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  • The quintessential public intellectual: Ben Nwabueze (1931-2023)

    The quintessential public intellectual: Ben Nwabueze (1931-2023)

    • By Solomon Ukhuegbe

    On July 18, 2013, at 82, he publicly asked God to spare his life for five or possibly more years to complete the tasks he set for himself on this earth. He had already achieved so much but felt that his country still needed his intellectual guidance, especially to reorder our political order. His achievements were almost too numerous for even his acolytes to keep track of. But his energy was boundless even as age and ailment gradually took their toll. “The fact that I’m incapacitated by illness, which makes me not strong to stand on my feet to address this gathering,” he said on the occasion, “doesn’t mean that I’m ready to go. I hope to live up to 90 years.” That was an underestimate. He lived to 92. Merciful God gave him twice as much time as he requested. Perhaps God knew that Nigeria needed the man for a little while longer. On October 29, 2023, it was over. Who was this man?

    I. One Summer Afternoon

    I cannot recall what day it was in 1987. The third Idigbe Memorial Lecture to be delivered by Professor Nwabueze was scheduled for the day. He was expected to speak on the topic “Transition from Military Rule to Constitutional Democracy.’ The lecture did not take place. He arrived at the venue inside the University of Benin promptly. But the audience, better accustomed to “African time,” did not. He could not accept that situation, and he returned to his private lodging at the other end of town. This remains the only Idigbe Memorial Lecture that was not orally delivered. I in the company of Professor Itse Sagay chased after our guest. Unable to persuade him to return to campus to give the lecture (though he was gracious to enough to accept our apologies for the disappointment), the occasion turned into a courtesy visit of sorts. At this time, Professor Nwabueze’s fame, especially for constitutional law, had reached the ends of the earth. He had, by my recollection, already published nearly ten major titles on the subject since the first was published in 1964. In fact, these books, especially the ones he fondly called the three ‘ISMs’ published between 1973 and 1977, were my introduction to rich American constitutional scholarship. He was nothing short of my idol. Yet, on this auspicious occasion, the question I itched to ask him was not about constitutional law at all.

    In 1972, Nwabueze published his Nigerian Land Law, an excellent exposition of the arcane doctrines of a subject that is a nightmare for many a law student. There was one glaring and surprising omission. This book did not include the important topic called leases, a standard aspect of the syllabus. The author explained in a preface that that chapter of the draft was lost during the Civil War, and that he was not able to immediately rewrite it from scratch, but that he would do so in a subsequent edition. In his Autobiography nearly three decades after our meeting, he said, “I was clutching on to the manuscript of the book as we evacuated from place to place to escape from the increasing ravages and destruction of the war.” Until he got the opportunity to send the manuscript to his mentor and former colleague, Professor L.C.B. Gower in England for safe keeping, who duly retuned it to him intact after the war. Nothing was mentioned in this narrative about the loss of the chapter. Instead, after the war, he said, “I revised the chapters, added some new chapters.” But not the missing chapter. What I wanted to know from Nwabueze that afternoon was whether or when he hoped to write the lost chapter. Nearly a decade and half had passed already at the time of our meeting since the publication of the book, more than enough time for a second edition in the ordinary course of things but for his preoccupation with constitutional law since after the publication of the book. Nonetheless, he firmly assured me that he would get round to write the chapter sometime. He never did. Nor does any of his books have a second edition.

    II. The Public Intellectual

    The academic who aspires to play the role of public intellectual, according to Richard Posner, will need communication skills and authority. “Specialization makes it difficult to write for a general audience. His orientation is towards writing for his fellow specialists on narrow topics in an esoteric jargon. For jargon is the natural language when people communicate primarily with members of an in-group.” Nwabueze’s works were very readable and always appear to be written for a general audience than as specialist works, and he probably always intended them to be so. For that reason, he captivated an audience far wider than his specialization of law and government. He vigorously pushed his views publicly at almost every opportunity from the mid-1960s until only a few years ago through frequent public lectures and speeches, books and essays, newspaper articles and interviews, and above all, active participation in constitutional reform and constitution-writing.

    “The public intellectual is a social critic rather than merely a social observer,” Posner reminds us. The evolution of Nwbueze from a mainstream and highly influential constitutional technocrat whose services were widely sought within and outside Nigeria to write constitutions to the later-day less influential advocacy of radical constitutional reform is telling. He was one of the principal authors of the 1979 Constitution, being a leading member of both the Constitution Drafting Committee and the Constituent Assembly, respectively. (The present 1999 Constitution largely replicates that constitution.) He wrote several books in the 1980s expounding the different aspects of the 1979 Constitution, including his widely read Federalism in Nigeria under the Presidential Constitution (1983). His books were frequently cited in court decisions and lawyers’ briefs of argument. However, from the mid to late 1990s, he started having second thoughts about the constitutional changes he championed previously. He turned to advocacy of radical constitutional changes, including a repeal of the 1999 Constitution by the National Assembly, a drastic restructuring of Nigeria’s federal system and the revenue collection and distribution regime, a national conference complemented with plebiscitary adoption of a new constitution, and even a sovereign national conference. Being conscious of his own mortality, there was heightened urgency in his tone with every year, and his impatience grew. This period coincided with his leadership of advocacy groups such as The Patriots, The Southern Leaders of Thought, and Project Nigeria (The Save Nigeria Project) among others.

    III. His Scholarship

    Before he was a public intellectual, he was a scholar. And being a scholar was always what he wanted to be. “When I graduated LL.B. from the University of London in 1959 and was subsequently called to the Bar in England in the same year,” he recalled, “private practice as a barrister and solicitor was never in my thought. What was constantly in my mind and thought was a life of study and reflection as an academic.” He distinguished himself as a student, both at the London School of Economics and Political Science, where he completed his LL.B. and LL.M. degrees, and the bar examination, respectively. He was commended by one of his teachers, the eminent English constitutionalist Professor Stanley Alexander de Smith FBA (1922-1974) for being the student who “scored the highest mark ever awarded by the University of London in the LL.M. Examinations in the constitutional law of the Commonwealth,” a course that Professor de Smith newly introduced at the university. Nwabueze’s career as an academic began at the University of Lagos in 1962. Before then, his only teaching experience was one year teaching LL.B. students at the Holborn College of Law. In addition, he previously had another one-year experience as a secondary school mathematics teacher in Eastern Nigeria during 1955-1956. After completing his LL.M., he registered for a PhD at the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London in 1961with the expectation to work on a dissertation on “The Position of Chiefs under the Laws of Eastern Nigeria” with Professor Tony Allot as his supervisor.

    He never completed the PhD. Because the following year, he was recruited by former teacher and dean of law at the London School of Economics, Professor Gower to teach at the University of Lagos, where the professor had been appointed to establish a faculty of law. Thus, Nwabueze was among the foundation lecturers of the University of Lagos.

    Indeed, when lectures began at the new university, at its temporary site at Idi-Araba, on October 4, 1962, he recalled that he was “one of the lecturers to deliver the first lectures in the university on that historic day.” As there were little or no local textbooks available for teaching, these pioneers had the urgent task of producing textbooks for courses they taught. Nwabueze’s teaching assignments were Nigerian Legal System, Constitutional Law, and Land Law. He immediately started working on producing textbooks for each of these courses. He published his Machinery of Justice in Nigeria the following year, 1963, and Constitutional Law of the Nigerian Republic a year later. Both were substantial works of high quality. He started work on his Nigerian Land Law, but it was interrupted by the Civil War. It was finally published after the war (1972). He was able to achieve this feat by a single-minded commitment. “I knew of no other life than teaching, study, reflection and writing – no going to parties, night clubs or playing games, no running after women.” He recalled. Several years ago, I got a confirmation of this from the late Professor Cyprian Okonkwo, who occupied the ground floor flat of the building in Surulere where Nwabueze lived in an upper floor flat. Professor Okonkwo recalled that light was almost always on in Nwabueze’s study every night.

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    Nwabueze’s career at the University of Lagos ended abruptly with the closure of the University in 1965 in the wake of the Eni Njoku-Biobaku crisis, which resulted in the departure of all lecturers and students of Eastern Region origin from the University for the University of Nigeria. At the end of the Civil War,     he left for the University of Zambia only to return to the University of Nigeria in 1975 but quickly retired. He was only 44 years old. While some of his greatest works were already published, he would live for nearly a half century longer, during which he produced three times as many books as he did as a university teacher.

