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  • Akpabio and his repudiation of cant

    Akpabio and his repudiation of cant

    • By Sufuyan Ojeifo

    Another year around the sun is always something to celebrate. When an outstanding personality, a star, completes this existential and transcendental course, there is even more reason to roll out the drums in festivity. Incidentally, a man who cares little for mundane revelry will achieve this landmark on December 9.

    This would seem the best way to herald the uncommon personality who presently orbits the circumference of the National Assembly, defining, as it were, its atmospherics and nuances, in his usually unusual, yet companionably engaging manner.  The character stated, supra, undergirds the essential leadership of the senate president and chairman of the 10th National Assembly, Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio (GOA), who turns 61 on December 9.

    Love him or hate him, GOA is defined by his sheer, yet controlled kinetic energy and revels in pushing new frontiers, not minding whether or not he gets obligatory approbation from any quarters.  For him, he would have satisfied himself, yes, his conscience. These ingrained traits remain the central portrayal of Akpabio. who may go down in annals as  Nigeria’s inimitable national assembly political leader, away from the

    It is, indeed, no secret that today, Nigeria, Africa and the world at large stand on the brink of substantial disruptions – and of considerable opportunity – as new economic, cultural and political models challenge traditional playbooks. To proactively navigate these existential mazes clearly requires clear vision, knowledge, courage, and cutting-edge leadership. Only this can hold the promise of both stability and progression. Against the background of these high-octane socio-political, economic, and cultural ferment and consequent imperatives for uncommon leadership focus and transformative thinking, cant – a hypocritical and sanctimonious mind-set – absolutely has no place.

    This is where Akpabio enters the fray, with a gravitas of purpose to repudiate cant, yes, outright banalities, in legislative interactions. Quite early in his rich political career, he had repudiated cant as a tool of political engagement or service to humanity. His trajectories in Akwa Ibom, where he rose into the plum elective position of governor after heading several ministries, are writ large, and are rendered much more so by the magnitude of his legacy infrastructure projects. 

    Not surprisingly, this no less a philosophical footing of repudiating cant, has, in no small measure, helped to leverage his life journey. As he marks his 61st birthday anniversary with a thanksgiving service in Uyo on December 9 and a colloquium in Abuja on December 14, it is a good time to acknowledge this Essien Udim-born leader, whose singular disavowal of cant has shaped his uncommon, multi-faceted impact within his troubled milieu occasioned by the opposition elements within his party and outside in the other camps.

    Unassuming Senator Akpabio, who was governor of Akwa Ibom State for two terms, is no less a child of providence who wields influence and authority with humility and focus. In addition to his humility is his compassionate and community spirit. The top-draw politician has demonstrated with his life’s trajectory that indeed law (which he studied and practised until he veered into public office), politics, administration, and faith fundamentally address transformation of society and the human condition for good.

    Always smiling, humorous, and kind to a fault, Akpabio has managed through his charitable acts to connect to a wide range of stakeholders and ordinary Nigerians – adroitly deploying his folksy charm and communitarian zest. But in a season of “hanger” (hunger and anger combined), humour could become a slippery anecdote – and worse – can, outright, backfire. This is especially true when it plays out in an environment which many have rightly or wrongly grown to distrust.

    The foregoing scenario largely captures the essence of the incident that transpired in the senate on Monday, August 7, when Senate President Akpabio off-handedly spoke about a token being paid into the accounts of his peers to aid a pleasant recess. But he had, since, typically overcome the associated backlash – with a smile.

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    Certainly not a rookie in the executive governance, legal, administrative, and legislative spheres, Akpabio has often been misread by friends and foes, possibly on account of his accommodating and unassuming disposition. He is certainly not a politician who craves crude acquisition of raw power for the sake of it. His bold visions are anchored on consistent principles, which have come to define his life story.

    The South-south region’s highest-ranking politician is not given to political chicanery. He is expressive and expansive on his positions on issues. As he speaks, he smiles and sometimes laughs. He is not swayed by primordial considerations that tend to de-emphasise the essential gravitas of his political standpoints.

    It could easily be recalled how he reacted to Senator Ali Ndume on the floor when he (Ndume) was trying to drive home the point that the Senate President committed some procedural infractions. Akpabio did not consider his closeness with Ndume to bend the Senate rule. He felt otherwise. He spoke with candour in the knowledge that he did the right thing. He was not ready to revisit a decision already taken by the Senate at plenary. That’s unvarnished leadership.

    It is often said that a powerful vision, like a magnet, draws in ideas, people, and other resources. It creates momentum and will to make change happen. It inspires individuals, complementary democratic organizations, and institutions to commit, persist, and give their best. This mirrors Akpabio’s forte. Leveraging these positives, he has also deployed impeccable professionalism, discipline, and persistence in changing the traditional narrative of subnational governance and in the national space as federal legislator and now as chairman of the National Assembly.

    The stability of congressional leadership is a crucial feature of advanced democracies the world over, particularly in the US from which Nigeria cloned the basic template of her presidential democracy – after dumping the Westminster model. Though in the US, considerations like religion and ethnicity are alien in composing the canvass of its legislative leadership, in Nigeria, these represent the core algorithms for the customary horse-trading and positioning of the principal officers of the federal legislative assembly. This combustible environment requires a cool-headed leader.

    Weighing all the relevant metrics in picking the tenth president of the senate, Senator Akpabio certainly ticks all the significant boxes. At a testy period in the nation’s political history, the national parliament undoubtedly needed a humble and level-headed leader to guide its affairs. It certainly got it in the persona of Akpabio.

    Many certainly have not forgotten that Akpabio is a dedicated realist and reformer who bridged all gulfs and levelled much of the development hurdles that challenged his state as exemplified by his selfless stewardship to the people of Akwa Ibom State from 2007 to 2015 as governor. As former Senate Minority Leader, former Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, it bears repeating that Akpabio, stands as a very experienced and qualified politician who is certainly prepared for even higher political responsibility beyond his current mandate, going forward.

    Just recently, he was elected into the global executive committee of the 189-nation Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) at the Luanda, Angola confab, after Nigeria’s 59-year absence in the executive committee of the global legislative body. That was quite remarkable, and it speaks to God’s abundant grace on Akpabio to produce magical moments and achieve monumental feats in the politics of the executive and the legislative.

    In total, Akpabio has shown a relentless pursuit for socio-political growth and transformation of the human condition. Significantly, he has done so in a measured and calculated manner. In a very diverse, multi-ethnic environment, he has thrived on respect for his peers, loyalty, discipline, and uncommon focus.

    •Ojeifo contributed this piece via ojwonderngr@yahoo.com

  • Nigeria’s daring step towards correctional decongestion 

    Nigeria’s daring step towards correctional decongestion 

    • By Oluwafunke Adeoye

    In spite of the presumption of innocence enshrined in S. 36 of the 1999 constitution that states “Every person who is charged with a criminal offence shall be presumed to be innocent until he is proven guilty”, 70% of the inmates housed in Nigeria’s 255 custodial centres are awaiting trial. This is the highest percentage of awaiting-trial prisoners in Africa. According to World Prison Brief, South Africa follows closely with about 32.9%.  The implication of this is that many of our custodial centres, especially those in urban areas, are congested with individuals who have not been found guilty of crimes by courts of competent jurisdiction. The conditions of living in these facilities are inhumane, impeding the effectiveness of the criminal justice system.

    Within the precinct of existing literature – which includes a report by Open Society Justice Initiative, and anecdotal evidence collected by Hope Behind Bars Africa, a non-governmental organisation working on human rights and criminal justice issues – many awaiting trial inmates are indigent and remain incarcerated because they are unable to afford the three Bs – Bail, Bribe and Barrister. The audacious move by the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, to release over 4,000 inmates across the country’s custodial centres, through the payment of over N580 million in fines, clearly shows that the government is not unaware of the plight of indigent persons behind bars.

