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  • The Marlians and the rest of us

    The Marlians and the rest of us

    By Samuel Fasanmi

    In one of my classes at a university in Northern Nigeria, a guy hardly attended classes. Whenever he showed up in my class, he would wear socks and place his oversized trousers below his waist. He had a panache for disrupting my lectures, as the whole class would burst into laughter whenever he sneaked in mid-way into the classroom. His curly hairstyle and bleached face perfectly harmonised with his long silver necklace. I noticed he missed my tests on two occasions. As he wobbled into my class on a particular day, I stopped him and asked why he always came late for lectures. The whole class chorused, Marlian! Instantly, I got the message.

    The death of Ilerioluwa Aloba (Mohbad) has recently caused many ripples on social media. At least the political class will be relieved of answering questions from the battered Nigerians who are wallowing in the worst economic situation in decades. The masses, too, in the interim, have something to take their minds away from the pains of over 600 Naira per litre of petrol and an unimaginable exchange rate that have turned the subsidy crooners into super-rich prodigies. Nigerians are used to social media diversion, especially when it touches the chord of the fledging youth population, who spend most of their quality time whining on social media.

    Who are the Marlians? Operationally, Marlians are the deviants who thrive on carving a new world of pleasure for themselves. They are the product of the phenomenal Sigmund Freud, weaned by the id and nurtured to work against the superego, the moral vase of society. Their sense of self is lost to the libidinal forces of the id. Thus, everything about Marlians resonates around pleasure, sex, drug abuse, money, fame, and most importantly, the loss of self and morals. The Marlians love the lurch, where their pleasure instinct will thrive. The Marlians can only succeed where the superego and her itinerary cannot breathe. The Marlians can only roam the street where the heist of corruption is at its peak. The Marlians can only survive where life is cheap, and humanity has lost its value. Luckily for them, they found such a harbour in Nigeria.

    I have listened to the songs of Mohbad in the last two weeks, and I can testify that he was a good singer. More relevant to this article is that he cried at the top of his voice and with the last energy in his veins about all his ordeals with his enemies, but society never heard him. It is worse to know that even his audience, who listened and danced to his music, never saw him cry in the last two years. He wept throughout his songs, but the rainfall was too heavy to see his constant tears. As Sigmund Freud predicted, Mohbad’s Eros-life instinct, his self-preservation as manifested in his desires for fame and pleasure, got lost. He battled the Thanatos—the death instincts—which he overtly displayed in his lyrics throughout his songs in the later months of his short-lived music career. No one can survive the lucre of libidinal energy once it is triggered. It races all through the veins of their host. It only goes out in the graveyard.

    Read Also: Police arrest Principal, vice over beating of student to death in Zaria

    Everyone who thrives in working against the norms of a society to fulfil their self-aggravation is a Marlian. A church leader who refuses to allow government regulatory bodies to access the church account is a Marlian. Marlians in the churches can make themselves and their family members sole signatories to the church account and turn their churches into family ventures. The entrepreneurial Marlians will ensure that they beat every regulation from the regulatory bodies to make huge profits at the expense of the populace’s well-being. Lecturers Marllians must sleep with their students or take bribes to ensure they pass their examinations. The Marlian politicians ensure that they make fake promises, rig the elections, and manipulate the judiciary to feather their corrupt nests at the expense of society. The list is inexhaustible.

    Checkmating the Marllian will surely bring sanity to society. Arresting Naira Marley will not end the Marlians. The question is: how many Naira Marleys do we want to charge? Nigeria needs to bring a sense of self back to her teaming youths. An “ego” will either tilt towards the id or the superego. The tempo of our national tropism should be reworked to make the messages from the superego more attractive, more magnetising, and strong enough to win the “ego”, the sense of self of Nigerian youths, back to its side. Without this, Nigeria is only running a rat race that will raise more Marlians. The more Marlians in a society, the greater the incidence of untimely death in the form of marital divorce, the proliferation of churches and mosques, religious conflicts, joblessness, drug abuse, prostitution, rigging, political thuggery, and career-ending incidences like the case of our beloved Mohbad.

    What is Nigeria writing on the fragile minds of her youth? Answering this question will matter in ending the menace of Marlians in our society. Obviously, with the current economic situation and the usual defence mechanism of our politicians, Nigerian youths are losing their sense of self daily, and the id is penetrating beyond “selfs” into the heart of our society. The Nigerian government should love the youth more while they are still alive! The glaring failure of the Nigerian government has made Jah the only option left for their survival. It is thus no surprise that the picture in the hearts of our youths is a Freudian-coated Thanatos saying that “every man is a walking dead”! And it is worse that their narrative for survival is hinged on only probability: “If we will survive, seb’Oluwa lomo!

    May Ileri’s soul rest in peace.

    ● Fasanmi wrote from – fasanmisamuel@yahoo.com

  • Africa: Climate financing or climate justice?

    Africa: Climate financing or climate justice?

    • By Kola Ibrahim

    n order to appear as protecting the interests of Africa and third world economies, the advanced and industrialised capitalist countries, through the multilateral organisations they control, came with the idea of climate finance support for African countries and other low income countries, who cannot bear the cost of climate change adaptation and mitigation. They present Africa as a beggar continent to be helped, while they are benevolent nations. This is not different from existing arrangement in global political economy, where third world, whose economies have been plundered for decades, are presented with token, not as a compensation, but as a gift to ameliorate their backwardness. However, several research works have shown that these so called supports end up worsening the already bad conditions of African countries. 

    Climate finance for Africa, which is aimed at providing financial support for Africa for its climate change programmes, is actually aimed at green-washing the developed capitalist countries’ dirty fossil-fuelled economy, which laid the basis for the current tragedy of climate change. Secondly, it is aimed at giving false hope of improvement, a form of hypnotising elixir for development. Thirdly, climate finance is a form of strategic tool for control of Africa’s economy. No financing support which are basically voluntary, come without attached conditions by donor countries. These conditions are aimed at making the recipient countries to be fashioned in the image that the donor countries want them to be. No developed capitalist country will provide tangible financial support to any third world country whose economic orientation tends toward public ownership, technological development and self-sufficiency. Furthermore, no developed country will allow open transfer of technologies and discoveries to third world countries, unless such is no more economically relevant to it. 

    Moreover, all major funding supports have been aimed at profit making in the final analysis, while being presented as a form of charity or support. Therefore, current system of climate finance for Africa is a multi-purpose vehicle for furthering interests of the industrialised capitalist economies, under the guise of assisting to fight climate change and its impacts in Africa.

    This reality is better understood through the nature and attitude towards climate finance in Africa. According to various nationally determined contributions (NDC) documents by African countries, it will require $2.77 trillion to implement climate actions in the period from 2020 to 2030; $277 billion annually (CPI, 2022). Meanwhile Africa’s GDP as at 2022 was $2.93 trillion, which means that averagely, 11 percent of Africa’s GDP will be needed for climate action. Out of the annual climate need of $277 billion, climate adaptation cost, which is the money needed to manage the impacts climate change on Africa, is estimated to be 24% ($600 billion or $60 billion/year). However, this amount is considered to be highly underestimated, due to lack of proper quantitative research. African countries plan to provide $264 billion ($26.4 billion annually; 25% of total NDC cost). Yet, despite the hoax about global climate funding, the total funding support for Africa was $30 billion in 2021. This represents only 12% of the needed annual funding for climate actions in Africa. Of this amount, at least 39 percent is for adaptation, while 49 percent is for mitigation. 