    Nwabueze published a total of about two dozen titles including a few multi-volume books. Yet, his greatest work may be among the half dozen titles he published by 1975. He felt Nigerian Land Law was “considered by many as the most scholarly of my works.” But he personally judged his more recent two-volume Colonialism in Africa: Ancient and Modern (2005) “the best of my books.” The reason why the former is so highly rated is obvious. Land law is a terror to many a law student, especially the abstruse labyrinths of the English tenure system and estates. The mastery demonstrated by the author and his clarity of presentation justified the deep impression created by Nigerian Land Law. For me, however, his greatest published work was not one book but the trilogy published between 1973 and 1977: Constitutionalism in the Emergent States, Presidentialism in Commonwealth Africa, and Judicialism in Commonwealth Africa. The three “ISMs.’ These three are truly, in my opinion, his magnum opus. According to the wisdom of Francis Bacon, “some books are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some to be chewed and digested.” This set of books left a permanent impression on me and they remain my companion and are never far from me. For many years, I even thought Nwabueze coined the word “judicialism” because it is not a dictionary word, until I later found at least one earlier usage, by the German American political scientist Carl Joachim Friedrich nearly a decade before the appearance of Nwabueze’s work. For such a painstakingly scholarly work, it is a bit curious to learn from the author that the books “were the products of an anguished feeling of grievance” over his treatment by Nigerian security forces immediately after the war. “Fired by that feeling,” he wrote, “I worked day and night to finish the three books.”  It took him just five years, 1970-1975. Without doubt, this work established his global reputation as a constitutional lawyer and defined his future trajectory as a specialist. Before these books, he had only one major publication in the field, a textbook, from a decade earlier! It is hardly a surprise then that it was for this trilogy that the University of London awarded him the higher doctorate, LL.D. for published works, only the second African, after the great Taslim Elias, to have obtained that degree by publications, a fitting validation for a brilliant student who because he walked away from his PhD programme in 1962, did not own a doctoral dissertation.

    IV. His Regrets and Controversies

    Hindsight is the curse of constitution makers almost everywhere. Seldom is the genius of James Madison, whose United States Constitution retains its global admiration after two centuries, or the genius of Hans Kelsen, whose Austrian Constitution of 1920 is still admired. Nigeria’s present Constitution has been much criticized for its adequacies, and Nwabueze was one of the principal authors of the Constitution of 1979, which the present Constitution closely replicates. What is peculiar about the critique is that Nwabueze was among the leading critics. This was not simply self-criticism but a total disavowal of his previous position, root and branch. “Quite frankly, there are many flaws and many errors in the content of the Constitution,” he told Vanguard newspaper on March 22, 2013. Prominent among these flaws and errors are the centralized federal system and the concentration in the centre of control over the management and distribution of revenue sources. “We took away 50 percent of the items on the Concurrent List and gave it to the centre …[and] we destroyed what is called fiscal federalism.”

    As Justice Udo Udoma, Chairman of the Constituent Assembly and others made clear, a concurrent legislative list however long is potentially an exclusive federal list because of the supremacy of federal legislation. This is one of the clearest principles of federalism. Kenneth C. Wheare’s celebrated monograph on the subject (4th edn., 1963) put it thus, “It is well to emphasize at once that the existence of a concurrent jurisdiction in some matters is not necessarily incompatible with the federal principle. But if there is a concurrent jurisdiction, there must exist also some provision to determine which authority, in case of conflict, is to prevail. That authority will possess, in my opinion, potential though not actual exclusive jurisdiction. It has the power to bring the subject in question under its exclusive control to the extent that it chooses to regulate it.” Moreover, centralization or decentralization of federations depends more on structural factors than on the distribution of powers, important as that may be. For example, where there are many federating units, they are less likely to be as strong relative to the centre as where there are only a few units. On the other hand, when, as with Nigeria before 1966, one federating unit was larger in size twice over than the remainder combined and having half of the population of the country, the federating units are likely to be strong relative to the central government because of this asymmetry. Such a federation, as the English philosopher and jurist John Stuart Mill observed, is vulnerable to failure.

    It is not obvious how much Nwabueze’s “mistakes” really matter. Except for the fact that he was his own strongest critic. He came to strongly believe that the constitutional reform he successfully championed previously was a mistake that must be reversed. Perhaps the only major part of the constitutional structure he helped midwife during 1975-1978 he remained assured of was presidentialism. He was resolute that the presidential system was preferable, for Africans at least, than the plural executive (cabinet) of the parliamentary system.

    He also regretted serving on President Babangida’s Transition Council, although he was proud of what he accomplished as Education Secretary during the eight-months life of the Council. It is difficult to justify the country’s leading constitutionalist participating in an organ of a military dictatorship designed to prolong transition to democratic rule. If that was not bad enough, his tenure was tumultuous, and will be remembered mostly for his confrontation with ASUU. This was unfortunate for many reasons including the fact that early in his academic career, Nwabueze was union man, as Secretary of the Association of University Teachers (precursor of ASUU) at the University of Lagos. He realized this error. “Let me say that the nagging doubt as to whether I did the right thing in accepting the appointment still persists and is made sometimes agonizing and tormenting by my bash with the university teachers.” (Autobiography 2: 245)

    Nwabueze scrupulously avoided partisan politics throughout his life. “I have always kept an unwavering aloofness from politics, because it (politics) seems to me not quite in tune with the life of study and reflection I have chosen for myself …. Politics is much too boisterous and noisy an occupation to be, in my view, compatible with a life of study and reflection.” (2: 180) Yet, that November 14, 2018 iconic image of the octogenarian Nwabueze weeping on the shoulder of Atiku Abubakar, PDP’s presidential candidate for the 2019 election, will be hard to forget. This more so when, seven moths later, though he ceased appearing before any court as a lawyer in 2008, wheelchair-bound, he showed up at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal on July 4, 2019 as the lead counsel for the petitioner, Mr. Abubakar. But he was there for only briefly, during which he requested and got leave of the court to address it while remaining seated. He spoke for only a few minutes, and he left the court riding into the sunset.

    V. Final Words

    Nwabueze has rightly indisputably taken his place as among Africa’s greatest constitutionalists. He was a comparativist, and his strength was comparative constitutional law. He was not a theorist, and he did not make any contribution to constitutional theory or political theory. His forte was constitutional statics. He identified and explained rules of the constitutional order. He said little about constitutional dynamics or how a constitutional order actually operated. That field is claimed today mostly by political scientists. Nwabueze made one attempt to bridge the respective fields of the constitutional lawyer and the political scientist. The methodology applied in Presidentialism, he said, was “the need to blend rules with practice .… It is two-dimensional, combining the analysis of rules with an inquiry into practice and the political and social forces that condition it.” Unfortunately, he didn’t apply this method in his subsequent works.

    Nwabueze’s weakness in legal theory is evident, for example, in his use of the problematic application of the German concept of Stufenbaulehre (doctrine of the hierarchical structure of the legal order) as applied by Hans Kelsen’s pure theory of law. Even on Kelsen’s terms, Nwabueze clearly misunderstood Kelsen’s theory of a disruptive change of the Grundnorm (basis norm), from which every norm in the legal system supposedly derives its ultimate validity. Because as Kelsen elucidated the concept, the Grundnorm is not a positive norm (such as an actual constitution) but a juristic presupposition or assumption (a transcendental-logical function). As a result of this misunderstanding (which was widespread in the English-speaking world), Nwabueze did not give sufficient credit to the Supreme Court of Nigeria’s landmark 1970 decision Lakanmi v. Attorney General.

    Nor was Nwabueze, despite his prodigious output, necessarily an original thinker. I even doubt if he intended to be one. He was richly eclectic for sure. His strength lay in his ability to master a subject and render it in a manner that was capable of being quickly understood by a student or a non-specialist. And although he exuded great learning, he was always quick to admit or acknowledge the impact of his teachers or the debt he owed other authors he read. For example, he gave the credit for his mastery of constitutional law to his fortune to have been taught by Professor de Smith, whose LL.M. course “gave me a solid foundation in the subject, which proved exceptionally rewarding and helpful in my future work in constitutional law.”  Again, he attributed his mastery of English land tenure and estate system to his LL.B. Conveyancing class. “My study of Conveyancing under Professor James enabled me to deepen my knowledge of English land law, with its abstruse and teasing principles and concepts, and laid the foundation for my book, Nigerian Land Law.”

    Such was the man Benjamin Obiefuna Nwabueze, the greatest of his generation. A man of humble birth whose illiterate parents had no record of the year of his birth but who by a lifetime quest to excel put his God-given capacity to master things arcane and render them for easy understanding, to the betterment of his country and of humanity has fallen asleep. But his reputation as a scholar and public intellectual will long survive him. The market for public intellectuals is much poorer with his demise.

    ·               Ukhuegbe writes from Toronto, Canada

  • Are we drifting towards World War?

    Are we drifting towards World War?