    Responding to the initiative, human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Femi Falana, suggested a review of the plan. According to the Learned Silk, the Chief Justice of Nigeria and Chief Judges of all the states and the Federal Capital Territory could visit the correctional centres and exercise their powers under the Criminal Justice (Release from Custody Special Provisions) Act, by ordering the release of all inmates whose detention are either manifestly unlawful; or who have been in custody, whether on remand or otherwise, for periods longer than the maximum period of imprisonment which they could have served had they been convicted of the offences for which they are detained. He further opined that the N500 million could be utilised for the reformation and reintegration of the inmates.

    This is not the first time the government is making such a spirited move. In 2019, Justice Ishaq Bello, chairman of the Presidential Committee on Correctional Service Reform and Decongestion, secured the release of 5000 inmates based on factors such as inability to pay fines, age, ill-health, and illegality of detention. According to Abubakar Malami, the former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, the federal government had, through the same committee, freed over 12000 inmates in six years.

    In 2020, as part of efforts to curtail the pandemic, the former Minister of Interior, Rauf Aregbesola stated that amnesty would be granted to 2,600 inmates. Of this number, 885 were convicts who could not pay their fines and the federal government committed N21.4 million for that cause.

    No doubt, the move by the minister, barely six months after ascending to the ministry, is laudable. By paying the fines of those at the lowest ebb of our society, the government’s initiative offers a glimmer of hope for individuals trapped in the cycle of poverty and incarceration.

    While we commend the federal government for this laudable intervention, there are concerns that merely releasing inmates to decongest correctional centres without tackling the root cause of their imprisonment is akin to refilling a leaky bucket without patching the holes causing the leaks. To effectively nip the problem in the bud, it is pivotal for the government to understand the interplay of the conditions facilitating prison congestion in Nigeria and their complexities. At the root of correctional congestion is the overuse of pre-trial detention, criminalisation of petty offences, over-reliance on custodial sentencing, delay in the administration of justice, stringent bail system, poor funding and management, amongst many others.

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    Furthermore, the majority of individuals who find themselves in conflict with the law are from low socio-economic backgrounds.  This is not to excuse crime but to re-emphasise that as long as efforts are not being made to address our socio-economic challenges, recidivism will increase. Hence, now is the time to rethink how taxpayers’ money is being used, by ensuring that inmates are not just fed and sheltered but given all they need to stay away from crime.

    From the foregoing, the 3 Rs – Reformation, Rehabilitation and Reintegration – should be of maximum priority. It would be suicidal for efforts that foster the release of 4,000 justice-impacted individuals to be made, where nothing has been done to empower them behind bars or equip them with skills for their successful re-entry into society. A long-term comprehensive approach that addresses the root causes of crime is a step in the right direction.

    By investing in education, skills training, and economic opportunities for disadvantaged individuals, Nigeria can help break the cycle of reoffending and over congestion, providing pathways to a productive and law-abiding life. Strategic interventions can be developed that will provide revenue for the government, the correctional service, and the communities. Across the world, correctional industries exist that contribute to the GDP of developed countries. Statistics show that US prison workers contribute $11bn worth of goods and services per year. Human rights-compliant models that are relevant to our context can be mainstreamed into correctional administration. There is also a need to provide behavioural change and life skills support for them. Religious bodies can play a major role here in the absence of psychologists and other experts. 

    By implementing innovative programs that offer educational opportunities, vocational training, counselling, and mentorship, Nigeria can empower formerly incarcerated persons to become contributing members of their communities.

    In addition to having a detailed 3R strategy, the use of non-custodial measures is very necessary. The Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 and the Nigerian Correctional Service Act 2019, promote the use of alternative sentencing measures like community service, parole, probation, fines, etc. However, due to several constraints, implementation has been haphazard. An integration of the activities of all criminal justice actors will make this work effective. Non-custodial measures such as restorative justice can be used at different stages of the process, especially at the police stage for simple cases. Proper sentencing guidelines that incorporate non-custodial sanctions, and more importantly, structures to carry out non-custodial sanctions are apropos. The non-custodial unit needs to be properly funded and a way to go will be the enforcement of the Non-custodial Special Fund as provided for in S.44 of the Nigerian Correctional Service Act.

    Additionally, the recent alteration of the 1999 Constitution that allows states to manage their own correctional facilities is a step in the right direction. Statistics have shown that 80% of offenders are state offenders. If states begin to take on the burden of correctional management, they will realise the need to invest funds in community development, empowerment, education and poverty alleviation.

    •Adeoye is a Lawyer & Commonwealth Scholar at University of Oxford.

  • Nigeria will reward your faith

    Nigeria will reward your faith

    • Mohammed Idris

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has again demonstrated his seriousness about charting a sustainable course for Nigeria’s prosperity, using the tool of foreign policy and engagement. On his second trip to the Middle East as President, he attended the Saudi-African Summit convened by the King of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, on Friday, November 10, 2023.

    President Tinubu joined other African leaders in the discussions, that centered on strengthening longstanding relations with a country that has successful translated its wealth of natural resource into solid economic and geopolitical standing on the world stage.

    From the Nigerian perspective, there is no doubt a lot that we can learn from and partner with Saudi Arabia on, starting with their successful efforts in diversifying an economy that has historically relied almost exclusively on oil and gas. In recent years, Saudi Arabia has demonstrated great seriousness towards building a post-oil economy that is also a world leader in the green economy, charting a path that Nigeria can follow in.

    Nigeria and Saudi Arabia have a long and robust diplomatic history, dating back six decades. In 2003, we established a Binational Commission, and in 2019 agreed to establish a Joint Business Council, which President Tinubu is now very keen to make an immediate reality.

    Saudi Arabia has also over the decades been active in humanitarian and philanthropic interventions in Nigeria, through such institutions as the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre. President Tinubu made sure to express gratitude to the King in this regard, while also acknowledging the efforts of Nigerian professionals who are contributing to the Saudi economy in various sectors, including medicine and sports.

    Speaking at the Summit, President Tinubu alluded to the evolving nature of the relationship between the two countries. He said, “Within the past six decades, our bilateral cooperation, which was initially hajj-centric, has witnessed diversification to cover a number of areas of common interest.”

    The President seized the occasion to highlight two very important messages which he has always stressed in his engagements with foreign governments and businesses: the bold economic reforms—in the areas of petrol subsidy and foreign exchange management—that he wasted no time introducing upon assumption of office, and the fact that, under his watch, Nigeria is fully open for business and investment, and will do everything to protect the sanctity of all domestic and foreign investment.

    These are two of the key planks upon which the lasting social and economic prosperity of Nigeria will be built. The first one will free up significant amounts of resources for investment in infrastructure, social investment and food security, while the second one will attract the capital required to build a globally competitive economy.

    Everywhere the President has been, abroad, and even at home, he takes the pains to emphasize and reiterate these two foundational messages, an affirmation of his belief in the fact that as President, he is the Chief Marketing Officer (CMO) of Nigeria.

    At the end of the Summit, the leaders agreed to set up Working Groups in the areas of Politics, Security and Military Affairs; Economic, Trade and Investment Affairs; Cultural and Educational Affairs; and Humanitarian and Health Affairs. These Working Groups are expected to commence work within the next six months.

    Two important engagements happened on the sidelines of the Summit, which are very crucial to the economic development of Nigeria, and to the realization of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

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    The first engagement was a bilateral meeting between the President and the Crown Prince of the Kingdom, His Royal Highness Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, on Friday November 10. Two very beneficial Saudi pledges to Nigeria emerged from this bilateral meeting, which I was privileged to attend: the first was a pledge that Saudi Aramco will invest in the revamp of Nigeria’s state-owned oil refineries, with a view to ensuring completion within three years, while the second was a pledge to support the Central Bank of Nigeria’s ongoing reforms by making available a substantial dollar-denominated deposit to boost forex liquidity.

