financial firms including banks, building societies and major investment firms. The FCA has an over-arching strategic objective to ensure that the financial markets it regulates function well.”

    The question is: whither Nigeria? What system or institutional framework have we put in place to regulate the scheme?

    Closely related to this is the fact that there exists the challenge of credit risk and loan delinquency. In Nigeria today, there is paucity of data as well as reliability of the existing ones. Save for the operations of the Credit Bureau Association of Nigeria (CBAN) which was set up in 2012 by the three licensed Credit Bureaux in Nigeria (CRC Credit Bureau Ltd, CR Services Credit Bureau Plc, and XDS Credit Bureau Ltd) to promote the development and use of credit reporting in Nigeria, this would have remained tedious. This and other related issues like the lack of a robust or established credit histories and financial literacy among consumers can increase the risk of default on loans. If not properly addressed, it may lead to higher interest rates, which can further strain the financial stability of the vulnerable individuals.

    Thus, implementing risk assessment tools, such as credit scoring models and collateral requirements, by appropriate institutions concerned can help mitigate these risks and ensure the sustainability of the consumer credit scheme.

    Nonetheless, a well-designed consumer credit scheme can stimulate economic growth and promote financial stability in an emerging economy like ours. It goes without saying, that by providing individuals with access to credit, they can invest in assets, improve their living standards, and contribute to the overall economic development of their communities. This is expected to stem the tide of corruption among the civil servants as they do not need to primitively amass cash in order to own basic necessities of life.  Once, they are credit worthy, this singular goodwill will speak for them and “open doors” in accessing credits in the acquisition of their daily needs.

    Additionally, Consumer Credit Scheme, if operationalized in conjunction with other monetary policy tools such as the recent hike in the monetary policy rate (MPR), can also encourage savings and financial discipline among borrowers, leading to increased financial literacy and better money management practices.

    Going further, consumer credit scheme can foster innovation and entrepreneurship by supporting micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) among others.  It must be noted that by providing entrepreneurs with the necessary capital to launch their ventures, the scheme can create a conducive environment for job creation and economic growth. It may also accentuate the appetites of the consumers, stimulate consumer spending, which can boost demand for goods and services and drive economic expansion. 

    In optimizing the full advantage of this development, we need to avoid being bogged down by the sole consumption of foreign goods and services. This sounds a tall order, but it can be consciously and concertedly attained by ensuring that we place high premiums on the production and provision of locally manufactured goods and services that are qualitatively competitive, cheaper and more affordable than the imported ones. That way, the attendant benefits of the CCS will be fully realized as well as optimized.

    It is my considered opinion that while consumer credit scheme holds great promise for promoting financial inclusion and economic development in an emerging economy like Nigeria, it also faces several challenges that need to be addressed. Consequently, by implementing appropriate risk management strategies and regulatory frameworks, among others, policymakers can ensure the sustainability and effectiveness of the scheme in order to drive economic growth and improving the well-being of individuals in our great country.

    •Dr. Adaramewa, a lawyer and an ex-banker wrote in from Lagos

  • Faure Gnassingbe’s ambition and ECOWAS reputation

    Faure Gnassingbe’s ambition and ECOWAS reputation

    By Paul Ejime

    As widely expected, Togo’s national electoral commission has declared the ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) party, as the overwhelming winner of the country’s divisive parliamentary and regional elections held on April 29, paving the way for President Faure Gnassingbe to accomplish the dream of prolonging his 19-year stay in power.

    According to the results announced by the commission, the UNIR won 108 of the 113 available seats in what opposition parties and civil society groups dismissed as a sham vote that followed the government-pushed constitutional changes approved by the UNIR-dominated parliament 10 days before the elections.

    David Dosseh, one of Togo’s prominent civil society activists fighting against injustice and impunity, has described the changes as a “constitutional and electoral coup.”

    Speaking after the elections as a panellist on a television programme with this writer, Dosseh explained that “most of Togo’s estimated nine million citizens have not seen the texts” of the constitution passed by the parliament on April 19.

    The hurriedly passed changes preceded by two postponements of the elections have far-reaching consequences on Togo’s political governance and electoral system.

    Without adequate consultation, the changes turned Togo from a presidential to a parliamentary governance model and from a direct system of electing the president/prime minister to an indirect one.

    Ninety-one MPs had emerged from the opposition-boycotted 2018 parliament elections in Togo.

    Following the changes, the number of parliamentarians was increased to 113, who are now to elect the president of the republic, with a largely ceremonial status for a five-year mandate. The MPs from the majority party in parliament will also elect the prime minister/president of the council of ministers with executive powers, who will serve for six years.