    • By Charles Cockell

    One of the most remarkable characteristics of Barbara Tuchman’s gripping and fascinating account of the world’s drift into the First World War, The Guns of August, is the apparent contingency in the unfolding drama.

    On every page, one has the sense that a small turn here, a minor deviation there, would have led to a very different outcome. And yet, contemplate the scope of the events in their totality and what strikes you is that the world was caught in a fearful riptide in which small perturbations would have had little influence on the ultimate trajectory.

    The day before Britain’s declaration of war against Germany, British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, offered his opinion that “The lamps are going out all over Europe, we shall not see them lit again in our lifetime.” He, of course, was a mere 24 hours from a fateful and momentous decision, so he had the benefit of some preview of what was to occur. Had action been taken earlier, perhaps the tide that so consumed humanity could have been averted.

    We find ourselves here again. A lack of collective leadership has slowly allowed currents to accumulate from different directions. Beneath us, a powerful whirlpool is swelling and threatening to drag the whole of civilization into war.

    These tides have increased in intensity largely because we failed to block them when they were in a weaker state.

    Ten years ago, the news that North Korea had supplied ballistic missiles to Russia with an unambiguous intention to flatten the cities of a European nation would have been a matter of international shock, a reverberation of extraordinary magnitude. Today, it is met with statements of “concern” and an almost bland disinterest in the consequences.

    The hardline nationalist Igor Girkin was arrested after months of public attacks on Russia’s military leaders and Putin, as he called for a much more aggressive offensive against Ukraine.

    The propitious conditions for widespread war are not so much caused by specific geopolitical arrangements. At any point in human history, one could take a map of the globe and imagine alliances and axes through which a world conflagration could materialize. What brings these alignments into practical reality instead seems to be a psychological collapse, a resigned torpidity and lethargy in swimming against the current.

    When dictators perceive frailty and act, others are emboldened to do so, and eventually the number of actors overwhelms any capacity to control the tide of events. An effort in one place seems only to stimulate unwanted action elsewhere. Through this instability, the entire world order dissolves into mayhem.

    In essence, the drift towards world war has feedback within it. The greater the number of conflicts that emerge, the more each of these fights, and other ones besides, become diminutive events in the broader disruption. Thus, each turn of the handle encourages others to take their chance and slowly but surely, we are sucked into a terrific maelstrom.

    These are the arresting lessons in Tuchman’s account and, similarly, in Churchill’s description of the beginning of the second world war in The Gathering Storm. Even if war can be averted, it may not prevent a sudden instability and rupture in the balance of power, which, when restabilized, may favor a global system of autocracy over democracy.

    Let us take stock of the potentialities.

    Russia has invaded Ukraine. Those who oppose the West have been given long enough to arrange their military and political capabilities, and their supply networks, towards war. North Korea, Iran, and others are supplying Russia. An axis of autocracies has congealed which perhaps could have been forestalled if Ukraine had been vigorously defended earlier. This growing level of organization represents a machine whose dismemberment becomes more difficult by the day and whose internal workings give it an escalating and inexorable momentum.

    The sleepy response of the West has provided a plain lesson to authoritarians around the world. Venezuela has watched keenly. If Europe cannot halt war on its own continent and the US cannot pluck up the decisiveness to act, what’s to stop the subjugation of Guyana?

    We do not know what lessons are being learned in China with respect to Taiwan, but the lack of resolve and paralysis with respect to Ukraine cannot but have made that enterprise seem more plausible.

    In the Middle East, the violence there too is a symptom of the West’s infirmity. The Houthis could not have dreamt of challenging the security of the Red Sea unless they believed that the West lacked the will to secure that trade route. The world sees weakness.

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    To turn to a Churchillian analogy, around the world are a growing number of storms that threaten to join into one enormous tempest, the scope and scale of which is quite beyond any nation to confront. Ukraine is central to this situation today because it is the exemplary storm, against which we must stand to provide an indefeasible demonstration that imperial adventures will lead to catastrophe. It is there that we have had the possibility to quell the ongoing disturbance that can act as the catalyst for mightier disorders.

    Thrown into this dangerous mix are the motivations of those for whom a more expansive war would be beneficial. The drawn-out disaster for Russian forces in Ukraine is why it would be a situation of great convenience for a larger war to erupt, distracting from the situation in Ukraine and turning it into a local set-back in a wider effort to destabilize the West. So too, any broader war would shield attacks on Guyana, Taiwan, or any number of other land-grabs, which on their own, in more peaceful times, would be situations of great gravity.

    The only positive thing that one can say about the time we find ourselves in is that no declaration of war between two major powers in East and West has yet occurred.

    Despite the feedback effect of which I have spoken, one should not be lulled into a despondent and debilitating mood that war, or a great calamitous overturn of the world order, is inevitable. It can be stopped. But it cannot be stopped by hoping that holding back for long enough will cause the storms to naturally die back to flurries, leaving peace and quiet. We are quite beyond that stage. It can only be halted by clear leadership from the West.

    It seems an absurdity that with a $842 billion defense budget this year in the US, a mere 0.05% of that has been allocated to prevent a war in a country whose fate could determine whether the world disintegrates into global war. A greater commitment of this immense capability to end the attacks on Ukraine will help ensure that this budget does not have to be increased by orders of magnitude when the US finds itself as the lynch pin of a planetary scale conflict.

    Finally, need it be pointed out that a third world war has the potential to degenerate into a nuclear exchange. The stakes in nipping the growing ravages of tyranny in the bud could not be higher.

    It would be an error of inestimable cost to let the lights go out again over Europe and the world. But with every day of lassitude, they will grow dimmer.

    ●This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Republic of Nigeria vs. Republic of Corruption

    Republic of Nigeria vs. Republic of Corruption

    • By Abdu Abdullahi

    I don’t entirely blame Sadiya Faruk, Betta Edu, Halima Saleh, Godwin Emefiele, Tunji-Ojo and the others currently standing trial for inflicting fatal injuries on our fragile economy. A substantial part of the blame goes to our ailing system for facilitating the perpetuation of this evil culture. After all, the accused persons copied from others who committed similar or different financial felonies and went scot free in the past. 

    In truth, Nigeria’s band of economic parasites and resource plunderers strongly believe that financial morality has no place in both private and public life. They see no sin in cheating and betrayal of public trust. Their conscience is solidly built on the premise that looting actually pays in Nigeria. This is a destructive and satanic practice in which corrupt people are organically united and organised for a common goal of shameless stealing of public funds meant for national development and re-construction, and there is no effective mechanism capable of bringing it to a halt. Since such is the prevailing phenomenon, then we are witnessing an emerging corruption republic posing a serious threat to the mainstream republic of Nigeria.

    To demonstrate the overwhelming potency of corruption republic, some of its ardent enthusiasts are known to have been rewarded with traditional titles like the former Accountant General of the Federation, Ahmed Idris who was turbaned as Ajiyan Hausa by the Emir of Kano. James Ibori was celebrated as a hero even after he was convicted by a court in the United Kingdom for stealing money meant for his people when he was a governor. Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame were granted state clemency after they had been convicted by the court for economic crimes against the people of their states. Not only that, we have seen paradoxical cases where corrupt people have been elevated to higher positions, apparently to continue looting. Is Nigeria not becoming a country of the bad Samaritans, while the good Samaritans have lost social values and relevance? 

    Before Balarabe Musa’s departure to the great beyond, he lamented that almost every Nigerian was corrupt. From my understanding, he was looking at the social cancer beyond grand corruption mostly associated with government officials. To paraphrase his assertion, corruption has penetrated every facet of our living. Even the EFCC is not free from the virus of corruption. It is, indeed, a rampaging endemic. We are, therefore, lacking the vaccination against corruption as a fatal disease and, consequently, more casualties will be produced.

    More than 40 years back, the late Malam Aminu Kano was asked to proffer a result-oriented panacea to end corruption in Nigeria. His response sounded unrealistic at the surface level but beyond that he sighted what was invisible to us. He opined that corruption could only be tackled effectively in Nigeria only if Nigerians living in the country would be replaced with other fresh people free from corrupt practices! Many thought it to be a joke but it is now costing us in a huge way. We are now seeing the reality of corruption becoming an incurable pandemic rendering us as casualties. I want to opine that corruption is more deadly than death. This is my candid message to those who are genuinely affected by its pervasive rapidity. 

    You can keep on reflecting. Governments have come and gone, each pledging to fight corruption, but always ended up chasing the shadow instead of the real object and so the disease has persisted. Precious time is squandered on focussing on the symptoms instead of attacking the endemic. That is how we showcase hypocritical attribute in missing the target until all of us get consumed. Believe you me, the dirty game of corruption will continue to attract more dangerous players as long as the appropriate punishment is not put in place.