    These are two transformational investments that will go a long way in stabilizing and strengthening President Tinubu’s economic reform agenda, and help fast-track the journey towards reaping the full benefits of these reforms. In addition, the Saudi Government pledged to invest in agriculture and food security in Nigeria, as well as public infrastructure; two of the many areas in which it has recorded laudable domestic successes.

    The second Presidential engagement was the Nigeria-Saudi Investment Roundtable, which the President chaired himself, just as he did with the Nigeria-India Business Roundtable in New Delhi in September, on the sidelines of the G20 Summit hosted by India. The President has always shown his determination to be a hands-on leader, and he utilizes every available opportunity to send this message out to the world.

    The Roundtable was attended by a high-powered Saudi delegation, including the Ministers of Trade and Investment, and of Commerce, as well as several Saudi business leaders drawn from a wide range of sectors.  On the Nigerian side, in addition to Mr. President, there were also Cabinet Ministers, including my colleagues in the Ministries of Finance; Budget & Economic Planning; Industry, Trade & Investment; Solid Minerals; Communications, Innovation & Digital Economy; Agriculture; Humanitarian Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, and Petroleum Resources (Oil).

    Subnational Governments were represented by the Governors of Bauchi, Niger and Katsina States, while the private sector had leaders like Alhaji Aliko Dangote (Dangote Group); Gilbert Chagoury (Chagoury Group); Mr. John Coumantaros (Flour Mills of Nigeria) and Mr. Wale Tinubu (Oando) in attendance.

    Again, at this Roundtable, President Tinubu reiterated the two key messages of Reform and Openness. He said, “When I took office, I declared the immediate commencement of bold and fundamental economic reforms. We have executed them, and we sustain the reform process,” adding, “I believe in the full application of free market economics. Your money will flow easily in and easily out.”

    The following day, Saturday, November 11, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) held an Extraordinary Summit, also in Riyadh, at which President Tinubu was represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, and which I attended.

    The Summit condemned in strong terms Israel’s ongoing military offensive in Gaza, calling for an immediate halt to all Israeli military operations. The Summit also asked the UN Security Council to “adopt an immediate resolution condemning Israel’s barbaric destruction of hospitals in the Gaza Strip, the prevention of the entry of medicine, food and fuel into it, and the cutting-off of electricity, water supply and basic services, including communication and internet services, being a collective punishment that constitutes a war crime under international law.”

    Earlier, at the Saudi-African Summit, President Tinubu had reiterated Nigeria’s position, which is an insistence on an immediate ceasefire, and the implementation of a peaceful resolution to the crisis. The President is determined to ensure that Nigeria’s voice is heard on all key issues affecting the world; a Nigeria that is bold and vocal about what it desires, in all areas. 

    A little over a week after the Saudi trip, President Tinubu was again on the move, this time to Berlin, Germany, on the invitation of German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, to attend the G20 Compact with Africa (CwA) Conference, on November 20, 2023. To better appreciate the importance of the relationship, it should be remembered that Germany and Nigeria share the distinction of being the continental economic giants of Europe and Africa respectively.

    For President Tinubu, it was yet another Chief Marketing Officer (CMO) opportunity. First, he was on a panel that discussed the theme, “Fostering local value chains and investments in Africa – The role of the German private sector”, where he noted that since his assumption of office, “we have embarked on transformative changes, removing all obstacles hindering businesses.”

    Then he attended a Bilateral Meeting with Chancellor Scholz, following up on the Bilateral Meeting that they held just three weeks ago, when the Chancellor was in Abuja on an Official Visit. The two leaders further discussed infrastructure (energy and rail), mining, manufacturing, and curbing illegal migration. President Tinubu also met with Germany’s President, and Head of State, Frank-Walter Steinmeier.

    To cap it all, President Tinubu hosted and presided over a German-Nigerian Business Forum, just as he had done in Saudi Arabia. Two major MOUs were signed on this occasion: the first one between Riverside LNG of Nigeria and Johannes Schuetze Energy Import AG of Germany, on a gas export partnership that will see Nigeria exporting around a million tonnes of LNG per annum to Germany, while the other one was between Union Bank of Nigeria and DWS Group on cooperation in renewable energy, valued at $500m.

    The President reminded the audience of his solid track record, both in the private and public sectors, which has prepared him for this assignment leading one of the most important emerging economies in the world. “‘You can rely on us; we can rely on you; both of us can chorus Hallelujah at the same time,” he declared.

    Very similar emphatic concluding words, to his declaration at the Saudi-Nigeria Business Roundtable, after listening to various pitches and presentations from the Saudi businesses present: “I am determined to be your partner in progress and prosperity. Nigeria will reward your faith. Our people are ready, and we will not disappoint!”

    Powerful words that should make every Nigerian proud.

  • Creative industries as Nigeria’s new oil

    Creative industries as Nigeria’s new oil

    • By Ola Awakan

    Nigeria has a rich creative industry with great potential and global footprints. They are an increasingly important piece of the puzzle in national development plans as they break all the barriers of traditional governance and economic strategic armchair approach. These industries within the larger framework are but not limited to the arts- visual and performing, culture, heritage, food, fashion, film, music, and much more. They have all too often been overlooked as legitimate avenues for jobs and gross domestic product. But that is starting to change in Nigeria as they help to drive sustainable development and create jobs. Unemployment is gradually forcing the government to embrace the kingship of creative industries as the construction of more diverse and economically viable markets. Jobs in the creative economy have proven robust to the economic shocks that have persistently harmed Nigeria’s core sectors.

    The economy entered a recession in 2016, yet as the oil sector struggled, the creative industries grew significantly. The music sector alone is predicted to more than triple its current value by 2025, while Nollywood film output continues to outperform worldwide expectations. The industry keeps moving the goalposts for millions of unemployed individuals. Technology and the digital revolution have created opportunities for Nigeria to be a leader in frugal innovation.

    For example, digital cinematography has supported Nollywood’s quick expansion, propelling it to the world’s third-largest film industry by value, after Hollywood and Bollywood. The success of Nigerian music, fashion, and film, to mention a few, demonstrates how the creative economy can spark a value chain between artists, entrepreneurs, distributors, and support services to boost jobs and contribute to GDP growth.

    Yet challenges to growth remain. The Nigeria Creative Industries Development Bill, 2023, which seeks to provide an enabling environment for the creative industry must conscientiously become a “generational gospel truth” that can attract a significant portion of the $2.9 trillion creative industry market share. The bill simply must be re-evaluated in its current form and address the concepts of innovation, proper planning and development of local infrastructure, tax rebates for both nationals and companies investing in the sector, and adopting the friendly environment and financial model that South Korea, India, and China have built.

    The current components of market success with the surge of digital streaming global entities are signals that reflect the beauty of Nigeria’s creative industries and its unexploited materials of culture. Smartphones, tablets, and overall technologies are making the creative industries the most exportable Nigerian products. Nigeria has not been able to connect the greatness of its existence to its creative culture, nor has it been able to reconstruct its national image as a symbol of identity, patriotism, and binding force. Nigerian music fills cafés, Nando’s, and global cities in Europe, America, Asia, and across Africa without any royalty that brings some sort of revenue to the individual musicians and government treasury. Mr. President, renewed hope can inspire more creative ideas and ingenuity to lead the world.