    Read Also: Nigeria galvanizes ECOWAS to combat region’s health challenges 

    This is even though, Article 2(1), SECTION II of the 2001 ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, clearly states that “No substantial modification shall be made to the electoral laws in the last six (6) months before elections (in member States), except with the consent of a majority of political actors.”

    Before the latest elections, ECOWAS, the regional economic bloc had sent a pre-election fact-finding mission from 15th – 20th of April to Togo.

    The objective of such missions in the past was to ascertain the level of preparedness, identify challenges if any, and determine whether the political environment met international standards for credible and transparent elections.

    Like in previous elections in Togo, where politics has been dominated by the Eyadema family since the country’s independence from France in 1960, the last polls were overshadowed by political tensions and government suppression of opposition and public protests.

    Faure assumed power in 2005 following the death of his father Gnassingbe Eyadema, who ruled Togo with an iron fist backed by a notoriously repressive armed forces for almost four decades.

    According to the opposition, the same armed forces, with senior officers drawn largely from the Kabye ethnic group of northern Togo, imposed Faure on the country and have continued to support him to the hilt. They are afraid of losing power to another ethnic group while Faure is also riding on the crest of his father’s dictatorship.

    Faure’s current mandate ends in 2025 but with the ‘fait accompli’ achieved with the pre-determined outcome of the elections based on questionable constitutional and electoral changes, the coast is now clear for him to assume the position of prime minister/president of the council of ministers to elongate his tenure.

    Dosseh acknowledges that neither the opposition parties nor the civil society groups in Togo are in a strong position to challenge the Faure government. This is mainly because poverty and repression have been weaponized, leaving the citizens in a traumatized, if not dehumanized state of permanent fear.

    External support also appears not forthcoming. For instance, ECOWAS, which under normal circumstances, should take a principled stance by calling out the Togolese government over the violation of the regional protocol appears to be “playing it safe.”

    Four of its 15 member states – Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger – are under military dictatorships, and the last three countries have already served notice of their intention to quit the regional organization altogether.

    There is therefore the fear by the ECOWAS leadership that Togo could join the rogue group if the organization came hard on the country.

    So, instead of capitalizing on the recent positive development in Senegal, where the opposition parties combined with the population and vibrant civil society groups to checkmate President Macky Sall, who had wanted to play a similar tenure elongation game, ECOWAS developed cold feet, further eroding what remains of its dented integrity and reputation.

    Faure has contributed to the disunity in the ECOWAS ranks by fraternizing with the military juntas and making the regional sanctions ineffective. By sparing him the consequences of his “bad behaviour,” ECOWAS is vindicating critics who accuse the organization of weakness and inconsistency by applying one set of rules for “political, constitutional and electoral coups” and another for military coups.

    The critics have cited several recent instances, such as the dissolution of Guinea Bissau’s parliament by President Umaro Embalo; former President Sall’s sacking of Senegal’s electoral commissioners close to the last presidential election, which his ruling party lost, and now, the controversial constitutional and electoral changes, less than two weeks before the parliamentary and regional elections in Togo.

    While the implications and potentially negative consequences of the Faure government’s violation of the ECOWAS protocol against an unconstitutional change of government may yet unfold, the regional organization, along with the African Union and La Francophonie, which observed the elections at the invitation of the administration in Togo have failed the people of Togo and Africans in general.

    Against their standard practice, the three organizations did not issue preliminary observation reports on the elections. They merely released a timid joint statement, saying that the vote was “inclusive,” contrary to widely held opinion in the country.

    By their act of omission or commission, the three organizations might have allowed the Faure administration to use them to rubber-stamp an illegitimate act.

    The ECOWAS Commission in 2009 stopped the then-President Mahamadou Tandjan from dissolving Niger’s parliament, and also in 2011, declined an invitation to observe the presidential election organized by then-President Yahya Jammeh because there was no level playing field for the poll.

    The commission refused to recognize the outcome of that election and Jammeh held another election in 2016, which he lost but wanted to claim victory before ECOWAS intervened, resulting in his current exile to Equatorial Guinea.

    The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights has its headquarters in Banjul, the Gambian capital, yet the AU could not muster the courage to take the type of tough but principled decisions that earned ECOWAS international acclaim.

    If ECOWAS is to regain its past glory, this is the time for tougher, strategic result-oriented, impactful, transformational and pro-people actions borne out of critical thinking.

    Inconsistency, duplicity, fear, or sitting on the fence will further divide the organization and derail the regional integration goal of its founding fathers.

    On the other hand, Togolese citizens, especially the pro-democracy advocates owe themselves and the region a patriotic duty to work together against all undemocratic forces in their country.

    Time and circumstances might be different, but the anti-apartheid fight in South Africa, is an illustration that outside support will only complement a focused, united and aggressive internal struggle.  Right, liberty or freedom is taken not given!

    •Ejime is a global affairs analyst