    Also, out of the measly $30 billion, the private sector contributed only 14%, while the public contributed the rest. This shows that the private businesses cannot be relied upon for development in Africa, especially in terms of climate action. The basic reason for this is that Africa is currently not commercially important for global finance capital. Aside the often cited political instability and poverty, low level of development and longer gestation period for investment makes private climate investment in Africa unattractive. However, they, (the big private investors) will be willing to invest if the local capitalist governments can insure their investments and guarantee them adequate profits. These can only be done through committing public resources to guaranteeing private investment, and privatising important sectors such as power, energy, etc., and allowing private multinational corporations to charge international prices. All of these will further impoverish the people. Beside this, the other way is the handover of natural resources, which are important for climate business to big multinational corporations under the guise of attracting investments. It is not therefore surprising that only 10 countries, out of 54 African countries, got more than half of all climate investments (public and private) (CFI, 2022). 

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    However, beyond the low private sector contribution is the fact that the public climate funding has been mostly business oriented loans.  Only 45 percent of climate finance committed to adaptation was grant, while the rest 55% being loan and private equity (low cost project debt and project level market rate debt). The trend is even worse for climate mitigation with only 15% of mitigation funding being grant, while the rest 85% is one form of loan or the other: low cost project debt, project level market rate debt, project level equity, balance sheet financing (debt and equity), etc. This shows the raw capitalist attitude towards climate financing in Africa: to extract profits from Africa. 

    While the continent actually need mitigation, especially given the development need of the continent, the reality however is that the continent needs adaptation more, especially in the immediate. The continent contributes less than 5% of historical global greenhouse gases, but it is being adversely affected by climate change more than any other region, as a result of limited financial, economic, scientific, technological resources and expertise to confront these impacts. Therefore, genuine global regime of climate financing should naturally support more adaptation, with focus on providing not just financial resources but also technological and scientific resources and expertise for the continent. More than this, funding should be more of grants, rather than loans, especially given the economic underdevelopment and limited financial resources of African countries. 

    On the contrary, global finance capital and capitalist governments of the advanced economies, using the multilateral organizations and various funding instruments they created, prefer to cash in on the current state of African countries to further under-develop them, extract more profits from them, and hide under aid and assistance to cheaply access the huge natural capital (critical minerals, forest resources, etc.). By defining the terms of debt-driven climate financing, donor countries and the multilateral agencies force African countries to liberalise their economies and make them ‘conducive’ for foreign investors to leverage on the climate financial instruments they are providing. This has been the method of climate funds promoted by western governments. 

    This market-oriented, debt-driven approach will further undermine the economies of African countries. Currently, most African countries have unsustainable debt profile, which is weighing down their development and further impoverishing their people. Africa’s external debt at $645 billion (as at 2021) is already a huge burden on its development (ONE, 2022). Africa’s external debt is 29% of its GDP, while the total public debts stood at $1.83 trillion as at 2021 (62.8% of GDP), an increase of 183% since 2010 (UNCTAD, 2023). This has impacted seriously on the continent’s finances and development. For instance, sub-Saharan Africa’s debt service (public and public guaranteed) of $43 billion in 2021, represent 41% of governments’ revenues (World Bank, 2021). The median debt servicing to government expenditure ratio, at 10.6% is more than that of health and close to that of education. 

    • Ibrahim, an author and scholar-activist, is a public intellectual and climate justice researcher and campaigner. He can be reached at: kmarx4life@gmail.com
  • Dead heat in Liberian poll

    Dead heat in Liberian poll

    Presidential elections in contemporary Liberia are like the biblical eye of the needle through which a camel seeks to wriggle through. The polls customarily go into runoffs because contenders can’t make the cut of victory at first shot. Things were no different in the latest election held on 10th October, which threw up incumbent president, George Weah, and opposition candidate, Joseph Boakai, in the tightest tally of that country’s two decades long history of restored democratic rule. Weah secured 43.84 percent of the vote and Boakai, 43.44 percent, with more than 98 percent of the ballots counted by the electoral body as at mid-last week. Although the vote was largely peaceful across the country, the elections commission said hundreds of voters in two polling stations in Liberia’s northeast Nimba County were to re-cast their ballots last Friday after unidentified persons stole ballot boxes.

    Although official results may not be called by the National Elections Commission until later this week, the country’s electoral law requires a contender to edge past 50 percent of votes cast to win at first round. This threshold was already out of reach for the two leading candidates, Weah and Boakai, with what remained outstanding for the electoral body to tally last week, meaning they were inevitably headed for a runoff. The two men were well ahead 18 other presidential candidates who ran in the 10th October poll. A runoff between them would re-enact the 2017 contest when Weah won the runoff with 61.5 percent of the votes to Boakai’s 38.5 percent. He had won the first round at the time with 38.4 percent of the votes as against 28.8 percent polled by Boakai – suggesting that Boakai mounted a stronger challenge this time around. By law, the electoral body has 15 days from the date of the election to announce the final results. If neither candidate gets more than 50 per cent, as it looks certain already, a runoff will be held on 7th November or thereabouts.

    The 2023 poll was the first such contest to be fully organised by the Liberian government since the end of the second civil war in 2003 without major funding support from international partners, indicating that the country has come of age in nationhood and socio-economy. It was as well the first to take place since the United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission in Liberia in 2018. That mission was emplaced after more than 250,000 people died in two civil wars between 1989 and 2003. There are some 2.4million people eligible to vote in the coastal nation of 5.5million citizens, and turnout at the 10th October first round poll was as high as to reach beyond 77 percent, underscoring the intensity of public interest in the determination of the country’s leadership.

    Both George Weah, 57, and Joseph Boakai, 78, are old hands in Liberian politics. Mr. Weah, a former football superstar who in 1995 became the first and only African footballer to win the Ballon d’Or, swept to power in the 2017 poll. But he had been a contender for the top office long before that time, having contested in the first post-transition election in 2005 against Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf who eventually won the poll. He led in that election at first round on the platform of his Congress for Democratic Change (CDC), but lost out to Johnson-Sirleaf of the Unity Party (UP) in the runoff. Sirleaf polled 59 percent of the votes to Weah’s 41 percent to win her first six-year term. In the 2011 election, Weah stepped down to become running mate to Winston Tubman on the CDC ticket that challenged Johnson-Sirleaf’s second term bid. Again, no winner emerged at first round and the poll went into a runoff that was boycotted by the Tubman-led CPC, and which Sirleaf won with 90.7 percent landslide. It was reported, however, that unlike 74.9 percent voter turnout in the first round, turnout for the runoff was 61 percent.

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    For his part, Boakai is as well a veteran who was vice president from 2006 to 2018 under Johnson-Sirleaf, and the UP candidate that contended and lost to Weah of CDC in the 2017 election that was also decided in a runoff. He was also a government minister in the 1980s. In the 2017 poll, Weah cast himself as the plucky outsider who could shake things up in contrast to Boakai, seen as an establishment figure. A role swap characterised the 2023 election, however. Weah had won office in 2017 on promises to grow infrastructure and tackle widespread corruption; and although he partly delivered on infrastructure, the jury is out on whether he did much about corruption. The United States Treasury, last year, imposed sanctions on three Liberian officials for corruption, one of them Weah’s chief of staff. The president promised an investigation but has yet to follow through.

    There is also the economic factor. Food and fuel prices have skyrocketed, and even though this was partly due to global headwinds, most Liberians have had to contend with escalating living costs. This was what apparently motivated an open protest in December, last year, when more than a thousand people marched through Monrovia, Liberia’s capital. Boakai ran an anti-Weah campaign, promising to relieve the economic hardships and invest in infrastructure as well as agriculture. He is, however, being dogged by questions over his health and fitness for the rigours of the presidency. The options are what Liberians will have to make their choice from at the impending runoff.