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    If we are ready for a fierce battle against corruption, we must fight the very ruinous system that preserves and promotes it. This decadent system is the mother of corruption. It is our common enemy and the breeding ground for our under-development. It is the epitome of our moral decadence. It needs urgent cleansing to liberate Nigeria.

    At 63, the largest part of the face of Nigeria is corruption and nothing but complete corruption. Corruption has been standing tall and shaking the very foundation of the republic of Nigeria. The overall memo of the corruption republic is that the more Nigerians are corrupt, the more it wins and the republic of Nigeria falls apart both in vision and mission. Then there will be only growth without development in Nigeria. And our world will only be moving without changing. We will have future but it will be bleak and gloomy without glad fortunes.

    As we are witnessing a dwindling state, the federal republic of corruption is a state within Nigeria. It is winning by recruiting more adherents while Nigeria is losing by the brutalisation of its economy. It has been growing from strength to strength whereas Nigeria is developmentally disintegrating. Thus, the ubiquitous failure of the republic of Nigeria is the conspicuous gain of corruption republic.  

    Regime after regime, large scale corruption practices are exposed; the next thing is the media bombardment, followed by public outcry as renowned columnists renew their big grammar and improved styles to make their own contributions with deep lamentations. Calls for prosecution rent the air. This has become a boring routine. But eventually, the epidemic persists. What happens next? The rotten story is ended. Like a drama play, the curtain is temporarily drawn until the next episode.

    It is quite unfortunate that Nigeria is still battling for survival from self-inflicted injuries. We are helpless as we witness the perpetual dislocation of our country through the frequent onslaught of the republic of corruption. As it is now, the republic of Nigeria is very vulnerable, defenceless and hopeless. The power of corruption is changing our fortunes to misfortunes. It is inscribing a bad name for Nigeria. Our founding fathers loved us so much that they left a befitting legacy of spirit of nationalism. That spirit has been substituted with the spirit of massive corruption. Consequently, we are bequeathing to our unborn children a country that they will be ashamed of owing to our submission to corruption.  

    Going by our blatant insincerity and partiality, coupled with our political bankruptcy in dealing with corruption, I am afraid that Nigeria’s future belongs to the republic of corruption under the republic of Nigeria. 

    • Abdullahi writes from Ringim, Jigawa State.
  • Ibadan Armageddon: The morning after

    Ibadan Armageddon: The morning after

    • By Semiu Okanlawon

    Even the morning after, hours apart, we could not be too certain of the enormity of the tragedy that befell us in Ibadan with the Armageddon that ripped open the underbelly of so many hidden facts about our national existence.

    Each disaster has a way of exposing and making fun of our vulnerability especially in those critical areas of life that we ought to take seriously as a people. The sight of victims of the explosions being conveyed to hospitals in open vans stands as a distressing one that reveals how unprepared we are ever for emergencies.

    What started like a confused scene sending fearful residents scampering for safety even when they little knew what, exactly, was pursuing them, has turned out to be the detonation of explosives (according to preliminary findings) that have raised more questions that we may never get accurate and adequate answers for. 

    And just as we are accustomed to in many of our other national and local mysteries, the real findings about what has terminated some lives and turned many into disabled persons may never be known by ordinary Nigerians.

    Explosives in Bodija! What, for goodness sake could any object of this dangerous make be doing in what used to be the neighbourhood of the elite and an area that has now lost its age-long peace and serenity to the commercialisation drive of young businesses of various hues?  

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    My knowledge of Ibadan reminds me of the serenity of Bodija, albeit, until the development that has enveloped the neighbourhood in recent years on Awolowo Avenue and Oshuntokun Avenue. Both twin streets stretch and opened their legs into Secretariat-Bodija Market Road; kissing each other in front of the Oyo State Housing Corporation building. 

    My most recent visit to Ibadan showed the tremendous transformation of the Awolowo Avenue that I knew with rendezvous centres, night clubs that make the avenue come alive in the night with many girls swarming the clubs in skimpy dresses and lining the road waiting for ‘customers.’

    Adeyi, as I knew it, was the neighbourhood of the eminent such as late Chief Bola Ige, a former and former deputy governor of Oyo, Iyiola Oladokun; late Governor Abiola Ajimobi had his campaign office while seeking to contest for governorship off Adeyi and I recall that former senator representing Oyo East, Architect Adeyemo lived off the popular avenue.

    With Davis Hotel, a fairly old hotel that serves the quiet needs of the upper class tucked inside Adeyi Avenue, and new hospitality ventures that have come up in the neighbourhood, you could never miss the conclusion that Adeyi has had a peaceful existence.

    Going by the revelation of Governor Seyi Makinde and the confirmation of that by the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) on Wednesday, we are back to our question: What could explosives possibly be doing in that neighbourhood?

    “Illegal miners,” as Governor Makinde called the supposed owners of the devices that shattered the peace of Ibadan, by inference, are probably housed in the neighbourhood from where they coordinate their nefarious activities on the mining fields in Oyo, Osun and possibly Ogun. 

    Allied questions also come up to agitate our minds and answers must be provided to these posers fast lest some other insinuations are imputed into the tragedy that happened on Tuesday.

    In the bewildering awe that we are all entrapped in, conspiracy theories such as ethno-religious complications that we have all lived with in recent times are inevitable. 

    In my conversations with a very elderly friend who resides off Awolowo Avenue and whose property shook to its very foundation in the night of Tuesday, I was not surprised when he expressed his conviction that investigators must not foreclose the possibilities of some terrorists intentions and that the explosions could just be a tip of what is to come in an entirely coordinated attacks in this part of the country. 

    I wish I could dismiss such suggestion that as baseless. But our wishes and prayers are one thing; the intention of those committed to evil is another. Which is why posers must be raised over the ownership of the cars suspected to have carried the Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs).

    Who owns the property in the compound of which the explosion happened? Assuming the “illegal miners” which Governor Makinde called them reside in the property, who do they work for? It is an open secret that all the illegal miners in Nigeria have their Nigerian, local partners who facilitate things and softens the grounds for them. Such partners are usually the big men of the society from well-known traditional rulers to heavy political gladiators and some ruthless businessmen. 

     Illegal mining and insecurity in Nigeria are intrinsically linked. In a report authored in 2023 by Oluwole Ojewale, Regional Organised Crime Observatory Coordinator, Central Africa, and Freedom Onuoha, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Coordinator Security, Violence and Conflict Research Group, University of Nigeria, they concluded that “In the banditry-affected communities of Nigeria’s north-west and central areas, loose criminal networks engaging in illegal gold mining have ties to foreign actors and facilitate trafficking flows. Most criminal markets for gold in the country are driven by foreign demand but are propped up by local actors.”

    Is the story different from Zamfara to Ilesa, where activities of miners have turned lives upside down? Local chiefs and so-called influential figures connive to do in their own people for the foreigners to ravage community lands and take away their resources.

    Dele Alake, the minister in charge of mining has directed his ministry to join the investigations. I even think his ministry should take the lead and be assisted by other stakeholders to unravel what indeed has transpired. 

    The minister may be interested in another postulation by the authors cited above where they said “Most of the mining activities are being done by illegal miners because mining sites have been neglected by regulators and security agents. Chinese and other foreigners too are taking advantage of this prolonged neglect by the nation’s mining regulators and security agents. It’s also the reason why bandits are attracted to the sector.”

    Sanitising the mining sector is perhaps Alake’s biggest task and there is just no time to waste to achieve this. 

    I had a chance encounter with some Chinese opportunists (I refuse to call them investors) at a dinner in Abuja recently. My interaction with them again reaffirmed the belief that those we erroneously refer to as “investors” are no more than hyenas who have come to take advantage of our flesh and leave us with bones. 

    But then, a country that sits on fortunes but chooses to trample on it will eventually yield its wealth to vultures. 

    What happened in Ibadan, should it be the result of explosives owned by illegal miners, is just another sad reminder that (in the words of Ola Rotimi), we have left our pot unwashed and our food now burns.

    • Okanlawon, journalist, media strategist and consultant, is also the publisher of NPO Reports.
  • Fleeing inmates as a ticking bomb

    Fleeing inmates as a ticking bomb

    • By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi 

    According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s (UNODC) Handbook on Dynamic Security and Prison Intelligence (Criminal Justice Handbook Series), the credibility of a prison system depends on its ability to keep prisoners in custody.

    However, some unwanted incidents have further destroyed the vestige of credibility left in our country’s prison system. Nevertheless, it is gratifying that the Nigerian Correctional Service, NCoS, revealed that no jailbreak was recorded across all its custodial centres and detention facilities in 2023.

