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  • Of state police and armed bandits brouhaha

    Of state police and armed bandits brouhaha

    • By Mobolaji Sanusi

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, has vivified conversations around the over-flogged recurring issue of state police. Much detested as the issue is to some that are feeding fat on the lopsided federal structure called Nigeria, state police remains the most practical solution to law enforcement in our current insecurity-infested and culturally heterogeneous entity.

    During a recent meeting with Katsina state elders in Aso-Rock Presidential Villa, the president hinted about his resolve to give state police a shot. As a progressive that has for decades been in the forefront of strident calls for true federalism, most people, especially his close admirers like yours sincerely, consider this as coming a little belated. Being a repository of policing needs and challenges since his days as governor of Lagos State, Tinubu’s shared presidential thoughts about the way to go in combating security challenges in the states is thought provoking. 

    His listed realistic conditions, including the deployment of security outfits that understand the terrains, showing respect for local cultures and one that must be easily connected to the grassroots. These prescriptions are obviously beyond what the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) as presently constituted for the federation can meet. Therein lies an urgent need for an empirical, not rhetorical police reforms in the country.

    His succinct words: “The security challenges that we are facing are surmountable. Yes, we have porous borders. We inherited weaknesses that could have been addressed earlier. It is a challenge that we must fix, and we are facing it….I am reviewing all the aspects of security; I have to create a state police. We are looking at that holistically. We will defeat insecurity….”

    That the inevitability of state police is now receiving the desired attention at the highest level of government is heartwarming. Yours sincerely shares the president’s sentiments on state police based on a holistic approach but with a caveat that his definitive words are met with the long awaited affirmative action.

    The NPF, like in any modern society, must play and be seen to be playing a critical constitutional role of maintaining internal security through the protection of lives and property, apprehension of offenders, maintenance of public safety and enforcement of law and order. But the questions on several minds are: How effective is the police in the prevention and detection of crimes? How effective is the police in the protection of rights and freedom of Nigerians as enshrined in the grundnorm of the land? Answers to the above questions amongst others, sadly, cannot be in the affirmative.

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    As things stand today, the police as an institution cannot be accorded high ratings in its discharge of aforementioned duties. However, it won’t be hyperbolic to state that chiefly among the largely avoidable problems of police is over centralization of its command structure, which is antithetical to federalism purportedly practised by the country.

    Nigeria pretends to run a federation with unitary features. The 1999 constitution (as amended) affirms this. For instance, the grundnorm makes the thirty-six states’ governors the chief security officers of their states when in actual practice, the power to control the police resides with the president through the Inspector General of Police whose tenure is at the mercy of same leader.

    The states as sub-national units suffer more when it comes to effective control over police affairs in their jurisdictions. They are daily faced with situations requiring immediate control but are unable to act because actual police control resides in Abuja.

    Two troubling examples, one recent and the other not too recent happened in the country with frightening implications for guaranteeing effective policing in our sub-national units. The two incidents point at a perilous centralisation of police control lever at the expense of effective urban cum communal policing.

    The first example happened sometime in early 2022 when Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu had a humiliating encounter with a police officer somewhere in Magodo area. The police officer, an unnamed Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP), refused to obey Sanwo-Olu’s order to withdraw policemen on an allegedly illegal frolic of laying a siege to Magodo Phase 2 Estate over a lingering land crisis. He directed the police officer to call his superiors, but instead, the disrespectful dialogue below ensued between the governor and the CSP:

    Sanwo-Olu: “Can you call your superiors in Abuja that the governor is here and I’m the chief security officer; tell them that you don’t have any business in my state and that I want you to disengage from here…..That’s why I want you to make a phone call and tell your superior that I’m here, standing in front of you. Make that phone call.”

    CSP’s response: “Yes sir. I’m here on the instruction of the inspector general of police, through the attorney general, sir, and that is why I’m here. I’m too small or too low to call them Your Excellency. With due respect, you can call them directly, sir.”

    The governor further asked him who his superiors were? the CSP replied: “Inspector General of Police, through the AGF.”

    Sanwo-Olu unrelentingly told the CSP that he spoke to the attorney-general earlier, and he denied being aware of the police presence in Magodo for that operation. Yet, the CSP contemptuously replied the governor that he was “expecting a call to disengage the ‘several’ armed police officers within the estate.”

    Further attempt by Sanwo-Olu to know the number of policemen deployed for the estate’s operation from the CSP was dismissively declined “for security purposes.”

    The second illuminating example is the very recent lamentations of Governor Dauda Lawal of Zamfara State over his institutional limitations to tackle incessant insecurity in his state despite being its chief security officer. Yours sincerely consider this incident as another classical example of the need to hasten the process of creating state police by President Tinubu.