    Meanwhile, there are lessons we can learn in Nigeria from the Liberian poll. The enthusiasm of the Liberian electorate has typically been high, and it was even more so in the latest poll with over 77 percent voter turnout, compared with 27 percent turnout in the 2023 Nigerian national elections. Whatever it is that so motivates Liberian voters is something Nigeria should be keen to learn and apply to the extent of contextual relevance in our country. Also, domestic and foreign observers applauded peaceful polls in a country that is yet recovering from two brutal civil wars. Former Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman Professor Attahiru Jega led the observer mission for ECOWAS, which gave as much indication in its statement. Political passions run high in Liberia during elections just like everywhere else, and I can say this from experience because I had the opportunity of observing the 2011 and 2017 elections in that country. But political gladiators manage to rein in virulent passions and hold their supporters in check for overall peaceful conduct of the elections. Already, ahead of the impending runoff, the two gladiators – Mr. Weah and Mr. Boakai – are wooing over smaller parties to garner their support. Zero sum disposition to political competition in Nigeria makes peaceful electoral environment elusive. And this has been the bane of our electoral experience, such that the nation’s electoral body, INEC, has repeatedly raised the alarm of the threat of violence even regarding the imminent off-cycle governorship polls in Bayelsa, Imo and Kogi states. Political actors in Nigeria can learn from their Liberian counterparts about putting political passions on leash for overall security of the electoral environment.

    One other instructive thing is the fidelity of the Liberian political class to their respective partisan affiliation. Since his 2005 debut in presidential contestation in his country, Weah has been running on CDC platform, even so when he ceded the prime slot in 2011 to Tubman while he settled for being running mate. In like manner, Boakai has always run on UP ticket: he did so as running mate to Johnson-Sirleaf in 2005 and 2011, and as the main contender in 2017 and 2023. It could be an indication of  ideological commitment when political actors stick to a partisan platform, and this makes followership equally committed. The experience we have in Nigeria is of political actors defecting across political platforms at every turn, indicating crass opportunism and loyalty only to their political aspiration and not to any collective ideology. Followers are equally fickle, ideologically speaking, and it is this fickleness that apparently gets inverted to zero sum commitment to getting their candidate into power. This has not much helped our political culture in this country and Liberia offers useful lessons on alternative route.

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation  
  • HPV Vaccine: Nigeria on path to cervical cancer elimination

    HPV Vaccine: Nigeria on path to cervical cancer elimination

    • By Zainab Shinkafi-Bagudu

    Cervical Cancer is a global public health concern, and Nigeria is no exception to its devastating impact. Cervical Cancer is the 2nd most common form of cancer among women in Nigeria, with an estimated 12,065 new cases and 7,968 death each year. Most of these cases are preventable through vaccination against the Human Papillomavirus (HPV), the virus that causes cervical cancer. With such a high burden of cervical cancer cases, Nigeria has taken significant steps towards providing HPV vaccine for Nigerian girls aged 9 – 14 with support from Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, and UNICEF.

    A complex cocktail of factors accounts for the high burden of cervical cancer in Nigeria. Poor access to prevention (vaccination and screening) and treatment services through the primary health care system is much talked about, however, poverty and a lack of education (awareness) are also critical risk factors that must be addressed to successfully reach every girl.

    To provide universal access to HPV vaccines for adolescent girls in the country, the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) is coordinating the national introduction of HPV vaccine into the routine immunization schedule from November 2023. The launch will commence in 16 states targeting girls between the ages of 9 – 14 through in-school and outreach vaccination models.

    Many Nigerians are not aware of the link between HPV and cervical cancer, or are hesitant to vaccinate their daughters against the virus. NPHCDA working in partnership with State Primary Health Cared Development agencies (SPHCDA) is doing a commendable job in creating the required landscape for improved acceptance and adoption of HPV vaccines in communities across the country. As a long-term campaigner for universal access to HPV vaccine and the chairperson of First Ladies Against Cancer (FLAC) Initiative, I am fully aware of the work that has gone into building a national coalition of cancer advocates and civil society groups who will work at sub-national and community levels to create the necessary engagement that will sustain demand for HPV vaccination.

    Adolescent girls aged 9 – 14 are not a monolith in Nigeria, there are regional differences that must be addressed, to successfully reach this target group depending on which side of the rivers Niger and Benue you find yourself implementing. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), over 50% of Nigerian girls are not attending school at the basic education level. As of 2023, there are approximately 7.6 million girls out of school in Nigeria, with 3.9 million at the primary level and 3.7 million at the junior secondary level, a spread that include adolescent girls aged 9 – 14. This reality highlights the need for SPHCDAs to have a cohesive implementation strategy that is centered around healthcare workers, teachers, traditional and religious leaders, and community-based civil society groups to ensure we reach every adolescent girl with the HPV vaccine.

    Healthcare workers that work in and outside of health facilities that serve communities across the country e.g., community health extension workers are critical to rapidly accelerating access to HPV vaccine towards the 2030 cervical cancer elimination goal as seen in countries like Rwanda and Malawi. This responsibility commences even before vaccines arrive at service delivery points (health facilities, schools, markets, etc) as vaccines  do not hold their potency for long out of their required cold chain conditions. The added challenge in managing delivery to rural areas while maintaining vaccine integrity is insecurity and poor infrastructure such as electricity and easily accessible roads. This demands a well-defined HPV vaccine delivery strategy in security compromised and hard-to-reach settlements such as the Reach Every Settlement (RES) model of the national polio programme.

    The design of the primary healthcare system in Nigeria will see healthcare workers educating the public about the HPV vaccine and cervical cancer, administering the vaccine, and monitoring the vaccine’s safety and effectiveness. The ongoing state level capacity building of healthcare workers across these three fronts is commendable, however, this cannot be a one-time intervention to sustain quality and track performance.  To address the inherent challenge with public sector healthcare worker numbers and distribution across Nigeria, state ministries of health will need to implement a model that incorporates duly registered private-for-profit healthcare providers to meet coverage targets.

    Educators will also play a crucial role as we institute access to HPV vaccination through the school-based vaccination model. Teachers serve as a key medium for imparting health knowledge to students, helping students understand the importance of HPV vaccination and how it works, they are the bridge to communicating with parents and caregivers to secure consent for an effective programme. Outside of the schools, the SPHCDA will need to implement an effective and ongoing advocacy programme to engage religious and traditional leaders to reach adolescent girls outside of the formal education system, this is especially important in the northern half of Nigeria. State Universal Basic Education Boards (SUBEB), Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), and the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) are primary stakeholders in achieving universal HPV vaccine acceptance and adoption across Nigeria.

    Medicaid Cancer Foundation’s experience in piloting school-based HPV vaccination in Yauri, Kebbi State in 2020 is evidence that cancer non-profits and civil society groups are vital to creating awareness, demand generation, and reaching adolescent girls within and without the walls of schools. HPV vaccines acceptance levels recorded during the pilot is directly linked to an approach that included public-health-sector and community gatekeepers from project design through to implementation.

    Globally, just one in eight girls are vaccinated against HPV. Supply chain issues that were exacerbated by the Covid-19 remain an ongoing challenge. Though the number of WHO pre-qualified HPV vaccines have increased from two to five since 2017, demand for the HPV vaccine outstrips supply and the price in the open market is out of reach for many countries in Sub-Saharan  Africa. The Federal Ministry of Health must prioritize  facilitation of local  manufacture of HPV vaccine to address these challenges and meet medium to long term needs outside of Gavi’s commitment to support the vaccination of 13.6 million girls by 2025. Drawing from the lessons of the Covid-19 pandemic, building local vaccine manufacturing capacity should be a health security priority for Nigeria, it will consequently improve the access and uptake of HPV vaccine in the SSA region.