    Buga by Kizz Daniel (Oluwatobiloba Daniel Anidugbe) became a global sensation that has also captured the mind of Mr. President and some other global leaders who danced to its rhythmic simplicity, aesthetic dexterity, and rooted in Nigerian textual nuances during the political campaigns. This is a musical ingenuity that was conceived by independent-minded individuals like others such as Davido, Wizkid, Tiwa Savage, Asake, Borna Boy, Olamide, and so on. They are creating the unique brand of Nigerian culture that has been shaping the heart and soul of this imaginative country for decades. It’s so important that the global efforts of Nigeria’s creative industries be guided and supported as a new treasure trove. Symbolically, our national creative cultural expressions require government protection through the National Plan of Action on Creative Industries as one of its ethos.

    It is expected of the Minister of Arts, Culture and Creative Economy to unleash novel plans, measure the contributions of the creative industries to employment and GDP growth, facilitate strategic alliances between the public and private sectors to incentivize capital investment, and strategically harness the global values of technologies through Nigeria’s own innovative power. When the government truly recognizes the value of the creative industries and makes a conscientious effort to support and promote them, Nigerian film, fashion, music, and others may leapfrog and stake their claim as part of the global mainstream and foreign exchange generation. It must be admitted that there are challenges, but one can clearly see the opportunities in leveraging the creative industries paradigm to provide institutional support for entrepreneurs and small businesses and turn some otherwise unprofitable public-sector behemoths into centres of innovation. This mind-set, which throws away the bathwater while retaining the baby, underpins this submission.

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    The monster of poverty is perpetuated in Nigeria’s rural and peri-urban areas by widespread youth unemployment, low incomes, and a high number of dependents. Some locals have realized that their areas hold significant untapped potential in various materials of culture that, if properly harnessed, have the capacity to lift millions out of poverty and act as the engine of growth for creative industries and a new oil well that can signpost an emerging new economy in Nigeria. While Nigeria’s creative industries have huge potential to become a new block of economic bandwidth that is driven largely by the country’s young population, they are still hampered by a lack of dedicated presidential imprints with an office tasked with overseeing their growth as a blue economy. Such a gap has gone unaddressed, and it continues to widen, thereby denying the creative industries across the 774 local governments, the right access to finance, innovative resources, ideation to incubation, monitoring processing, a national brand, and most importantly, an articulate market, which continue to lead to unsustainable and unregulated practices, fragmented approaches, and weak contents. These deprive these young communities of the significant impact that the creative industries ecosystem can have as Nigeria’s 21st-century economy revolution if properly resourced. It is imperative that this administration intentionally focuses on redefining the nation’s creative industries and leading their new waves as the most transformative, dynamic, and investible blueprints that can serve as renewed hope for the 130 million young Nigerians.

    It should lead national efforts to provide creative actors with creative hubs across all the 36 states of the federation, serve as a driving force for new investment with more capital, liquidity, appropriate policies, and cutting-edge technology, and fuel robust exportation with new forex earnings, thereby helping solve decades inefficiencies that the industry has been experiencing and enabling long-term planning and promoting sustainability.

    More so, this administration should champion a robust pathway for the actualization of creative industries as both national assets and economic prosperity. It will build a global worldview of new creative industries that are exportable and generate foreign exchange for our economy. Much more than addressing the investment in the creative industries, it should develop a comprehensive approach and build a national-wide consortium with educational institutions globally to readapt a new research culture (R&D), build capacity (professional qualifications in the creative economy), and broadly refocus the policies that guide the industry on behalf of Mr. President.

    I stand to submit that noble ideas can be harnessed in this country and not necessarily outside the shores of Nigeria for Nigerians. It is critical to work with creatives in the diaspora because all hands must be on deck to drive the nation’s new goldmine sector as the catalyst that will inspire the renewed hope and endless possibilities Nigerians yearn for.

    • Awakan is an award-winning broadcast journalist and dramatist.
  • A looming anarchy

    A looming anarchy

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    The judiciary has come under intense scrutiny in the court of public opinion with a very damning verdict.  It is indeed a period of judicial nadir as our learned men and women have been taken to the cleaners.  No one is sure if they will come out clean because the sober robes and wigs are soiled.  If we lose the judiciary, we lose the foundation of our country that is built on the rule of law.  This is the reason why what is happening in the judiciary should be more than a passing glance to the government and practitioners alike.  The destruction of the judicial system of a nation is an invitation to mere anarchy.  It is a matter of time before it catches up with everyone because those who are beneficiaries today will become victims tomorrow.  The ruling elite and political jobbers may choose to be wily and manipulative as they wish but they should not forget that the destruction of the rule of law and erosion of confidence in the judiciary is a death knell to the country. 

    There is a growing frustration, anger and disappointment by litigants and other critical stakeholders in the judicial system; most of them genuine and honest.  The entire system is excoriated and lampooned for brazen corruption and perversion of justice.  It will do the nation’s health a whole world of good if we do not destroy the judicial system on the altar of bad politics and elites’ greed and brigandage.  This is not in any way to sound an alarmist.  The best way to deal with a problem is to first identify the problem, face it squarely and deal with it from the source rather than to pretend that it does not exist by coating it with sweet fragrance.  We are confronted with a whole lot of problems and the institutions of state as presently constituted are struggling to cope without success in dealing with the problems. 

    Our problem now goes beyond insecurity that is eclipsing the entire landscape of the country without exception.  Kidnapping for ransom is still prevalent and in a large commercial scale and it is also scaling up with the approach of the end of year’s activities. Life has simply become unbearable for many Nigerians from the economic burden imposed by government policy of subsidy removal and the virtual collapse of the national currency, the Naira.  The sick and elderly are going through excruciating pains struggling to get their medications which have attracted over 200% hike in price.  We are now daily confronted with street urchins and all shades and manners of people in uniforms as task forces extorting money from already sapped Nigerians as if there is no government in place; no law, no order, nothing!   Whoever empowers these miscreants to harass ordinary citizens no one knows.  Sometimes, these groups operate hand in gloves with security agencies. 

    Only very few Nigerians can afford the basic necessities of life.  On top of it now is the spectre of institutional collapse of the sustaining political structures.  Government institutions, departments and ministries exist solely to pay salaries and wages to workers with little or no productivity; not to talk of ghost workers who also earn salaries in government establishments.  The bureaucracy of the state has not ceased to be the nest of graft and large scale corruption.  Now the judiciary has come under siege and its credibility and capacity to dispense justice have been completely eroded.  Citizens have every cause to worry over the controversies of inconsistent judgments emanating from our courts which have become very bizarre.  The judiciary has been reduced to trading platform for politicians and moneybags.  Attack on the electoral system and the judiciary is attack on the foundation of not just our democracy but the basis of our corporate existence.  The ravaging political locust and caterpillars do not care a hoot about the nation as long as they can funnel money to their offshore accounts to live in relative luxury abroad.

    With all the allegations of incompetence and corruption trailing the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the expedient thing to do would have been to dissolve the body and inject it with fresh blood to give life to our electoral system and by extension our democracy.  The judiciary with its proverbial Nigerian factor can hardly clean the mess from the INEC. The judiciary itself also needs a major surgery and total overhaul.  It should start with the recruitment method which should look and scrutinize the competence and qualifications of those applying to the bench, not on filial consideration or political affiliation and partisanship, which it has currently become.  It is also the duty of every Nigerian to develop interest on how people are appointed to public offices and institutions.  It should reflect fairness to federal character, integrity and competence. We have to rise up as one and challenge awarding political office to undeserving elements and highest bidders in outright display of perfidy. 

    Read Also: SK: Between liberty and anarchy

    The report of the off election circle that just concluded in Bayelsa, Imo and Kogi States is quite disheartening and does not show a departure from the ugly past.  The government has to avoid by all means a situation where the people will resort to self-help by taking the laws into their hand.  The security agencies have not shown capacity of neutrality in providing protection for people to exercise their franchise and secure the votes of the electorate.  The crops of politicians we have now by their conducts are the real threat to our democracy.  The citizens can no longer afford to watch the politicians turn our country into a theatre of absurdity.  The rapacious and frightening rape on our democracy and the judiciary must not be allowed to continue. Public office holders should be held accountable to their acts and omissions in their lines of duty.  