    Meanwhile, this development may not be unconnected to the implementation of feasible proactive measures to forestall these occurrences by the federal government in collaboration with key actors in the security sector.

    However, going backward, specifically in the last three years to review and examine what transpired within the service, one will be left with annals of a series of jailbreaks which led to escape and blending of hardened criminals back to civilian societies.

    The last one to be heard was the invasion of Kuje Medium Detention Facility situated a few kilometres away from the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, by terrorists on July 6, 2022. 

    According to an official statement from the facility, over 800 inmates including Boko Haram terrorists fled the prisons and only about 443 prisoners were recaptured while the many of them remain at large up till today.

    Reports showed that between September 2015 and July 2022, there have been about 15 successful jail breaks across Nigeria’s custodial centres which resulted in the escape of over 7,000 inmates.

    The incidents took place in places like Bauchi, Sagamu, Ogun, Jos, Ondo, Lagos, Ekiti, Minna, Kogi, Benin, Owerri and Kuje respectively.

    In fact, without looking at the foiled jail breaks, the immediate past administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari actually recorded 15 successful prison breaks. 

    In total, Dataphyte tracked 20 attacks on prison facilities in Nigeria with 2021 having the highest number of incidents in the eight-year period with a total of seven attacks.

    However pundits and stakeholders have attributed this problem to multifaceted challenges around the sector which would continue to undermine the safety of custodial centres across the country, if not tamed properly.

    One of such is the institutional problem where the prisons are overcrowded with an overwhelming number of inmates beyond their carrying capacity.

    Prison capacity in Nigeria, across all facilities is 50,000 but the actual population of Nigerian prisons is over 70,000 spread across 253 custodial centres in the country.

    The number of prisoners has been on the increase over the years. Data from the National Bureau of Statistics shows that the Nigerian prison was overcrowded by 34.2% in 2016. 

    Another data from the NCoS shows that the overcrowding increased by 48% in 2022, showing a 12% growth in overpopulation of prisons between 2016 and 2022. The prison population in 2016 was 67,329 but grew to 74,675 in 2022.

    It is agonising that out of this figure, over 50,000, which loosely translates to about 70 per cent, are awaiting trial inmates. Thus, delay in justice dispensation is also very rife.

    Another version puts the weak security system of our collective security institutions as the major reason that paves way for criminals to initiate and succeed with jailbreaks. 

    For example, in the wake of Kuje prison break, on visit to the scene, Buhari blamed the intelligence gathering system for the security breach.

    He said; “I am disappointed with the intelligence system. How can terrorists organise, have weapons, attack a security installation and get away with it? I am expecting a comprehensive report on this shocking incident.”

    In all these jail breaks, only a fraction of the escapees were able to be recaptured by the security forces.

    As such, many of them got integrated back in the society and end up constituting nuisance. They further add more burden to our fragile security by committing various forms of crimes.

    The most obvious effect is a rise in violent crime; robberies, kidnappings, armed attacks, hence terrorist acts have become more commonplace. The public is left vulnerable, always fearing random encounters with these escaped individuals.

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    Unrecaptured criminals might reorganize and create more robust networks, leveraging their resources and expertise to foment instability and violence. This may lead to more serious security issues, such as the radicalization of susceptible people and the emergence of extremist organizations, which would further destabilize localities and areas.

    Remember how in July 2022, a face of one of the Boko Haram members who escaped from the Kuje correctional facility appeared in the video of the hostages of the Abuja-Kaduna train attack.

    The consequences are many as regular jail breakouts and the inability to apprehend escaped prisoners present a picture of a state with insufficient law enforcement and a sub-par penal system. This would harm Nigeria’s standing abroad, putting off foreign investment and travel, and possibly having an effect on commercial ties.

    Un-arrested escapees from Nigerian jailbreaks have far-reaching and extremely worrying security ramifications. If this problem is not tackled, there is every chance that social order will collapse, violence will increase, and reputational harm will occur worldwide. 

    Therefore, a multifaceted strategy is needed in order to address these challenges. Important improvements include stronger infrastructure, enhanced intelligence gathering, and enhanced training for correctional officers.

    But these initiatives need to be paired with tackling the underlying issues that lead to crime, like social injustice, unemployment, and poverty. 

    Additionally, to lessen jail overcrowding and the possibility of unrest inside correctional facilities, quick and effective legal procedures are crucial.

    •Mukhtar writes from Kano.

  • Working together to build closer China-Nigeria community

    Working together to build closer China-Nigeria community

    • By CUI Jianchun

    From December 27 to 28, 2023, the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs was held in Beijing. Chinese President Xi Jinping attended the conference and delivered an important address. 

    In his important address, President Xi Jinping presented a systematic review of the historic achievements and valuable experience of major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics in the new era, gave a profound exposition on the international environment and historical mission of China’s external work on the new journey, and made comprehensive plans for China’s external work for the present and coming periods.

    It was pointed out at the conference that the building of a community with a shared future for mankind reflects the Chinese Communists’ worldview, perception of order, and values, accords with the common aspiration of people in all countries, and points the direction for the progress of world civilizations. It is also the noble goal pursued by China in conducting major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics for the new era. 

    Building a community with a shared future for mankind is the core tenet of Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy. It reflects close integration of both abiding goals of Chinese Communists and the trend of times, expands common ground and convergence among all nations for building a better world. It is of great theoretical value and profound historical significance, and has increasingly demonstrated strong influence, vitality and appeal. Building a community with a shared future for humankind underscores the general trend of history and the direction of the people’s hearts.

    In building a community with a shared future for mankind, the goal is to build an open, inclusive, clean and beautiful world of lasting peace, universal security and shared prosperity, the pathway is promoting global governance that features extensive consultation and joint contribution for shared benefit, the guiding principle is to apply the common values of humanity, the basic underpinning lies in building a new type of international relations, the strategic guidance comes from the implementation of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative, and the platform for action is high-quality Belt and Road cooperation. On this basis, China seeks to bring countries together to meet challenges and achieve prosperity for all, and usher in a bright future of peace, security, prosperity and progress for our world.

    In March, 2013, President Xi Jinping put forward the vision of building a community with a shared future for mankind. It offers China’s solutions to meet global common challenges and jointly deliver a brighter future for the world, which has received the extensive support of African countries, including Nigeria.

    Last year marked the 10th anniversary of the vision of a community with a shared future for mankind put forth by President Xi Jinping. Over the past decade, building a community with a shared future for mankind has developed from a conceptual proposition to a scientific system, from a Chinese initiative to an international consensus, and from a promising vision to substantive actions. It has been included in resolutions of the U.N. General Assembly for seven consecutive years. Extending to various regions and covering various areas, it has served as a glorious banner leading the progress of the times.

    China, the world’s largest developing country, and Nigeria, the African largest economy, have long formed a community with a shared future. 

    Big strides have been made in building a China-Nigeria community with a shared future during the past 10 years. Nigeria has become China’s biggest contractor market, third largest trading partner and major investment destination in Africa. Practical cooperation across the board has been immensely successful. Major projects including Lekki Deep Sea Port, Zungeru Hydroelectric project, Lagos-Ibadan train route, Abuja-Kaduna rail line, Abuja-Keffi-Lafia-Makurdi road, as well as several airport terminals, undertaken by Chinese enterprises, have been completed or progressing smoothly. Remarkable achievements have been made in the development of free trade areas. China and Nigeria took further measures to facilitate travels between the two countries, and people-to-people exchanges have been increasingly closer. With the joint efforts of both sides, China and Nigeria have developed into important strategic partners, while China-Nigeria relations have been taken to a new stage of jointly building a high-quality community with a shared future.

    Nigeria is an important member of the China-Africa community with a shared future. Last August, vice president Sen. Kashim Shettima attended the China-Africa Leaders’ Dialogue co-hosted by Chinese President Xi Jinping and South African President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, and agreed to jointly build a High-Level Africa-China community with a shared future. In October, 2023, Vice President Shettima attended the third Belt and Road Forum (BRF) for International Cooperation representing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and met with Chinese President Xi Jinping and his counterpart, Chinese Vice President Han Zheng. The leaders of both sides reached important consensus on further deepening Belt and Road cooperation and lifting Nigeria-China relations to a new level.

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    I am willing to say that flame runs high when everyone adds wood to the fire and that mutual support can get us far. Building the China-Nigeria community with a shared future needs the joint strong efforts by our both sides. Since I came to Abuja as the 14th Chinese Ambassador to Nigeria, I have thought deeply on how to promote all-round cooperation between China and Nigeria, and have put forward 5GIST China-Nigeria GDP (Growth, Development, Progress) Strategy, “Share Chinese Harmony, Perform Nigeria-China Symphony” Initiative and a new model of cooperation named PEG (Party-Enterprise-Government).