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    The successful introduction of the HPV vaccine in Nigeria will depend on the commitment and dedication of policymakers at national and subnational levels ability to   build the required coalition of stakeholders as described above. Prioritizing the availability/dissemination of accurate information and raising awareness about the vaccine, providing the required resources for healthcare workers to reach communities of all types across the country, as well as transparent and accountable implementation processes will see Nigeria accelerate its progress towards achieving 90% of Nigerian girls being fully vaccinated with the HPV vaccine by 15 years of age by 2030.

    ●Dr. Shinkafi-Bagudu,former First Lady of Kebbi State, a Consultant Pediatrician and a global health advocate , with a particular focus on cancer.

  • Ogun: Opposition and the politics of palliatives

    Ogun: Opposition and the politics of palliatives

    Following the decision of the Federal Government to allow state governments anchor its palliative programme meant to cushion the effects of the removal of fuel subsidy, state governors and their various administrations became the subjects of attention as Nigerians eagerly waited to see how the programme would be implemented. Defending the decision to give the assignment to the states, the National Economic Council (NEC) had argued that there was a need to adjust the previous ways of handling palliatives to ensure that the targeted beneficiaries actually benefit from the programme. According to NEC, making the state governments custodians of the programme will take the palliatives straight to the doorsteps of those who should partake in the programme. Expectedly, since the implementation of the programme kicked off nationwide, the kudos and knocks trailing the distributions have been largely deposited at the doorsteps of the governors.

    In many states of the federation, the opposition sought to ‘play’ politics with the palliative programme, vehemently criticising the methods adopted by the ruling party to distribute the palliatives. In some places, opposition parties adopted outright lies and barefaced falsehood to drum home the impression that the palliatives weren’t properly distributed. Ogun State is no exception. In fact, the opposition in the state has been hysterical in its struggle to pin the ‘failed’ tag on the palliative programme not minding the fact that stakeholders across the state have been describing it as ‘the best ever.’ Weeks back, Governor Dapo Abiodun, while flagging off the distribution of 300,000 bags of 10kg rice palliatives to citizens of the state, made it clear that the state government was domesticating the Federal Government initiative. According to the governor, the palliatives were sent to states to be distributed to indigent residents.“This is a Federal Government initiative that is being domesticated right here in Ogun State. We have decided to use the 5,400 polling units as a reference of distribution, not wards, because we realized that using wards won’t be equitable,” Abiodun said, demonstrating his desire for the palliatives to get to the intended beneficiaries. He further revealed that a committee made up of “eminent men and women of distinguished character” is in charge of the distribution of the palliatives.

    The committee, chaired by the Deputy Governor, Engr. Noimot Salako-Oyedele, with two former deputy governors nominated to support her alongside two members of the National Assembly, one representing the House of Representatives, and the other representing the Senate, worked out the modalities for the actualisation of the governor’s desire. Promptly, the Salako-Oyedele-led committee inaugurated committees in each of the 20 LGAs of the state comprising of the council chairmen, Governor’s Liaison Officers (GLO), a member of the state House of Assembly in each LGA, religious leaders, community leaders, youths, students, Iyalojas and the traditional institution.

    Instructively, the Federal Government was specific in saying that the palliatives were not meant for everybody but for the most vulnerable people in various communities across the country. The term, ‘poorest of the poor’ was used in some instances to categorize those who should benefit. Conscious of this, the implementation committees across Ogun State went to work with an approach that directly targeted the very vulnerable among us. Of course, it was obvious that 300,000 bags of rice cannot go round the entire population of the state come what may. The committees and other stakeholders worked hard in ensuring that it is largely those who really need these palliatives that got them. The result of these selfless and painstaking efforts is that the government of Prince Abiodun has been severally lauded at home and abroad for its way of distributing the state’s share of the palliatives. To any observers, this was possible because Governor Abiodun made it clear to everybody involved in sharing the palliatives that it must get to the intended beneficiaries.

    Comrade Adesoji Alausa, the Ogun State Coordinator of Voters Right Agenda (VoRA) said: “The mode of distribution adopted by Ogun State is the best I have seen in the state since we started experiencing the sharing of palliatives and other social supports as well as empowerments. The governor should be appreciated for making it clear to the stakeholders that he wanted it done with the vulnerables in mind. My organisation monitored the distribution across the state and I can tell you it went far better than we have ever seen. How I wish the quantity is more than just 300,000.” Another social commentator, Barrister Patrick Ogunnowo of the Centre for Justice and Democracy (CfJD), while reviewing the distribution of the palliatives in the state, described it as “carefully planned and effectively executed with the targeted beneficiaries in mind.” But in spite of these widely applauded efforts of the government to ensure that the palliatives get to the right beneficiaries promptly, some people, especially members of the opposition and their agents, were and are still unrelenting in their bid to tar the administration with negative brushes for reasons not beyond politics. This explains the case of some social media attacks on the government, especially a recent online video released by a man who claimed to be the chairman of Shokeye Community Development Association in Obafemi-Owode Local Government Area of the state.

    The man poured invectives on the government for initiating the palliative programme at all. His narrative that the bag of rice he was holding was meant for the whole community. He is not the first rabble-rouser to spin that web of lies. Not even the well publicised directive of the federal government that the bag of rice is meant for ONE vulnerable family in the community, and not for all residents of the community, made any sense to the enraged man as he sweated to discredit the initiative. But it didn’t take long to discover that the man lied as investigations revealed that that bag of rice was actually sent to him with a clear explanation that he should help transfer it to a vulnerable widow in his community. Rather than do as he was meant to, he chose to play politics with the gesture.

    And in so doing, he exposed himself as one of those who are of the opinion that the federal government should provide grains for all families everywhere in Nigeria. Clearly, he and others like him are men on hatchet missions and no amount of explanations will assuage them. Another CDA boss in this same Obafemi Owode LGA had made similar remarks about the palliative programe but later recanted his claims, saying he later discovered that many bags of rice were shared in his community while the one given to him was meant for just one vulnerable family. It has similarly been established that numerous other bags of rice were sent to beneficiaries in Shokeye community through other stakeholders aside from their CDA.

    Sadly, the man chose to play the usual dirty politics of his political party on social media. Perhaps, some people are of the opinion that they could snatch the political victory they could not win at the polls and at the tribunal through the backdoor by hoodwinking the people of Ogun State with lies and half truths on social media. But like every pack of lies, the antic of the opposition is not standing the test of time. Stakeholder after stakeholder been debunking the claims of these agents of falsehood. During the week, at a meeting called by the leadership of Obafemi Owode LGA to explain how the palliatives were distributed, stakeholders again hailed the formula used to share the bags of rice as the best they’ve ever seen in the state. According to Bishop Ezekiel Olukunle, who represented CAN on the LGA committee that shared and monitored the palliatives, the online video is a hatchet job.m”CAN was given 1000 bags of rice for our members who are vulnerable. We shared these diligently and Shokeye, like every communities, got its own share. How then can he say only one bag was to be shared by all households in the estate? He is definitely up to something bad and we plead that he should be ignored,” he said.

    Another stakeholder, Dr. Saheed Adeleye represented the Muslim Community on the sharing committee. He said the formula used to share the palliatives is the best he has seen in his almost 40 years of living in the council area, adding that the man who did the video lives in the same area with him. He described him as a known opposition agent. “There is no truth in the claims of the man. He is being used. We know him. He has never contributed to the development of our area but he is good at ganging up against every government. I can tell you that we in the Muslim Community got 1000 bags of rice which we distributed to the vulnerables amongst us. I live in Shokeye and I can confirm that not less than 165 bags of rice were given to the needy in the community. This is the same community the man was lying about. And we are not the only one who got rice to share. CAN, youths, market women, traditionalists, Baales, the Obas, Hausa, Igbo, Igede communities the Isese, artisans and many other stakeholders also shared rice for people in Shokeye. We have never had it so good in the last 40 years that I have been there,” he affirmed.