    If the purpose of election and appointment to public office is for public good, then only fit and proper people who demonstrate accountability and respect for rule of law and due process should aspire to public office.  Whenever they are found wanting, they should be held accountable also through the due process of law.  It therefore requires the strengthening of our institutions and the judiciary to act with integrity and impartiality. The people can only have implicit confidence in our institutions and public office holders when credible, public spirited fellows are made to occupy high offices.

    It should no longer be acceptable that the government cannot secure citizens in their homes, our children in the institutions of learning, from nursery to tertiary institutions without exception.  School children abducted by bandits and insurgents from their school dormitories are still languishing in captivity for upward of nine years, assuming some of them are still alive leaving the parents agonizing.  People are kidnapped from their homes and on the road and government agencies help to negotiate and take ransoms to the criminals.  Indeed Nigerians are suffocating under the yoke and failure of government and government institutions and public office holders who literarily mock the ordinary citizens by flaunting wealth and power in the face of traumatized Nigerians. 

    In the midst of the strangulating economic hardship, members of the National Assembly have awarded themselves N160m Land Cruiser as palliative.  In the midst of grinding poverty, National Assembly members are awarding themselves sundry allowances in millions of Naira when an ordinary Nigerian cannot afford to put food on his table. Things just have to change to avert the looming anarchy whose consequences might be unpredictable.  Let us not pretend and ignore or dismiss this warning as another ranting of an alarmist. We should endeavour to build capacity to save the Nigeria project rather dissipate energies in the wrong direction and invest in wrong projects.  We cannot just continue like this.  There is no consensus on the prospect of our corporate existence as every ethnic nationality has one grudge or the other.  Nigeria is in such a dire state; breaking up does not appear to offer the way out though.  We just have to come together and agree to work to avert the looming anarchy.

    • Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney.
  • Need for a unicameral legislature

    Need for a unicameral legislature

    • By Frank Ojeme Anyasi

    Many a time one wonders whether Nigeria really needs a bicameral legislature at this point in time when the country is contending with enormous socio-economic challenges. The inflation rate which is 27.33 percent is at an all-time high. The consequences are that poverty is ravaging the land. Families that were hitherto categorized as middle-income earners have descended to low-income earners while those who were low-income earners have gone down to become the poorest of the poor. The insecurity has distorted the food supply chain and contributed to food inflation. The decline in oil production has further negatively affected the plan for diversification of the economy.

    What was in vogue before the adoption of legislature as a platform of citizens representation was direct democracy. It is a type of democracy that allows the people themselves, rather than the elected representatives, to make the laws and policies by which they are governed. This was later replaced by what is known as representative democracy. This is because, direct democracy was difficult if not impossible to operate because of the size and huge financial outlay involved. Representative democracy therefore, evolved as the only workable system. It is a form of indirect democracy which guarantees the citizens the opportunity to choose those who will represent them in government.

    In Nigeria, bicameral legislature is being practiced to ensure adequate representation of ethnic groups that make up the country. In reality, however, the adoption of bicameralism as a system of legislature has somewhat proved to be detrimental to rather than deepening democracy. The supposed gains of bicameralism have been lost in the huge financial outlay required to maintain and sustain its operation. The huge resources, it appears have not been justified by the promotion of personal interest over national interest and citizens well-being.

    One may say that bicameral legislature provides a more robust legislative system, because it protects the interests of minority groups. It also makes it possible for public opinion to be properly expressed on the issues concerned before bills are passed. As is often said, two good heads are better than one. Unlike unicameral legislature, two houses carefully review any proposed law before it is passed to law in a bicameral legislature. There is more opportunity for bills to be debated and discussed in detail. The upper house acts as a safeguard against hasty or misguided legislation passed by the lower house. Another benefit of a bicameral legislature is that it places an additional check on the power of the executive.

    Since both chambers perform the same functions, it can easily lead to unnecessary overlap and waste of resources. Large amount of public funds are required to maintain a bicameral legislature and this places additional burden on tax payers, which is not feasible for less developed countries like Nigeria. The resources required to run a bicameral legislature can be deployed for the development of the economy and improvement of the well-being of the citizens.

    Read Also: Legislature, judiciary autonomy bills ready for Buhari’s assent

    Despite the economic crisis ravaging the country due to the removal of petrol subsidy and the devaluation of the naira, National Assembly is contemplating purchasing imported 469 Toyota land cruiser for the official use of the members at the cost of N160 million per vehicle. According to the parliamentarians, the vehicles will enable them wade through the bad roads to perform their oversight functions. The question that comes to mind is whose responsibility is it to ensure that the roads are properly maintained. Why should the ordinary man pay for the failure of the National Assembly to perform their oversight functions? The funds earmarked for the purchase of these vehicles could be used to improve public infrastructures in the public universities. Studies have shown that every country that transitioned from backwardness to developed economy has had to invest massively in its university system. For example, Singapore’s transition from third world to a first world country was enabled by its investment in its university education. Countries that downplay higher education suffer stagnation and retrogression.

    Moreover, it is not fair for National Assembly to decide to import the vehicles from Toyota Company when there are local car manufacturing companies that can produce similar cars for them. Purchase of locally manufactured cars will boost the economy. It will build human capacity and increase the utilization of local content.

    The priority of lawmakers should be to make good laws that will redeem the citizens from misery and deprivation and not the purchase of luxury official vehicles. This financial profligacy has stunted our growth as a country. They should ask their conscience if the cost of the vehicles is conscionable. There appears to be different worlds between the political elites and the people. The economic squeeze is terrific, yet our legislators’ fiddle while the citizens are languishing in poverty. We need a country where nobody will be so poor to sell himself to live or where someone will be too rich to buy others.

    The ordinary man is often persuaded to tighten his belt and make sacrifice but the political elites are losing their belts because of their consumptive culture. He that comes to equity must come with clean hands. According to John Wesley, do all the good you can, in all the means you can, at all the times you can, with all the zeal you can, as long as you can.

    I believe that a unicameral legislature will serve the needs of Nigeria in terms of savings. Some countries like Greece and New Zealand switched from bicameral to unicameral legislature. That did not make these countries less democratic. I have not observed any development attached to bicameral legislature. In fact, the way it is going in Nigeria will lead us nowhere. Therefore, unicameral legislature is the way to go. For example, Ghana practices unicameral legislature and it is doing well. Emphasis should be shifted from fulltime membership of National Assembly to service oriented legislators who are paid sitting allowances. The problem is that there is need for constitutional amendment to unicameral legislature and this may be difficult because the parliamentarians who are to amend the constitution are the beneficiaries of bicameral legislature. But where there is a will there is a way.

  • Still on revenue generation from expatriates’ employment

    Still on revenue generation from expatriates’ employment

    • By Diekola Modupe

    The media has been somewhat awash with reports about broadening the government’s income base. It is commonsensical to grow inflow, flowing from the extant, age-old, and probably weather-beaten desire to diversify the nation’s revenue source from oil. Agriculture, steel development, manufacturing, mining and quarrying, have among other sectors been proposed as future major determiners of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

    In recent times, it has been partly pursuant to the promise of the Bola Tinubu administration to advance the GDP to one of a trillion-dollar economy in another seven years. While most of these plans are long-term, the short-term variants have come in the quest for the elusive portfolio investment, the recalibration of the payment system for improved effectiveness, and the latest talks around extending the contribution base of expatriates’ employment.