    China is always committed to providing support to African countries, for their socio-economic development. In November, 2022, President Xi Jinping announced the launch of nine programs for China-Africa cooperation. In August, 2023, President Xi proposed that China will launch the Initiative on Supporting Africa’s Industrialization, the Plan for China Supporting Africa’s Agricultural Modernization and the Plan for China-Africa Cooperation on Talent Development. As President Tinubu proposed “Renewed Hope” Initiative, I am responding to build the “Renewed Tie: Thought/ Investment/ Endeavour” between our two governments, enterprises and peoples, to sow “Renewed Seed: Security/ Education/ Economy/ Dedication”, and to fulfil the “Renewed GDP: Growth/ Development/ Progress”, so as to further promote our cooperation.

    President Tinubu put forward the 8-Point Agenda. China is ready to work with Nigeria to develop greater synergy in our two countries’ development strategies, so as to deliver win-win outcomes and achieve development for both sides.

    In the Chinese Lunar Calendar, we will soon usher in the Dragon Year of 2024. The dragon is a symbol of auspiciousness, wisdom and strength in traditional Chinese culture. This year, China will host the meeting of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), where China and Africa may come together again and draw up new plans for development. China will continue to follow the principles of sincerity, real results, amity and good faith and pursuing the greater good and shared interests when developing relations with African countries. China will always be Nigeria’s partner of mutual respect, equality and sincere cooperation, and will continue to work with Nigerian friends to build an even closer China-Nigeria community with a shared future in the new era.

    •H.E Jianchun is Chinese Ambassador to Nigeria

  • Bodija explosion and security gaps in Oyo State

    Bodija explosion and security gaps in Oyo State

    • By Oludayo Tade

    On the ‘roof-top-bar’ of the senior staff club, University of Ibadan, I sat with my professor friend switching between discussions on the social economic conditions and the precarity of our lives as public university lecturers in Nigeria and watching the African Nations’ cup. It was not long when we heard a massive bang; the only thing compared to it was a bomb. Paul, one of the waiters in the club ran up as the surface upon which he stood vibrated heavily. We experienced the same. I told my friend that the sound was too massive to imagine something else but the puzzle was, what was that and where did this sound come from?

    We sat there for some minutes until a friend called from General Gas, about 25minutes from our location to ask if we heard any sound and told my friend that the vibration of that bang shook his house. Could terrorists have entered the Pacesetter State and detonated their evil weapon at a location nearby? I deleted that evil thought and was still calm. And finally, a call came from my friends’ foster parents whose house is within the epicentre of the explosion. They needed help. The couple had been affected and they needed my friend to evacuate them. The house was messed up I heard. Disturbed, and engulfed with fear, my professor friend had to visit the toilet first. This was not a time to laugh. I knew what was going on. We were also vulnerable. The old couple who had climbed 70 years and approaching 80 years live alone with a domestic help. Their biological children are abroad. The tension was high. It was they who assisted us with the information that the deafening bang happened in Bodija, their area and the destruction to lives and properties were better seen than imagined.

    And so, January 16, showed us how vulnerable we are in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital. Just when Nigerians were thinking end will come to sad news such as the massacre in Plateau State on the eve of 2023 Christmas, the kidnappings in Abuja and killings of kidnapped children, the mismanagement of funds meant for poor Nigerians among others; a yet-to-be ascertained quantity of improvised explosive device (IED)/ dynamite hidden by illegal miners living around Adeyi Avenue in Bodija area of Ibadan exploded. The immediate effects were death of two people and 77 injured persons taken to the hospital.

    Buildings were flattened and cars within the radius of the explosion were not spared. Exotic cars became carcass within minutes. People rushed to safe persons under the wreckage. They also sent messages calling for more hands to help out.

    The middle/upper class neighbourhood of Bodija in Adeyi Avenue, the home to some of the best brains in Oyo State had been visited by the consequences of our collective inactions at individual and state levels. The governor, Seyi Makinde said that the preliminary security findings indicated that the explosion came from illegal miners who stored improvised explosive devices in the house they live in the area and that led to the blast. The questions are since when have the illegal miners been domiciled in this neighbourhood with knowledge of their activities?

    Considering the fact that a police station is not far from this area, have there been no report to police authorities or even to the government about these people before this sad event? Bodija is not a poor people’s neighbourhood. It is home to the very enlightened. Does it mean that no one sent message to the authorities about the activities of these people? When the governor visited the scene of the explosion, he said he had asked people to say something when they see something. The residents said they saw something, said something but the authorities did nothing.

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    When people complain and nothing is done and they see that the people they complained about are powerful with connections, citizens will adopt if you cannot beat them by reporting to authorities and getting them arrested, you simply allow them to be so that you can live longer in Nigeria. Or at best, they relocate to another area. Other people will not just relocate or complain but will join the criminal gang in their evil plan to destroy and profit from it. Who is profiting from our pains? Crime is not only local but its success mainly occurs because of the collaboration of insiders who can be those in government, the citizens and their moles in our security system.

    We need to see this explosion as an early warning sign to the loopholes in security governance, intelligence, and disaster management in Oyo State. How many more of strangers doing illegal mining in collaboration with Nigerians are still within our neighbourhoods? If this could happen just behind the seat of government of Oyo State and no actionable intelligence got to the state, then there is fire on the mountain. Citizens have the responsibility to talk about the evil in their neighbourhood. We cannot stand aloof because the consequences of our silences may become our victimisation. Who knows who is next, where is next and how it will happen?

    Illegal mining is an entrenched organized crime which makes people to implicate the state. How many more pains shall we endure until we all lose our humanity and become beasts? Living in middle class neighbourhood is a strategy they use to cover up for their activities. They fund insecurity in the rural areas so that people will chase people away from their ancestral lands so that they can continue with their illegal mining.

    I watched the video of victims of the explosion being moved to the hospital with police vehicles with no medical personnel administering first aid on them. Thanks to the remaining medical personnel who are yet to Japa and offered to return to hospital to commence treatment on the injured. Government will pay for their treatment. The state government has also moved the displaced people to hotels for temporary shelter. That is good but beyond that we need to work on our emergency response system. Many things that ought not to be found in residential areas have found their ways into them and the state allows this unchecked. Filling stations, gas plant, club houses, shopping malls among others are ventures that make residential areas attractive hideout to criminals. Everything that compromises the security of residential areas should be removed in Oyo State.

    •Tade, a criminologist writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com

  • Tinubu, ‘A Tribe Called Judah’ and the power of creative economy

    Tinubu, ‘A Tribe Called Judah’ and the power of creative economy

    • By Temitope Ajayi

    While extolling Funke Akindele, the Nollywood filmmaker for her recent box office accomplishment, President Bola Tinubu lauded the growing contribution of the Nigerian creative industry to the economic growth of the country. He acknowledged its pivotal place as, not just a medium for artistic expression but also a source of enormous soft power and viable cultural export.

    In his effusive praise of the industry; creative ingenuity, and enterprising spirit of young Nigerians, President Tinubu said that, “the creative industry is one of the high-employment sectors, providing jobs for our able and talented youths. It is an industry that is crucial to my administration. I salute Nigerians for their enduring support and patronage of home-grown creative efforts. We will provide the conducive environment for the industry to thrive further.”

    On the heels of that generous presidential endorsement, it is worthy to say that, regardless of what anyone says, Funke Akindele has cracked the code for successful Box Office run in Nigeria. Her films, till date, have remained the highest grossing in cinema runs in Nigeria’s film industry.

    Her recent flick, ‘A Tribe Called Judah’, grossed over a billion naira in revenue, a landmark of no mean feat. The interesting twist to this number is the fact that within a month, Akindele’s film grossed the unprecedented amount in a country with 91 cinemas and 303 screens.

    For clearer understanding, available data shows that as at 2022, China has 65,000 cinema screens followed by United States (35,280), India (11,962) and UK (3,402). It is very easy to see the link between the number of screens and the material prosperity of Americans in hollywood and Indians in bollywood.

    By comparison,  English-speaking West African countries, including Nigeria, as at December 31, 2023, have 95 cinemas with 321 screens. Out of this number, Ghana has 4 cinemas with 18 screens.

    For a country of Nigeria’s size and population, the third largest film producer in the world after United States and India, the paltry 303 screens  reveal a huge opportunity for private sector investment, which the newly-created Ministry of Arts, Culture and Creative Economy is poised to drive.

    Akindele’s ‘A Tribe Called Judah’, was watched by film lovers in 71 cinemas across Nigeria during the holiday season. Despite these limited screens, the title still raked in N1.3 billion as at January 10, according to promoters.