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    According to Babalola Samuel Olakunle, the Chairman of the Community Development Council (CDC) covering Shokeye Estate, not less than 2000 bags of rice were given to the CDC to be shared to the vulnerables in the various communities. He added that the CDA chairman who did the video refused to be part of the efforts to distribute the palliative when contacted.

    “The one bag of rice he displayed was specifically given to him for onward transmission to an identified vulnerable widow in his estate, not for the whole estate and he knew that. He is being used by opposition politicians to tarnish the government. We know him very well and we can tell you his antecedents,” he said. Urging the public to ignore the naysayers and encourage the state government to stick to the formula used, Chief Mrs. Kemi Ogunleye, the Iyaloja of the LGA, revealed that market women were given 1000 bags of rice. In his own testimony, Chief Kasumu Jamiu Sonola, the Baale of Asese community and Chairman, Council of Baales in the local government, said he took delivery of 1000 bags of rice on behalf of the Council. “We didn’t keep it for ourselves. We shared it for the needy in our various communities. All the Baales collected and took it to the poor people in their domains. Shokeye got its own share. So the man cannot be saying the truth. I personally ensured that it was given to the targeted beneficiaries,” he said.

    Speaking on the development, Oba Taofeek Owolabi, the Olu of Obafe and Chairman of the Council of Obas in the LGA, lauded Governor Abiodun for ensuring the diligent distribution of the palliatives. He noted that sharing of the palliatives was done in a manner that it got to the people who should benefit from it. Confirming the modality used to share the palliatives in his domain, Chairman of Obafemi Owode LGA, Hon. Lanre Ogunsola Adesina said the committee put in place to oversee the sharing of the palliatives did a good job.

    “We started the process with the composition of palliative distribution committee that was inaugurated at the local government secretariat on 26th September 2023. The members of the committee were drawn from the three zones made up the council area namely, Obafe, Owode and Oba zones with Kabiyesis, Baales, religious associations, youths, women, market associations, Community Development Associations, people with disabilities, security agencies and others ably represented. It is now unfortunate to see a viral video being presented by the CDA chairman to the public that a bag of rice was meant for the entire household in his estate. It is pertinent to say that the bag of rice shown in the viral video was meant to be sent to a vulnerable within the community through the CDA chairman. A similar viral video earlier thrown to the public was later debunked by the CDA chairman who released it after he sought further clarification. This is why we suspected very strongly that the Sokeye CDA chairman may be out to intentionally work against the state government’s bid to reach out to the targeted vulnerables. It is politically sponsored by the opposition,” he said.

  • Improving access to affordable housing in Nigeria

    Improving access to affordable housing in Nigeria

    • By Aderemi A. Fagbemi

    Shelter is one of the basic needs of man, and the idea of affordable housing to cater to this need is both practical and viable. According to the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN–Habitat), 30 per cent of the world’s urban population resides in slums, with deplorable conditions, where people suffer from several deficiencies, including lack of access to improved water, absence of sewage facilities, living in overcrowded conditions, and in buildings that are structurally unsound. There are conflicting figures about Nigeria’s housing deficit, but experts often quote between 17 and 21 million.

    Affordable housing refers to housing that addresses the needs of the low-income earners in the society. This is the section of the society whose income is below the medium household earnings, and the majority of masses of Nigeria belong to this category.

    With over 170 million people, Nigeria, the most populous country in black Africa, has a population of over 70 million low-income people. Currently, the minimum wage for the Nigerian worker is N30,000, while the disposable income of the majority of fresh graduates is less than N60,000 per month.

    Affordable housing has remained elusive to the average Nigerian, in spite of numerous programmes to tackle affordable housing challenges in the country. The low and middle-income earners especially are the most affected by this. Due to affordability, they live in densely populated or informal ‘slum’ areas. The high-income earners, one per cent of the population, occupy a small percentage of the housing stock. Therefore, the majority of newly built homes in city centres are left unoccupied. Thus, the problem of affordable housing remains a critical issue in the socioeconomic well-being of Nigeria.

    Affordable housing has remained elusive to the average Nigerian, in spite of numerous programmes to tackle affordable housing challenges in the country. The low and middle-income earners especially are the most affected by this. Due to affordability, they live in densely populated or informal ‘slum’ areas. The high-income earners, one per cent of the population, occupy a small percentage of the housing stock. Therefore, the majority of newly built homes in city centres are left unoccupied. Thus, the problem of affordable housing remains a critical issue in the socioeconomic well-being of Nigeria.

    Affordable housing has remained elusive to the average Nigerian, in spite of numerous programmes to tackle affordable housing challenges in the country. The low and middle-income earners especially are the most affected by this. Due to affordability, they live in densely populated or informal ‘slum’ areas. The high-income earners, one per cent of the population, occupy a small percentage of the housing stock. Therefore, the majority of newly built homes in city centres are left unoccupied. Thus, the problem of affordable housing remains a critical issue in the socioeconomic well-being of Nigeria.

    For example, in Lagos State, the price tags placed on the units of the Lagos HOMS Project cannot be classified as being for low-income earners, like those who earn the minimum wage of N30,000 monthly, especially when considered from the United Nations standpoint, where an adult is not expected to spend more than 30 per cent of his/her income on housing (by international standards a house should not cost more than three times the occupiers’ annual income.

    Let us even take for example someone who is earning N150,000 per month. When he subtracts 30 per cent of his present accommodation need and subtracts expenses on other needs, including school fees and feeding, what would be left that would serve as disposable income that he can put into a housing programme? So, first and foremost, he cannot even afford a 30 per cent down payment from his salary. Thus It becomes a burden and one begins to wonder how long it would take to own a house in Lagos.

    In view of the above, some steps to alleviating the problems of affordable housing delivery include concentrating on ways to provide the enabling environment for mass housing production. Basic building materials should be given tax and duty relief and the government could develop incentives to encourage both the public and private sectors to use indigenous building materials. Other strategies may include granting tax holidays to developers and providing free land to them to reduce the cost of producing houses.

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    Sites and service plots could be provided to private sectors, housing cooperatives, the Real Estate Developers Association of Nigeria (REDAN) and individuals. Plots could be allocated at different rates per square metre for different uses. The low-income earners should have the lowest rate with the size of each plot not more than 150 square metres. The basis of allocation should strictly be one man one plot, members of (REDAN) should be encouraged and motivated with tax incentives, subsidised building materials and discounted rate per square metre.

    Plots allocated for affordable housing schemes must not be fraudulently used for medium or high-income housing projects. There should be sanctions and strict penalties for violation of the terms and conditions stipulated in the letter of allocation.

    For the successful implementation of this scheme, it is imperative to study and assess the actual housing needs of low-income earners. It should be known that before low-income earners can afford to buy or rent houses the price or rent must be low or subsidised by the government.

    It is when housing units that artisans can afford are provided that the people can say that there is affordable housing for the common man! If that can be achieved, then low-income earners will be happy that they have some housing units targeted at them.

    ●Fagbemi, a public affairs commentator, wrote in from Lagos

  • Emeka Agbasi: Track record of performance, character and probity

    Emeka Agbasi: Track record of performance, character and probity

    Given that engineering guru, Dr Emeka Agbasi, has been appointed Managing Director of the Federal Roads Maintenance Authority, FERMA, curious parties are bound to witness unprecedented transformation in the agency.

    Reason: His compelling elements of decency, maturity and patriotism stand head and shoulders above the rest. Additionally, his track record of performance, character and probity in previous roles makes him a terrific choice.