    To be sure, the expatriates are supposedly highly skilled workers, putatively hired to do jobs that local expertise cannot do, or rather hired because of the exotic preference of the employer, and provided they can handle the cost implication. For now, just around $2000 is expected to be paid by every expatriate annually as a Combined Expatriate Residence Permit and Alien Card (CERPAC) fee. This is a statutory levy for permission to work.

    The new argument is that beyond this level are the untapped opportunities of getting more income from the nearly 200,000 expatriates in the country, which could fetch between $1.5 billion and $2 billion per annum, from the activities of the skilled men, in what is supposed to be different from what they presently pay, and which every other citizen pays.

    The plans are that if the nation needs to seek other ways of paying off its huge debt, manage its growing population, faced with declining resources and then mitigate the anxieties of filling the $3trillion gap required for its infrastructure in the next two decades, then it has to be much more creative and ingenious in raising revenue. The place of infrastructure cannot be overemphasized for being a tool for macro-economic stability, the creation of employment, enabling productivity and efficiency, social change and development of the rural areas, boosting trade and commerce and sustainable growth and development.

    Read Also: 2024 budget: Katsina govt allocates 20% to water, education sectors – Commissioner

    The other argument seems to be that the practice of making expatriates contribute more to a nation’s purse happens in countries like Singapore, Japan, and Cambodia, if to shore up the chances of locals, by discouraging foreign entrants into some sectors, where locals can thrive. There is also the question of nationalism, considering how migrants have become useful to many foreign economies even beyond what they pay, in addition to other huge financial commitments for naturalizations, and job-specific payments.

    If these are done in other places, why can’t there be some semblances here in Nigeria? What is more? The proposed obligations from the expatriates shall be because their income is locally generated and a central contribution is necessary given that they are presently only obligated to the states. In many situations where they are mobile, tracking their payments is difficult. But this could be resolved with the overarching obligation to the centre.

    As projected, an expatriate should be obligated on the aggregate amounts of his/her income for the year, from any salary, wage, fee, allowance or other gain or profit from employment including compensations, bonuses, premiums, benefits or other prerequisites allowed, given or granted by the employer to the expatriate.

    Other than the factors highlighted, the need for more expatriates’ contributions has now arisen because expatriates and Nigerians should not be at par when it comes to liabilities on income as presently is, in addition to the fact that Nigeria has no special law governing revenue system with respect to expatriates, in a situation where a presumptive income due is required. Importantly, Nigeria is considered a very expatriate-friendly country.

    From the proposal, companies are understood to employ expatriates for the short or medium term to develop or train local employees. Once understudied, they are supposed to exit. But in actual practice, they stay unnecessarily longer. The anticipated increased financial obligation should discourage this anomaly.

    The proposal leaves the government and citizens without any burden. It is also against the background of the fact that with Africa rising as an emerging market, more expatriates are coming in. The large markets from a large population and a greater influx of foreign skilled workers are in evidence, especially in a country like Nigeria.

    Records have it that Nigeria’s natural resources and economic opportunities continue to attract foreign direct investments (FDI) from investors worldwide. Based on the National Bureau of Statistics, capital inflow to Nigeria in 2018 was $19.07 billion, of which $7.78 billion represents FDIs. Capital inflows from January 2019 to May 2019 amount to $14.2 billion, of which $2.87 billion represents FDIs. Beyond these facts is the thinking that the flow and people need to do more. Looks plausible, if probably practicalised.

    In summary, the other benefits include an increase in employment rate and a lowering of the quest for foreign exchange, in addition to the inclusion of citizens where we do not require expatriates for construction, supermarkets, restaurants, and retail. The policy would likely also put these sets of Nigerians on a level playfield with the expatriates to some extent. There will similarly be lowered demand for scarce foreign exchange, especially from the parallel market, eventually reducing pressure on the currency.

    Another instance is in the banking sector in Nigeria, which is 99% run by citizens.  All the technology start-ups in Nigeria are also 99% Nigerian entrepreneurs’, where they harness skill sets and knowledge that are always available. So, there is no sector which cannot achieve this, including the oil and gas, construction, manufacturing, retail services, etc.

    Revenue earned by the government can be put to use for the benefit of the Nigerians in many areas ranging from education, production, health and infrastructure, among others. Largely, with the initiative, there will be more job opportunities, improved remuneration, more chances for training and skill acquisition, enhancement of the prestige of the Nigerian workers, and reduction of the demand for foreign exchange, resulting from the draining salaries of expatriates.

    •Modupe, public policy analyst, writes from Abuja.

  • The Ajaero strike and the masquerade’s legs

    The Ajaero strike and the masquerade’s legs

    • By Kehinde Yusuf

    Whenever things are entangled, seeking to disentangle them is the normal course of action. This happens when the respective entangling things are easily discernible. However, sometimes, those things are so similar and yet so different that disentanglement becomes herculean. To describe such complex, ambivalent and confused situations, the idiom called to service in Yoruba is “Esè eégún ti dàpò mó t’èèyàn.” (‘The masquerade’s legs are entangled with human legs.’) The masquerade, by the way, is believed to be a sacred being from the extra-terrestrial habitation of the revered ancestors, while the human being is earthly and non-sacred. So, how do you extricate a sacred set of legs from a mundane one without offending the ancestors?

    A series of such confusing spectacles marked the last nationwide strike of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), otherwise called the Ajaero Strike, which started on Tuesday, 14 November, 2023 and was planned to be total and indefinite. Incidentally, the strike was suspended on Wednesday, 15 November, 2023, after negotiations between the NLC and the government. In spite of the suspension, questions relating to the strike remain nagging.

    First, the entanglement of the masquerade’s and human legs happened in relation to who exactly Joe Ajaero was. In his visit to Imo State, was he a citizen of the state who had visited as a chieftain of the opposition Labour Party (LP) with the aim of promoting his political party in the then-closely approaching governorship election in the state or was he the National President of the NLC who had gone there to promote the welfare of members of his trade union? This ambivalence may have caused him to be beaten up by people who were presumed to be political thugs and who probably thought they were contending with a threatening rival political party member rather than a sacred, masquerade-like labour union personage. It is in reaction to the assault on Ajaero that the NLC and its sister union – the Trade Union Congress (TUC) – declared the indefinite and total national strike.

    Second, the masquerade’s legs phenomenon was manifested in who the aggressor was. Ajaero was beaten in only one out of the thirty-six states, and revenge was being exacted from all of the thirty-six states and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. This violated the principle of justice encoded in the saying, Ìka tó bá sè l’oba n gé. (‘It’s the finger that errs that the king cuts.’) In prosecuting the strike, one finger erred, but thirty-seven were cut.

    Third, the ambivalence and confusion were related to the real motive for the strike. Was the strike declared to get restitution for the injuries of Ajaero or was it declared to wreck the economy or destabilise the All Progressives Congress (APC) national government by LP stalwarts hiding behind the unionist screen?

    Note, by the way, that while Ajaero and the NLC were vociferous in claiming that the APC-led government of Imo State had been mistreating the workers in the employment of the state, the workers themselves were adulating the governor. A situation was therefore created in which, as the saying goes, “Alára l’ára ò r’òun, o ló kú àìsùn, ó kú àìwo.” (‘A person says they’re not feeling any pain, but you’re telling them, “Sorry for the sleeplessness the pain is causing you.”’) Granted that there could even have been a few areas in which the state government was defaulting in relation to the welfare of the workers, the NLC should not have created a situation in which it would be crying more than the bereaved. In a more picturesque way, a Yoruba proverb says, “Elékún n sunkún, Láróyè n sun èjè.” (‘The person who has a problem is shedding watery tears, but bloody tears are streaming down the cheeks of Laroye the sympathiser.’) Incidentally, Laroye is another word for Èsù, which some people translate into English as “the Devil”.