    It was not only Akindele’s ATCJ that recorded massive box office hit. During the same period, Toyin Abraham’s film, ‘Malaika’ grossed over N250million, while ‘Ada Omo Daddy’ by Mercy Aigbe made over N140 million.

    In series of well-deserved commendations for her extraordinary achievements,  some of Funke Akindele’s colleagues in the movie industry showered encomiums on her for blazing the trail in box office revenue. United Kingdom-based Nigerian filmmaker, Obi Emelonye praised Funke and her team:

    “First of all, let me congratulate Funke Akindele and her team, including my brother and friend JideKene Achufusi. What they have achieved with ‘A Tribe Called Judah’ is unprecedented in our history. I don’t want to get bogged down in the crass argument whether the N1 billon plus figure is inflated, padded or not. The important thing is that the film has galvanized Nigerian cinema audiences.

    “And if we are arguing about the billion marks, which is double what the previous record is, then we are talking uncharted territory here. For that Funke and her team deserve respect and praise. Whichever way you look at it; it is great win for the industry that no one believed can make cinema work when we pioneered it 13 years ago. If Funke can do N1 billion with the number of cinemas in Nigeria today, just imagine the possibilities for our industry.”

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    Kunle Afolayan, award-winning Director and actor whose films are also known for their artistic and commercial success, attributed the runaway success of ‘A Tribe Called Judah’ to hard work.

    “I congratulated her and the team when the film was released and encouraged people to watch it. She and her team really worked very hard with the promotion of the film,” Afolayan said.

    Describing the recent commercial success of Nigerian films at the cinema as the ‘golden era’, Deputy Managing Director of Filmhouse Group, Moses Babatope noted in a statement, “We are witnessing a golden era for Nigerian cinema, and Funke Akindele’s ‘A Tribe Called Judah’ reaching the 1 billion Naira mark is an indication that the creative industry despite the stiff competition from international streaming platforms, our local content continues to thrive, engaging audiences on a grand scale.”

    If nothing else, the revenue from the three movies that exhibited, during the yuletide, hints of huge potential for the industry. We can imagine what the industry can make with having, in Nigeria, just 1000 screens, not to talk of 3000 screens. The possibilities are truly huge for filmmakers and other players in the industry. This is apart from the multiplier effect on the economy.

    With the right infrastructure; more collaboration among government; private sector players and the motion picture practitioners, Nigeria can actually produce billionaire and multimillionaire film makers and allied professionals like their counterparts in hollywood. Funke Akindele and some of her colleagues have shown us that this is possible.

    President Bola Tinubu understands the immense economic potentials of creative industry as an enabler of wealth creation and growth driver. The current administration’s intense focus on the sector will significantly galvanize it as a major contributor to the nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The decision of President Tinubu to establish a full Ministry to superintend over the creative industry was not by happenstance. It was borne out of deliberate planning and critical evaluation of the socio-economic importance of the sector to national development.

    The good news is that the Minister in charge of the sector, Hannatu Musawa, has the full support of President Tinubu to expand the capacity of the industry as one of the main enablers of economic growth. The Minister is passionate too about activating sustainable and enduring growth in the creative industry. At a recent industry stakeholders’ meeting with Vice President Kashim Shettima, where the Vice President revealed that the creative industry will benefit hugely from the $650million Investment in Digital and Creative Enterprises (I-DiCe) programme his office is supervising, an elated Musawa reinforced the Federal Government’s commitment to strengthen the sector and enable the professionals to achieve more.

    “We want to create the conducive environment for you to operate in the way you need to,” Musawa declared.

    From all indications, the hard work of our creative professionals, backed by a conducive environment and sound policies provided by the present administration will unleash glad tidings for the sector this year and beyond.

    • Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity
  • My friend, Isa Gusau, by Shettima

    My friend, Isa Gusau, by Shettima

    There couldn’t have been a more poignant last chapter to a man’s life than my final text exchange with him. He reached out on December 31, 2023, to draw my attention to a Qur’an recital competition in Damaturu, Yobe State, stating that it transpired without deserving prizes. In his typical fashion, he outlined interventions that could align with the noble ambitions of the reciters and organisers. What he didn’t say this time around, while preferring the cloak he wore to redirect our concerns away from his health and towards others, was that he was on the brink of existence. He was in a hospital bed far away from home.

    About a year earlier, Mallam Isa Gusau visited me at home in Abuja, and I couldn’t help but notice his sickly physical transformation. He opened up about his health struggle only when I insisted. I disagreed with his philosophy of not wanting his health to be the subject of interest in his line of work. However, he followed the direction we suggested for medical intervention and returned to prioritizing his job. With him, it’s always duty first, and that drive for excellence was once a source of trouble for us when we were on opposite sides of the table.

    In 2007, when I assumed the role of Commissioner of Finance in Governor Ali Modu Sheriff’s government in Borno State, Mallam Gusau was the Daily Trust correspondent and later Bureau Chief covering the Borno-Yobe axis. He had been a problem for the government before my arrival. Fresh out of the private sector, I conducted sentiment analysis of my new station, and this inviolable reporter was a recurring problem in our efforts to manage the perception of the state and the government’s commitment to the people, especially during the critical phase of an ideological invasion in the North-East by a group that has since become the global calamity known as Boko Haram.

    I had always admired objective contrarians and critics, and it didn’t take long to understand why Mallam Gusau’s journalistic overtures had been a nightmare for the government. His principles were as unyielding as ancient mountains, deeply rooted in the bedrock of his conviction as a chronicler of state affairs. I found myself compelled to acquaint with the fearless man.

    Ms. Kwapchi Bata Hamman, who was then a reporter at NTA Maiduguri, became our eyes on him and eventually our bridge to him. She, along with the late Zubairu Maina Shani, a fellow Commissioner in Governor Sherrif’s government, formed our troika to untie the Gordian knot that was Isa Gusau. That one man could stir us this much, stand up to us with no fear or susceptibility to compromise, was a credential like no other. So, I knew just then that I wanted to be friends with such a man, a rebel with a noble cause.

    Our destinies aligned sooner than I had expected. In 2011, when I was sworn into office as the Executive Governor of Borno State, I knew immediately that I must be surrounded by perceived trouble-makers if I were to make a difference, and Gusau easily came to mind. I was unconcerned about his origin, only what he was bringing to the table. I have always seen a leader who functions in an echo chamber as a tragedy.

    Mallam Gusau agreed to be my spokesperson, testing the political divide that his path had crossed as a journalist. He mastered the art of shaping perceptions, traversing lengths unknown to me at the time. He was invested in the well-being of his colleagues and those he serves, and distinguished himself as a mediator and bridge builder in resolving office conflicts. Only many years later did I discover the depths to which he went to protect me, skilfully managing or quashing crosses without seeking the spotlight or credit.

    Along with his team, he breathed life into the communication of government policies in Borno State, making us realize that even the finest idea or policy by the government is doomed to fail without strategic communications. Their legacy turned Borno State into a viable landmark on the topography of governance in Nigeria. He explored traditional and new media to dispel every attempt to caricature the state, whether in mischief or honest ignorance.

    Gusau’s loyalty to friends, matched only by his competence and devotion to duty, sets him apart. This sense of responsibility led him to decline an invitation to serve as a commissioner in his home state, Zamfara, choosing instead to stay with his friends in Borno State. He played a central role among the multicultural aides that we assembled, contributing to our service to the people.

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    In that inclusive team of ours, where Borno State was warmly embraced as home, was Lanre Obadiah from Kwara State. Kester Ogualili and Victor Izekor were from Anambra and Abia State respectively. Christopher Godwin Akaba, an Urhobo man from Delta State, and Jack Vincent Fidelis, an Igala man from Kogi State, were also valuable members. Expanding our connections to neighboring states, Ahmed Ishaq Ningi from Bauchi State and Usman Majidadi Kumo from Gombe State were part of this dedicated ensemble.

    The team was valorised by Mallam Gusau, who also served as my Special Adviser on Strategy while overseeing communications. It’s not surprising that he’s the longest-serving adviser in the history of the state. He praised your triumphs and intervened when you erred, always having the perfect books for every scenario he painted. This book-exchanging culture made him a refuge and a mirror. So, I had no speck of scepticism in recommending him for employment as an adviser to Governor Babagana Umara Zulum, whom he served for four and a half years after advising me for eight years.

    Until three weeks ago, when I brought this up, Governor Zulum himself had no idea that Gusau was a leading voice advocating and justifying my choice of him as a successor. He never mentioned this to his new principal, just as he was always reluctant to divulge his health history. This lifestyle, which we opposed and came to acknowledge as the depth of his fidelity to duty, was, to him, a way to never curry favour and pity.