    Born on November 14, 1964, Agbasi has dedicated his life to the pursuit of knowledge and the advancement of engineering practices.

    A distinguished figure in the field of civil engineering, with a career marked by excellence, innovation and leadership, his educational odyssey attests to his commitment to continuous learning and professional development.

    Agbasi’s love for knowledge is reflected in his degrees, which include a Bachelor’s degree in Civil Engineering from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka; an MSc in Concrete Structures from Imperial College, London; a Postgraduate Certificate in Engineering Management from the University of Bath School of Management.

    With a PhD in Civil Engineering from the University of London, which he obtained in 2000, his academic credentials are more than impressive.

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    Beyond his academic pursuits, he holds several prestigious certifications, such as the APMG Certified Public Private Partnership Professional, CP3P, certifications, both in Foundation and Preparation levels.

    He also earned a Management and Leadership Certificate from the Sloan School of Management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, MIT, in 2014. His extensive qualifications also encompass PRINCE2 Project Management Practitioner and Foundation Certificates, showcasing his expertise in project management.

    Dr. Agbasi’s contributions to the field of engineering have been recognised through a series of awards. In 2023, he received the NSE Maitama Engineering Practice & Excellence Leadership Award, a testament to his outstanding leadership in the engineering community.

    His impressive list of accolades includes the Pan-African Award for Excellent Leadership, The Nigerian Society of Engineers, NSE, Fellowship, and the NSE Presidential Merit Award, among others.

    Furthermore, Dr. Agbasi held the position of Senior Structures Advisor and Project Sponsor at the Highways Agency, HA, in the UK. His career spans both the international and Nigerian landscapes, with significant roles at organisations such as Kvaerner Technology and WhitbyBird in the UK, and work as a researcher/lecturer at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka in his home country.

    Having actively participated in numerous local and international committees and working groups, influencing the development of construction practices, project delivery, and infrastructure, Agbasi’s influence extends far beyond his impressive academic and professional background.

    His contributions span areas such as transport and trade facilitation, national development plans, highway structures, and road infrastructure reform. Agbasi’s dedication to shaping policy and advancing engineering practices is evident through his involvement in committees like the FGN Nigeria Road Safety Strategy, the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement Technical Committee, and the NSE Presidential Task Force on Road Sector Reform.

    In addition, the level-headed brain box has served as an advisory panel member, a reviewer for the UK Office of Government Commerce Gateway, and a Construction Ambassador for the UK Construction Industry Training Board. His contributions to standards development are also evident through his participation in the NSE Codes and Standards Committee.

    An uncommon leader, Agbasi’s dedication to excellence and the advancement of the profession in a clime clamouring for his kind make his journey remarkable.

    Characterised by outstanding education, professional certifications, and numerous awards, he exemplifies dedication to engineering perfection.

    His impactful presence on numerous committees and advisory boards reinforces his commitment to improving the field and shaping policies that impact infrastructure and development.

    Without any iota of doubt, FERMA has struck gold in Agbasi.

  • Oyebanji, Ekiti and purposeful leadership

    Oyebanji, Ekiti and purposeful leadership

    Although the initial steps have to be taken by the individual, the picture of personality as having “power to uplift, power to depress, power to curse, and power to bless” is working for Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji of Ekiti State. It is a poser that’s given back to the owner. It makes a man become enthusiastic because, each time he sees the good he has done, he becomes motivated to do more. Essentially therefore, it is an individual’s character that defines his or her legacy.

    Tellingly, Oyebanji, aka BAO, has within a year in office redefined governance. He loves development. As a matter of fact, it is infused into his character; and that’s to the advantage of his people. Some leaders are averse to development. Although they say it with the words of mouth, they don’t quite understand what development is all about; and that’s why the pattern remains the same. They leave office without any meaningful impact other than regrets; and the error is in the selection process. A little push, a little compromise; and the error is in the manifest.

    Oyebanji is a golden boy in a golden era. Therefore, all he needs to do is to carefully check his options and give the people the best. From the look of things, the governor is not likely to ask for anything from President Bola Tinubu and for the president to be prevaricating, because the president knows that he (Oyebanji) is a shining star; and that’s to the advantage of the ruling party. So, what other former governors could not afford or establish, Oyebanji can now attempt it; and he will get it. If you say it is luck, yes, it doesn’t get better than that!

    The only and major problem BAO may likely have – in the state or elsewhere – is with his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) stalwarts who are with the chronic sense of entitlement, a reality which has moved with time and space. Wherever such rears its head, the governor should match out in confidence and implement his policies while allowing the party machinery to arrive at achievable political objectives. He must be conscious of time. He must run as if this is the only tenure for him.

    During Bola Ige’s time as governor of the old Oyo State, he was always assuring Ijesaland that it’s the owner of his 2nd term in office, which he never got. When he came to Ijebu-Jesa during one of his official tours, Ige promised, among other things, to turn the then Obokun Local Government Secretariat at Ijebu-Jesa, which was under construction at the time, to a 120-bed hospital. We were all elated! But that opportunity never came because the affectionate ‘Uncle Bola’ never won his reelection bid. So, Oyebanji must not procrastinate. For this 1st term, let him be loaded and let him blast it because this is the day that the Lord has made, and it has been given to him. Let him run with the vision and the precision of the medieval archers. They had that legacy of not missing their targets; and they became renowned for it.

    So far, Oyebanji’s interventions have ranged from human capital and youth development, to arts, culture and tourism. From Education and Rural Development, to Transport and Power Infrastructure; and from Agriculture and Food Security, to Industrialization, the governor’s means and ends have shown consistency. Salaries and pensions are being paid promptly and loan facilities are being given to eligible government workers. Free Mass Transit Scheme was introduced for public servants and Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs), complete with allied gadgets, were procured for the use of security agencies. On his watch, intra- and inter-city roads were either rehabilitated or constructed even as towns and villages were connected to the National Grid. In the Tourism Sector, BAO has not been wanting.

    A man rich in ideas, Oyebanji is in the good books of the civil servants. He has also mastered the street politics of Ekiti. In terms of accessibility, he has demonstrated it. He engages regularly with the citizens in both structured and unstructured manners and his feedback mechanism is also very active. He attends APC meetings, visits schools and hospitals unannounced and personally supervises projects through which he has significantly reduced the cost of governance. Till date, Oyebanji has not bought official cars for his use, not to talk of changing the furniture in the Governor’s Office and/or in the Governor’s Lodge. Instead, he channeled the funds meant for those projects into other more pressing needs like infrastructure upgrade, erosion control and rehabilitation of schools and hospitals.

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    Going forward, BAO must bear in mind that the disoriented and confused youths, and the ever-growing geographical territory of the unemployed are all watching. Since they are always operating without the enabled enhancement of the ‘Omoluabi’ ethos, they are not to be taken for granted. Unlike what worked for the past governors in the Western Region, that solid arrangement cannot be conjectured again. So, the governor must strive to be ingenious all the time.

    Ekiti State is blessed with a fantastic natural climate, a relatively stable and safe environment and an economy that has value. It is one state where the Rule of Law reigns and where responsible, responsive and strategic leadership also thrives. It is a state where the legal tender is knowledge. But then, the naysayers and the easily-excited clowns will always be around and functional. In the days of former Olabisi Onabanjo of Ogun State, the same university that’s now performing wonders was put down. So, Oyebanji must never be afraid of the opposition because ‘Ayekoto’, as Onabanjo was fondly called, insisted on what’s good. Now, Nigerians have him to thank for Olabisi Onabanjo University in Ago Iwoye, Ogun State.