    The Ajaero strike showed that the NLC has immense potentials to wreak indiscriminate havoc on the nation. Did it therefore set out of its own volition to undermine the government or was it recruited to do the hatchet job for woebegone opponents of the Tinubu government, in the light of the failure of the President’s opponents to remove him from office through the courts? This question is important, because, in public reactions after the Supreme Court judgement affirming his victory, statements had been made which suggested the willingness to use extra-judicial means to settle scores with the President.

    Fourth, the masquerade’s legs syndrome was reflected in the joining of the strike by some academic affiliates of the NLC. This seeming headfirst joining of the Ajaero strike raises a number of very critical questions. The most important ones here are: What role should academic staff unions play when they affiliate with NLC or TUC? Should they submit zombie-like to the two unions’ directives or should they provide the intellectual compass to the umbrella unions? The academic staff unions listed as joining the Ajaero strike are the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), the College of Education Academic Staff Union and the Academic Staff Union of Polytechnics. The Punch, in its 15 November, 2023 edition, reported the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) as saying as follows about the strike: “It is with a heavy heart that we, as the apex student body in the country, address the irrationality, disregard for the court of law, and apparently misplaced priority demonstrated in this action.” Did this not amount to the tail wagging the dog?

    Read Also: Ajaero in the eye of storm

    With respect to ASUU, one observer remarked that he could not remember the last time ASUU joined an NLC strike. He then wondered whether ASUU’s decision was not motivated by the fact that, since it had become impolitic for it to directly embark on a strike considering the badly-prosecuted 2022 strike, ASUU found it convenient to jump on to the bandwagon of the NLC strike. He therefore seemed to have been suggesting that ASUU’s case was like that of the monkey itching to climb a tree, and then finding a ready excuse when its in-law’s club got stuck in the branches of the tree. The monkey rushed up the tree without thinking twice, and oblivious of the fact that there could be ants with very painful bites awaiting it in the tree. In this regard, our people admonish the monkey as follows: Ìjímèrè, só’gi gùn ko má baà gungi aládi. (‘Monkey, beware of which trees you climb, so that you don’t climb an ant-infested one.’) Going forward, academic staff unions need to be more circumspect about which kind of strikes to join or to declare.

    Fifth, ASUU put itself in an ambivalent position by joining the strike. When the last ASUU strike was called off on 14 October, 2022 and lecturers were paid half-salary for that month, one of the complaints of ASUU was that lecturers had, by that government action, been reduced to daily paid or casual workers. Specifically, in the Daily Trust of 8 November, 2022, the President of ASUU, Professor Emmanuel Osodeke, was reported to have declared as follows about the ending of the strike: “This we believe, as a union of thinkers, intellectuals, and patriots, will not only aid the process of amicable resolution of the crisis, but will also set the tone for smooth industrial relations between Government and Nigerian workers at large. Unfortunately, the response of government towards ASUU’s demonstration of trust was the so-called ‘pro-rata’ payment for eighteen days as the October 2022 salaries of academics thereby portraying them as daily paid workers!” Now, has the manner in which the union joined the Ajaero strike been sufficiently elevating or ennobling?

    When the Ajaero kind of strike occurs, it is helpful to recall the most comparable events in other climes. After all, as our people say, “Oun tó jo’un làá fí wé’un; èpo èpà ló jo pósí èlírí.” (‘Let’s compare likes with likes; it’s the groundnut shell that resembles the midget mouse’s coffin.’) Moreover, it is necessary to appreciate the wisdom in the proverb, “Afogbón-ológbón-sogbón ni ò jé kí á pe àgbà ní wèrè.” (‘It’s learning from other people’s experience that prevents an elderly person from being called a fool.’)

    Once upon a time, there was a very powerful trade union called the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in Great Britain. It had a very charismatic, controversy-courting President called Arthur Scargill. At a point, the NUM was so powerful that it caused the fall of a government. The Secretary of Education in that fallen government was called Margaret Thatcher, and she bided her time. Then she became Prime Minister. The NUM struck again in the early years of her government. The new government buckled and yielded to the demands of the union. Encouraged by this manifestation of power, the NUM embarked on another strike a few years later. This time around, like a ram that had stepped back to re-energise, the government came back charging. It confronted the union, and though the workers remained on strike for a few days short of one whole year, they got no concession from the government. With the government firing on all cylinders and with the strike debilitating the workers and their families, a pitiable Arthur Scargill had no choice but to announce the end to the strike. 

    Does NLC look like the NUM? Does Joe Ajaero look like Arthur Scargill? Does President Bola Ahmed Tinubu look like Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher? Labour unions are immensely powerful. With that power, a properly-focussed union can earn remarkable benefits for its members. And it is when they are preoccupied with seeking such members’ welfare gains that they are on the most solid ground. In contrast, trade unions are on the most slippery ground when they venture into such adversarial environments as politics, in which all is fair as in love and war.

    It is hoped that, as the NLC and the TUC relate with the Nigerian government, push would not come to shove. True, labour unions are powerful. But it is not a zero-sum game. That labour unions have power does not stop government from being powerful or from being more powerful. As the saying goes, “Tí irin bá kan irin ìkan á tè.” (‘When a rod encounters a rod, one must bend.’) In their agitations, the status and motives of NLC and TUC must be clear at all times. It must become unnecessary, going forward, for the question to be asked, “Are the NLC and TUC workers welfare outfits or are they the labour wing of the government’s detractors?” Let the human legs be clear and let the masquerade’s legs be clear. Entangling them can only cause agony. Those who have ears, let them hear.              

  • Locally-driven approaches to peace, conflict management in Niger Delta

    Locally-driven approaches to peace, conflict management in Niger Delta

    • By David Udofia

    Data has shown that violent conflict in the Niger Delta is driven by a variety of interrelated and often overlapping factors, including historical tensions and grievances over natural resources’ allocation, leadership tussles, land disputes, cultism and a proliferation of armed groups.

    Over the years, PIND through its peacebuilding program has amplified the efforts of local peace actors by facilitating locally owned interventions and peacebuilding networks, filling knowledge gaps that hitherto held back local peace actors from taking their efforts to scale, and by providing skills, information, platforms and resources for advocacy, conflict analysis and mitigation. This has also resulted in enhancing the capacity of peace actors to respond in a more coordinated and targeted manner to the rapidly changing conflict dynamics in the region.

    PIND’s peacebuilding program plays a vital role in Chevron Nigeria Limited’s (CNL) community engagement efforts in the Niger Delta. In October 2023, PIND facilitated a peacebuilding and conflict Early Warning Response (EWER) training and engagement for CNL’s Host Community Development Trusts (HCDTs) in Delta and Ondo states. The HCDT committees nominated community members including youth and women for the peacebuilding and EWER capacity-building training In Delta state, a total of 43 participants were selected from four HCDTs including: Warri Kingdom Onshore; Ogulagha; Egbema OPUDIS; and Gbaramatu HCDTs, while 33 participants were selected from Ugboland HCDT in Ondo State. The participants were trained on various aspects of conflict management such as volunteerism, cooperation, leadership, peacebuilding, conflict analysis, conflict management styles, and conflict early warning and early response (EWER) system as a strategic tool for reporting and proactively responding to grievances and conflict issues.

    The peacebuilding and EWER capacity-building training for the CNL’s HCDTs was essential for the implementation of the HCDT component of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Following the signing into law of the PIA in 2021, CNL dissolved its Global Memorandum of Understanding (GMoU) arrangement and established the HCDTs in 2021 to continue its corporate social responsibility activities through the multi-stakeholder community engagement approach. There are currently six CNL’s HCDT community clusters, each composed of community representatives responsible for identifying and implementing community development projects. The ultimate aim is to improve the relationship between CNL and its host communities, reduce communal tensions, decrease violence, and create an enabling environment for businesses to thrive. The successful implementation of the HCDTs requires operational-level conflict management support through a grassroots-based conflict EWER system that can help stakeholders to spotlight communal grievances and respond quickly in a targeted manner to prevent escalation of violence, and in the long run effectively manage the changing dynamics of conflicts in the host communities.