    In a twist of fate, Isa Gusau, once perceived as a provocateur during his radical years, found himself forging unexpected alliances in a profound display of irony. Without accommodating compromises, he reconciled with those who had once deemed him a problem. The crescendo of this surprising journey was reached when he, against all odds, entered into matrimony with the sister of none other than Sen. Ali Modu Sheriff. This unexpected union not only symbolised the mellowing of Gusau’s feuds or differences with others but also cast a vivid contrast onto the canvas of his life.

    What also never made the news was his philanthropy, reaching from the younger generation to the elderly. His generosity extended to the procurement of vehicles for media personnel and correspondents working in the hinterlands of Southern Borno. There was a poignant moment when he generously handed over his only vehicle to an indigent journalist colleague. I became aware of this act of kindness when I witnessed him trekking to his residence, a stone’s throw away from the Borno State Government House.

    This incident invoked thoughts of Adam Grant’s acclaimed work, “Give and Take,” which categorises humanity into two reciprocity styles: Givers and Takers. Givers, characterized by their altruism, quietly assist others without seeking the spotlight, while Takers are driven by greed, desiring more than they contribute. The book celebrates legendary figures like C.J. Skender, the late Stu Inman, and George Meyer as quintessential Givers. Undoubtedly, my dear friend, Isa Umar Gusau, belongs to the distinguished category of these selfless and beautiful souls.

    The void left by Gusau’s demise, as he departed from the sphere of his influence, transcends Borno State. It even extends beyond those who had feared his honesty. His loss is immense for the entire nation, which requires courageous advisors around our public office-holders, and for the humanity he served until his last breath on Thursday, January 11, 2024. May Allah repose his soul and comfort all those he left behind. Ameen.

    Senator Kashim Shettima was the Executive Governor of Borno State between 2011 and 2019, and Nigeria’s current Vice President.

  • Yinka Tunji-Ojo glorifies God at 60

    Yinka Tunji-Ojo glorifies God at 60

    • By Femi Salako Publisher Triangle News Media

    The sleepy settlement of Oyin Akoko in the present day Akoko North-West Local Government Area of Ondo State and Nigeria at large became a better place on January 16, 1964; the day baby Yinka savoured her very first air of this world.

    The model of virtousness began life with optimism and later got married to Tunji Ojo; but the union was quite short lived due to her husband’s untimely death. The prayerful woman, expectedly got devastated by the incident of her husband’s death; but, she refused to get broken. She rather, remained determined and resolutely renewed her trust in the Lord with intensfied prayers.

     Notwithstanding the initial setback, the resilient Yinka was determined to brave all odds and she actually did. Against all odds, she acquired quality education and also gave the best of education to her only child, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo.

     Through determination and hard work, Yinka Tunji-Ojo rose to the position of General Manager Finance & Investment of Odu’a Investment Company Limited, Ibadan, before she exited the conglomerate in 2022. Meanwhile, she had earlier served as the Group Internal Auditor of the company from April 2007 to March 2012. She had also earlier served in an acting capacity in the same position from April 2006 to March 2007.

     Mrs Tunji-Ojo had meritoriously served Odu’a Investment Company Limited in various capacities at different times. She was earlier held the position of Senior Manager (Audit) of Oodu’a Investment Limited from April 2004 to March 2006. She was also the Audit Manager of the same establishment  from August 2001 to March 2004.

     Yinka had also served as the Chairman of the company’s Asset Disposal Committee from 2008 to 2020. She also served as a member of Finance and General Purposes Committee from 2008 to 2014 and member of Strategic and Monitoring Committee of the Board in 2008.

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     Yinka was appointed the Secretary of Odu’a Board Special Committee on investigation of Glanvills Enthoven Nigeria Limited from 2009 to 2010 and a member of Odu’a Board Special Committee on Odu’a Textiles Limited Assets from  2010 to 2012. She also served as a member of Odu’a Management Committee on Sketch ex-staff matters in 2012 and the Chairman of the Steering Committee on Project Sage in 2018. Moreso, Yinka was appointed the Chairman of the Steering Committee on Project West from 2017 to 2018 and equally acted for the Group Managing Director whenever he was unavailable.

     Much earlier, the highly religious Yinka Tunji-Ojo had also served as the Director of Ire Clay Products Limited, Lagos Airport Hotel and Wemabod Estates Alternate. Earlier in the cause of her career, Yinka worked with  Sketch Press Nigeria Limited as the Chief Accountant from August 2000 to July 2001. She also hand a stint with Z.O. Ososanya & Co. Chartered Accountants, as an Audit staff/ Manager from February 1993 to June 2000.

     The forensic Accountant cut her career teeth at Gurara Securities & Finance Company Limited as an Investment Officer from 1991 to 1992 during her  mandatory one year NYSC programme.

     Yinka Tunji-Ojo  is a holder of Master degree in Business Administration from Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba Akoko, Ondo State. She had earlier bagged Bachelor  of Science in Accounting (second class upper) from Bayero University, Kano. She is also a holder of Nigeria Certificate in Education (NCE) from College of Education, Benin CityCity, Edo State. She obtained her West Africa Secondary School Examination Certificate (WASC) from Ansar-Ud-Deen Grammar School, Ikare Akoko in 1981.

     The unquenchable thirst of Yinka Tunji-Ojo for further academic attainment  took her to  the United Kingdom for an Advance Certificate in Project Management (ACPMTM) at the Business Management Training Council in August 2012. The Forensic Accounting expert also attended Lagos Business School, Lagos where she obtained Certificate in Senior Management programme SMP 22 in October 2004. 

    She belongs to several professional bodies some of which include The Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria. She passed the institution’s professional examination in November 1998. Yinka also became a Certified Forensic Accountant of Nigeria in March 25, 2019 and had earlier became a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria in April 9, 2010.

    Yinka is a member of the Society of Women Accountants of Nigeria (SWAN). She had also attended several leadership training courses within and outside of Nigeria. Mrs Tunji-Ojo was at the Manchester Business School in United Kingdom where she attended International Top Executive Leadership Programme in June 2012. She had also been presented with several Certificates  by some professional institutions.

     Some of her professional certification include that of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) Forensic Accounting Certification Programme in August 2018; the Association of Corporate Women in Governance and Professionals Women in Governance of Nigeria, in November  2017 amongst others.

     Mrs Tunji-Ojo had won several awards in the cause of her academic pursuits. She won the award of the Best Graduating Accounting Student at the 12th Convocation Ceremony of Bayero University, Kano on February 22, 1992. She was the winner of 1985 College of Education, Benin Convocation   award for the Best Student in Geography and Economics.

     The septuagenarian is definitely a model of a good mother, mentor, coach, and devout Christian, who believes totally in the power of prayers. She is evidently selfless and has been of immense benefits to humanity. She, nonetheless deserves national accolades for her abilities to raise her only child all alone, to national prominence. The only child, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo was a former member of the Federal House of Representatives and now the highly performing Nigerian Minister of Interior.

     Yinka is a pride of Oyin Akoko, just as her son, Hon. Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo is likewise the pride of the entire Akoko land. She is reputed and respected for her brilliance, analytical skills, boardroom skills, native intelligence and integrity. She is also known for her meticulousness as well as her ability to miltitask. She is likewise very proactive in decision making and on disciplinary matters. The consistent honesty, forthrightness and firmness of Yinka Tunji-Ojo readily attest to her professed Christian faith. 

    God has indeed been very faithful to Yinka Tunji-Ojo and her family thus far. She actually looks a lot younger than her real age; which makes 60 to look very good on her. She has also been imbued with the grace of excellent health and sound mind. Likewise, she continually experience overflow of joy over her only child and grandchildren. These and many more are clear manifestations of God’s faithfulness in the life of the Yinka Tunji-Ojo. .

     The easy going woman may not have birthed more than one biological child; but the only child, Hon. Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, has turned out to be a child that is actually worth more than a million children. In addition to her biological child, Yinka Tunji-Ojo also has a number of adopted and spiritual children.

     This woman of faith, prayer and virtue has undoubtedly impacted humanity in her 60-years of existence.She had risen above all odds and successfully carved a career niche for herself. She has thus far, intentionally dedicated her time and resources to the service of God and humanity. Yinka Tunji-Ojo is by every measure, a successful woman, who has even raised a far more successful son.

     Everything gets better with age, just like Yinka Tunji-Ojo is a lot better at age 60. She has truly developed love of life that is contagious, and this makes the world brighter each day. Yinka Tunji-Ojo can only be wished a 60th birthday that is filled with smiles, laughter, and endless joy.