    Ige was also assertive and he eventually suffered legacy comments from the public during the 2nd Republic’s ‘Universal Free Education’ programme. The opposition came after him but he stood his ground. The ‘Cicero of Esa-Oke’ is no longer with us on this side of the divide but what he did when the opportunity beckoned continues to shout aloud; and it’s unstoppable, because it’s the truth. So, Oyebanji must remember that he is there now. Let something speak for him tomorrow. Notable among them are the Ado-Ekiti – Ifaki-Ekiti Road and Ado-Ekiti – Ilawe-Ekiti Road, which once caved in. In the same ship lies the destiny of the yet-to-be-completed Ado-Ekiti – Aramoko-Ekiti – Ita-Iddo Road.

    In an ideal democracy, followership and political participation must always be subject to scrutiny. One: what is the party saying? Two: those implementing, in whose interest are they doing it; and, is there accountability? These become necessary because, ‘hey’, believe you me, whatever the answers are to all the raised questions will go a long way in determining the prolonged stay of the party, not the last minute distribution of money or running around to capture votes.

    In this part of the world, Local Government structure is considered as a governor’s structure. So, how Oyebanji manages the forthcoming Local Government election in the state will go a long way in defining his government. Since this is a guided democracy which must reflect the wishes of the people, how he also redirects, especially the politics of the swing Local Governments (Ekiti West, Ikere-Ekiti and Ado-Ekiti) and adjoining communities will go a long way in determining the shape and size of his second term ambition. Matter-of-factly, it is when an average person who doesn’t have a political appointment has passion for his political party of choice that the government can run smoothly and peacefully.

    Lastly, Oyebanji demonstrated the ‘Omoluabi’ ethos recently when he prostrated, full chest, for Afe Babalola, and ditto for his former teacher. He needs more of these! Most importantly, BAO needs to always consult widely with proudly-Ekiti leaders like Babalola, Wole Olanipekun, Niyi Adebayo, Femi Falana and former Ekiti governors – and they cut across party preferences – to make his first tenure a success.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Ekiti State!

  • Subsidy removal – What went wrong?

    Subsidy removal – What went wrong?

    By Peter Okediya

    As of this moment, fuel prices have surged towards the N1000 mark, and the dollar to naira exchange rate has surpassed N1000. Palliative measures appear ineffectively sporadic, while the NNPC has once again assumed its role as the primary fuel importer, with assurances of no imminent fuel price hike. This shift raises questions about the previously advocated market-based pricing approach. Some argue that the removal of subsidies is leading to daily savings in the trillions. However, it’s essential to recognize that the concept of subsidy, while not as it was traditionally understood, still persists. This time, it operates in a different context even though fuel prices are substantially higher. This describes the journey thus far.

    In view of the above and the government’s frequent policy reversals, there is a need to have a close look at the management of subsidy removal by the current administration. What factors have contributed to the inconsistencies in subsidy removal? What really went wrong? 

    In the realm of economic policy, both subsidies and their removal represent strategic manoeuvres, and their efficacy is inherently tied to efficient management. These policies yield positive economic outcomes when properly implemented and affordable. Subsidies become problematic when their cost places an excessive burden on government revenue, leading us to question their viability. Likewise, when the promised benefits of subsidy removal fail to materialize for the general population, there is often a desire to revert to the subsidy system. In essence, the effectiveness or inadequacy of both these policy instruments is primarily a result of management decisions.

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    A wrong notion that followed the removal of subsidy was that it benefited only the rich and the elite. Curiously, this notion was often perpetuated by some political figures who presented themselves as modern-day Robin Hoods. However, the reality that emerged after the subsidy’s removal shed new light on the situation. It became evident that subsidy removal had far-reaching consequences that extended well beyond merely affecting the wealthy.  Transportation costs surged, the prices of essential food items and commodities skyrocketed, inflation reared its head, and poverty deepened. It was clear that subsidy removal was not a simple wealth redistribution mechanism; instead, it disproportionately burdened the less affluent. While the affluent managed to weather these economic shifts, ordinary citizens found themselves sinking deeper into financial hardship.

    Characterizing subsidy removal as a noble attempt to ‘eat the rich’ obscured the core issues tied to the abrupt announcement by the president. This is fundamentally an economic matter that transcends political rhetoric and calls for a more comprehensive evaluation.

    In the context of the government’s approach to subsidy removal, there is a concern regarding the prevailing tendency among public servants to address economic challenges primarily through short-term palliative measures. While cash transfers and palliatives serve as valuable stop gap solutions, they often provide only temporary relief and typically lack the substantial impact needed to uplift the average person facing financial hardship. In July when the Nigerian Labour Congress intended to embark on strike action because of the hardship from high fuel prices, the president addressed them promising to disburse various kinds of money to mitigate the hardship, all without a clear strategy for equitable distribution. The NLC took this as a form of compensation despite being aware that palliatives mostly end up in the hands of corrupt persons. When the government predominantly resorts to addressing pressing economic problems through short-lived remedies, it signals a potential absence of the robust commitment needed to resolve the issue comprehensively.

    Another fallacy that began to spread was that the Nigerian economy does not support economic theories. People found it easy to discredit the laws of demand and supply, often treating Nigeria as an exception. They see a bad economic decision and blame the adverse effects rather than hold the decision makers accountable. The subsidy removal initiative initially encompassed multiple components, including a unified exchange rate, the deregulation of the petroleum sector, and the end of NNPC’s fuel importation monopoly. Regrettably, as of today, none of these supplementary measures remain in effect. The exchange rate has surged, impeding importers’ access to foreign exchange, and NNPC has reverted to its role as the exclusive fuel importer. 

    Subsidy removal fails in the absence of prudent and accountable management during the transition towards a market-determined pricing system. While the president’s address may have been perceived as sincere and heroic if fuel pricing were solely a domestic concern, the complex truth is that fuel prices are intrinsically linked to international oil prices. Failing to consider the wider implications of geopolitical factors and global price fluctuations, subsidy removal can impose a significant burden on our citizens, as we are currently witnessing. 

    Subsidy removal fails where inefficiency, leakages, wastes and widespread corruption persist. The original intent behind subsidy payments has often been eroded by systemic corruption and mismanagement. Transitioning from the subsidy era to subsidy removal is hindered when institutional corruption remains pervasive. Additionally, issues like oil theft and cross-border fuel smuggling continue to plague the industry. As a result, Nigeria struggles to meet its OPEC quota of 1.8mb/d and consistently produces below 1.4mb/d. This production shortfall means that the increase in global oil prices doesn’t necessarily translate into higher foreign exchange earnings, and the Nigerian naira remains vulnerable to depreciation. 

    Subsidy removal fails where the Excess Crude Account (ECA) is tapped out. The ECA represents one of the critical accounts where the Nigerian government accumulates surplus revenues resulting from discrepancies between the budgeted benchmark crude oil price and the actual international market prices for a given year. Conceptually, the ECA was conceived as a financial buffer to shield the country from the volatile fluctuations of global oil prices, particularly in today’s turbulent geopolitical landscape.

    However, the current state of the ECA, which stands at a mere US$473,754.57 is indicative of its near depletion. This situation leaves the nation vulnerable to the ripple effects of distant geopolitical events and erratic oil prices. At its core, a robust ECA would help stabilize the national currency, rendering it less volatile, and would alleviate the need for the NNPCL to intervene on a weekly basis in response to price fluctuations. With a well-funded ECA, the foreign exchange market would operate more smoothly, mitigating the challenges faced by fuel marketers in sourcing foreign exchange as market dynamics would tend to self-correct following volatile periods.