    Read Also: GEF, FAO, FG to transform oil palm production, others in Niger Delta

    Locally-owned and community-driven conflict management initiatives are key to achieving sustainable peace and economic growth in the Niger Delta. The direct involvement of local actors in conflict early warning and response interventions helps to prioritize the perspectives and needs of communities facing conflict by ensuring that the design and management of early warning systems are closely connected with the process of understanding what types of response mechanisms exist in their communities. The strategic engagement of community-based peace actors ensures that conflict management interventions are locally owned, address the current realities on the ground in contextually appropriate ways, promote sustainability and effectiveness of interventions, and appropriately respond to longer term peacebuilding needs and opportunities.

    Over the years, PIND through its peacebuilding program has amplified the efforts of local peace agents by facilitating locally owned interventions and peacebuilding networks in the Niger Delta. PIND is currently leveraging traditional institutions including traditional rulers and community leaders as part of efforts to empower and engage critical stakeholders in peacebuilding and conflict prevention at the community level. The ultimate aim of this approach is to ensure that conflict management interventions are locally owned and to promote the sustainability and effectiveness of interventions.

    To ensure the effective and sustainable engagement of local peace actors in managing conflict at the community level, stakeholders including civil society organizations (CSOs) must continually fill knowledge gaps that are holding back local peace actors from taking their efforts to scale, and by providing skills, information, platforms and resources for advocacy, conflict analysis and mitigation planning and implementation. This must include periodic capacity- building training to sustain the capacity of local peace actors to respond in a more coordinated and targeted manner to the rapidly changing conflict dynamics in the region.

    Over the years, PIND through its peacebuilding program has amplified the efforts of local peace agents by facilitating locally owned interventions and peacebuilding networks in the Niger Delta. PIND is currently leveraging traditional institutions including traditional rulers and community leaders as part of efforts to empower and engage critical stakeholders in peacebuilding and conflict prevention at the community level. The ultimate aim of this approach is to ensure that conflict management interventions are locally owned, and to promote sustainability and effectiveness of interventions.

  • Biden, Gavin, and Kamala

    Biden, Gavin, and Kamala

    The world worries about America’s upcoming Presidential election between two aging contenders, Biden and Trump. The Republican Wall Street Journal editorialized last week that the 81-year-old Biden “running for re-election in his condition is an act of profound selfishness”. Polls show that voters worry about his ability to complete a second term and that Kamala Harris is not ready to be President. Trump, four years younger, is a worry because of his track record, anger, narcissism, 91 felony charges, and pledge to dismantle democracy as well as to upend the world order. Republicans are divided by Trumpism, but Democrats may have an elegant solution: Biden could enhance his chances by swapping California Governor Gavin Newsom for Kamala Harris as his Vice Presidential running mate. She is smart, but has little voter appeal. Newsom, by contrast, polls highest among Democratic Presidential ”possibles”. The gambit may seem far-fetched, but Biden recently went out of his way to lavishly praise Newsom at a rally. “I want to talk about Governor Newsom,” he said. “He’s been one hell of a governor, man. Matter of fact, he could be anything he wants. He could have the job I’m looking for.”

    In a contest between two old guys, the running mate is key because he or she will be, as the saying goes, “one heartbeat away from the Presidency” — or, in Trump’s case, one conviction away. Newsom is an attractive candidate. He polls well, is a seasoned leader, and is slightly left-of-center as is Biden and most Democrats. He also has experience running a gigantic government, as Governor of California since 2018, which is the largest jurisdiction in the United States apart from Washington. The Sunshine State’s GDP is bigger than the economies of India, Britain, or Canada and has grown at an annualized rate of 2.4 percent in the five years up to 2022, a growth rate that ranks it fourth out of all 50 states.

    Newsom is also a team player and pledged he would never run against Biden. Even so, he has worked hard to raise his profile outside California by waging media campaigns in Republican states concerning issues such as abortion, gay rights, and the lack of gun controls. He also upstaged other governors by organizing a “surprise” summit in China with its leader Xi Jinping — weeks before Biden met with Xi in San Francisco. Interestingly, U.S. Ambassador Nicholas Burns accompanied Newsom to his summit with Xi and described the event as a “very positive, consequential day for the United States”. This certainly raised the stature of both Newsom and California, and was aimed at displaying that Newsom also has international “chops”.

    Such high profile initiatives have led rival Democrats to take shots at him about running a stealth campaign to unseat Biden. But the reality is that he’s not running for President. I believe he’s running for Vice President with help from the Biden administration. After all, his meeting with Xi could never have taken place without assistance from Biden and his State Department. More significantly, polls show he would be the leading contender, should Biden leave, whereas Kamala’s support sags and is among the lowest in recent years for an incumbent Vice President. In essence, she may be a liability along with Biden’s age and Republicans are trying to capitalize on this by saying that a vote for Biden in 2024 is likely a vote for Harris as President.

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    Replacing Harris with Newsom would be awkward and unprecedented, but the two are friends and have supported one another for years, she as a Senator and he as Governor. She is also a loyal and selfless VP, taking on troublesome tasks without hesitation and never upstaging or disappointing Biden. But for whatever reason, she hasn’t gained traction with the electorate, and would likely move onto her next job without a fuss. It’s also interesting that Newsom just appointed Laphonza Butler, adviser to Kamala Harris’ 2020 Presidential campaign, to fill the U.S. Senate seat in California made vacant by the death of Senator Dianne Feinstein.

    On November 30, voters will see Newsom in action in a debate on Fox TV with Republican Governor Ron De Santis set up months ago by anchor Sean Hannity. Both men represent the next generation leadership in their respective parties and the contrast will be interesting. In one corner, will be Newsom, a handsome, confident, pro-business leader, and in the other corner will be the morose De Santis who is a popular governor but has picked fights with corporations, librarians, school boards, and Trump himself. As a result, De Santis struggles in the primaries and likely won’t get past Trump as a Presidential nominee in 2024. He also won’t be Trump’s running mate because the two have become sworn enemies. He steadily loses ground to Nikki Haley, another former Governor who also won’t run on a ticket with Trump.

    If Newsom was to run with Biden, he would have to resign as Governor and hand the reins over to lieutenant governor Eleni Kounalakis, another close friend of Kamala Harris. He would have the support of California’s Democratic “matriarch” Nancy Pelosi, who is distantly related by marriage. And funnily, Newsom is also linked by marriage to a Republican insider, but won’t get her support: He is one of the ex-husbands (2001-2005) of Kimberly Guilfoyle, a former Fox TV broadcaster who is now engaged to Donald Trump Jr.

    If Harris resigned, she would become Attorney General, UN Ambassador, a cabinet minister, or a Supreme Court Justice should the tainted Justice Clarence Thomas have the decency to resign after his ethical lapses. Even so, a “swap” solution is a long shot, given Biden’s loyalty, but perhaps the two Californians agree with the idea. Clearly, the three admire one another and pushback from Biden’s supporters would be minimal, apart from the fact that he’s a white guy and wealthy. But he has earned the respect of black and Hispanic and liberal elements within the party as well as the admiration from the “Boss”. He’s been re-elected twice in California and is pro-choice and a proponent of strict environmental and gun controls. On paper, he ticks off a lot of boxes and if a swap could help insure that democracy won’t be dismantled by another Trump presidency, it just may happen.

    • This article was first published in www.kyivpost.com