    Subsidy removal fails when refineries fail. Refineries are supposed to be available for oil marketers to buy directly and sell to the Nigerian market. However, the current dependence on imported fuel places substantial strain on our foreign exchange (FX) demands, thereby exerting considerable pressure on exchange rates and foreign reserves. It’s evident that foreign exchange rates play a pivotal role in determining the landing costs of fuel. Marketers, quite understandably, cannot buy PMS at a high foreign exchange rate and then sell it at a lower pump price. As the naira weakens, the landing costs of fuel in local currency surge, leading to an increase in the costs associated with subsidy removal, which in turn triggers a corresponding rise in pump prices. Effective subsidy removal strategies are most feasible when our currency is stable, and foreign exchange can be accessed without undue complications. Even when our refineries are functioning optimally, it is important to note that crude oil is still priced in dollars because upstream producers primarily transact in this currency. Implementing subsidy removal before addressing foreign exchange control is like attempting to put the cart before the horse. The sequencing of these actions is essential for an effective strategy.

    Way forward

    Subsidy has to go. However, the current strategy has led to increased fuel prices and uncontrolled hardship, with the state oil company bearing the brunt of the cost to prevent even steeper price hikes. This essentially means that despite the intention to remove subsidies, the current approach has not achieved the desired results and has created fiscal complexities.

    Complete removal of subsidies would indeed result in higher fuel prices than today. However, the implementation of subsidy removal by the current administration was marred by certain missteps. A phased approach, combined with efforts to reduce government expenditures (including political appointments), curb oil theft, and establish effective relief measures for the commercial sector and vulnerable populations, could have yielded a more favourable outcome. Additionally, the introduction of tax incentives such as VAT and personal income tax exemptions, rather than focusing solely on keeping fuel prices low, could have ensured a more sustainable transition. While international factors affect fuel prices, a comprehensive strategy would help prevent us from regressing to the starting point (or a worse situation).

    • Okediya is an energy policy analyst and a sustainable finance thought leader with background in law. 

  • Benue and the suppression of Idoma people

    Benue and the suppression of Idoma people

    By Onjefu Okidu

    A great appellation associated with Reverend Father Hyacinth Alia shortly after his emergence on the Benue political scene as a gubernatorial aspirant and candidate is: “Yes Father!”  Like lots of people with appellative nicknames, Fr. Alia never chose “Yes Father!,” he just came to accept the way the generality of the people of the state embrace and endorse him politically not just as a “man of God” but as “charismatic priest  immersed in the ways of God.”

    Undoubtedly, the appellation was a very strong public statement of overwhelming acceptance. For any good observer, the campaign engagement of the appellation significantly saw him made great strides in the 2023 elections. Father Alia obviously was able to pull overwhelming popular vote with admiration due to the general sentiment across the state that there was the need to turn to God to find solutions to the myriads of problems bedevilling the state. The state was (and still is) in a real mess, and actually needs repairing and rebuilding spiritually, materially, physically and psychologically. There were so many gaps – no salaries, no security, no capital investment, no ethnic unity, no sincerity, no honest, no integrity, no truth etc., etc., etc.

    To be fair, on his part, Father Alia responded at the time with every Godly responsibility. He demonstrated a deep spiritual response of a potential upright leader with worrying impulsiveness of a “man of God” in a hurry to put things right.  Actually, it could be observed that his heart desired to glorify the Almighty God with his blessing of a victory as he consistently promised to use it for the benefit of all Benue and Nigerian people. To be sure, while offering prayers to the Almighty God for a gift of fidelity and perseverance, Fr. Alia re-emphasized his enormous love and passion for the ways of the Almighty God. He disclosed that “God directed him to take a sabbatical on his sacred orders to take a more spiritually significant role in promoting the value of the crucified Christ among the suffering people of Benue State.”

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    However, since he took over the reins of power in May, apart from the fact that the appellation has completely disappeared from the Benue and national airwaves, the most random Benue people are beginning to frankly and candidly re-examine the pernicious banter they had used to assess him as a “man of God.” They are kind of taking another look at the appellation as to whether it still really defines the man. A central tenet of religion in society, especially Christianity, which “Fr. Alia subscribes as a front-liner,” is the elimination of evil in all forms. For this reason, Pope John Paul II, wrote in his 1994 apostolic letter, “Priests should act in order that all doubts may be removed.” Apparently, doubts continue to abound since the governor came on board irrespective of the sycophantic communication of his aides, detractors and dementors.

    Now, let’s start literally, systematically and candidly. Actually, one of the prominent areas of doubt is Fr. Alia’s management of ethnic identity. A very sad recurrent gap which all and sundry expected the “Reverend gentle man” to address is the impingement of ethnic identity on the state’s political leadership, and by extension the social capital. For the avoidance of doubt, demographic, anthropological and sociological evidence clearly classify the Idoma as a major ethnic group in Benue state. In other words, they are strictly classified as a major ethnic stakeholder in the state as much as her Tiv ethnic counterpart, a reality that cannot be obliterated.

    The statistics on the father’s political appointments since the debut of his administration show that the representation of the Idoma people is almost zero percent. Yes, almost zero percent based on the people’s stake-holding in the state! It is actually needless to bore with the governor’s appointment statistics as other previous writers have made great efforts in providing them. Those who are in doubt can refer to them (cabinet and non-cabinet), make a sincere review and pen a rejoinder to this piece for a robust discourse. Actually, a very disturbing and scary trend in Benue politics at the moment is the systematic elimination of the Idomas from the political leadership of the state and by extension the country, in a bizarre, crude and naked manner. The scope of Father Alia’s political suppression of the people is astonishing. It is so great and extreme that some critics have observed that his proudest achievement in his 100 days in office may be the suppression of the Idoma people in political appointments.

    To be sure, many have written and made media appearances to appeal to the governor to address the situation but to no avail. For the avoidance of doubt, while some established and truthful Idoma political leaders and elders were disheartened and very pained that Idoma people were being excluded from the governance of the state, and were urging the state governor to do the right thing, Austin Agada, the state APC chair, threw up ominous media conversations in strong condemnation of the leaders and elders. The insults, indecencies, lies, misinformation and the indecorum that emanated from him should suggest to anyone that he is one of the numerous political actors in Idomaland devoid of any counsel that could be beneficial to either the Idoma people or the Benue State government.

    In fact, as it is, the fear is no longer political, but existential. Precisely because, when you remove a people from the corridors of political power you also remove them from the corridors of economic power. Since the First Republic, it has never been this bad. However, every now and again, the Reverend Father has continued to hype the cliché of repairing and rebuilding the state. Virtually all his political speeches since his inauguration have been spiced with the repairing and rebuilding cliché. The hard-hitting question being asked by conscientious God fearing Nigerians is: is Father Alia actually repairing and rebuilding Benue State by systematically excluding the Idoma people who are a vital majority stakeholder in the state from political leadership at home and abroad?

    To be sure, the appropriateness of the election of a clergy as governor of Benue State at a time of heightened threats of unfairness, injustice and inequity can never be overemphasized. Considering where he was coming from, many truly anticipated Fr. Alia’s administration to be forthright in upholding justice, equity, fairness, inclusiveness and unity in the state. Invariably, the complete opposite appears to be starkly gaining track and traction by day! Aside the God factor, democracy is not about vote-catching as has been argued in some quarters; it is a game of fairness and equity devoid of ethnic parochialism. It reinforces brotherhood bonds and generally maintains balance. Good political leadership therefore produces solidarity across ethnic lines via true brotherhood, generosity and empathy.

    Senators George Akume and Gabriel Suswam as governors of the state tried their best to build some kind of bridges, even as non-clerics. Yes, they did. The expectation was that Fr. Alia would improve upon them. Rather, he is seen pulling down the bridges.  Not only the Idoma people, the generality of the Benue people should at this point in clear terms reverse the appellation and say: No Father, this is not the ways of the Almighty God!

    • Dr Okidu writes from Ilorin. He can be reached through okidu2002@yahoo.com