    Governor Lawal hopelessly lamented the insecurity situation in his jurisdiction thus: “I swear to Almighty Allah, wherever a bandits’ leader is located within Zamfara State, I know it, and if he goes out, I know. With my mobile phone, I can show you where and where these bandits are today. But we cannot do anything beyond our powers…..If today, I have the power to give orders to the security agencies, I can assure you that we will end banditry in Zamfara State within two months.”

    He further stated: “Most of the time, I shed tears for my people because I can see a problem but, because I don’t have control over the security agencies, I cannot order the security operatives to act in time.”

    Right thinking people should feel sorry for a Nigeria where governors of the subnational units believed to be CSOs of their respective states cannot control police officers in their states. Yet, successive federal governments of Nigeria continue to budget and waste trillions of scarce funds on combating avoidable insecurity when the actual foundational modus for stepping the criminality in the bud remains disconnected. This makes our misplaced security spendings more like a huge joke-a complete waste, so far.

    The problems that ensued from aforestated examples of Sanwo-Olu and Lawal are daily occurrences with other states’ governors facing insecurity and other criminal infractions arising from avoidable centralization of police control. Such is nothing but a denigration of the exalted governorship position.

    The Sanwo-Olu/Lawal issues and other emanating incidents of insecurity/criminality in states stand as reasons why the nation needs state police now, more than ever before. This is without prejudice to espoused envisaged problems of state police largely attributable to the ‘Nigerian Factor.’ Notwithstanding, state police remains a more pragmatic and effective panacea to the nation’s heterogeneous security problems.

    However, strident antagonists of state police can’t deny the fact that the current federally employed police population of barely 400,000 to a population of over 200 million is superfluous. With this scanty police population, how do we expect effective policing of thousands of communities particularly in rural areas that have been made vulnerable to the shenanigans of bandits, gunmen and kidnappers across the nation’s six geo-political entities. A decentralized law enforcement system is inevitable if only to facilitate effective coverage and prompt response in times of security emergencies.

    The fear of political misuse of state police is germane considering the lawless inclinations of most governors and politicians generally. But in reality, some wealthy and influential people still deploy police personnel to serve their whims and caprices at the detriment of upholding citizens’ inalienable rights.

    So, police abuse is not by governors alone but equally by influence peddling and money-miss-road people amongst us. Effective legislative checks can be put in place to curb such and other adduced  impediments. And where this is not enough, the judiciary is there as final arbiter in resolving personal and institutional conflicts. With state police whenever it’s introduced, the teething stage is the learning curve pending when the nation gets it right. We can’t run away from this rudimentary reality.

    For the centrists who want the status quo ante sustained, their fears can be taken care of with a proviso ensuring that federal security forces can coexist and where necessary, intervene in situations that seem beyond any state’s control. Under incumbent President Donald Trump of the United States, such interventions have happened, with the latest being the recent deployment of federal troops in New York to restore peace and order. More importantly, state police, with clear-cut legislation, cannot diminish the powers and influence of the federal government. It will rather strengthen the nation’s law enforcement mechanisms by making it more responsive and effective for the betterment of all.

    In Lagos, a state special law enforcement police designated as Rapid Response Squad, has been existing for over two decades, and still effectively operates within the federal policing constraints. The success of RRS underscores the necessity for a state police for the nation’s component units. This state police can take over from the local quasi-policing groups in existence across the country.

    Comparatively, if multi-layered policing structures can happen in countries like the United States, United Kingdom, India, and even an African country like South Africa, nothing should stop its introduction in Nigeria. It will only avail the nation’s component units the confidence and legal protections to secure their jurisdictions against criminal tendencies. History is watching, and the president with his bold progressive tag hanging on his neck, cannot afford to be on the flip side of posterity.

    His recent presidential declaration on state police should be pursued with substantial vigour, necessary to effect the desired constitutional amendment to birth a truly desirable state police. The National Assembly that sometime ago amended the Police Act, within days, to accommodate tenure extension for the current IGP, cannot afford to be an impediment, through foot dragging, on the path to achieving this lofty and long overdue presidential idea. It should not!

    Sanusi, former MD/CEO of LASAA, is a managerial psychologist and currently the managing partner of AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.

  • Food for thought for Northern Nigeria

    Food for thought for Northern Nigeria

    “Woe betide a society whereby their dead leaders are better than their leaders that are alive” … Dr. Yusuf Maitama Sule CFR, the Late Dan Masanin Kano, and Former Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations

    For the record, I am from Northern Nigeria, a Muslim, and a patriot of Nigeria. I am currently not a member of any political party. However, I am worried that our narratives and posturing as northerners will not change our collective situation for good unless we tell ourselves the truth and take the necessary actions.

     By the way, while I am talking about northern Nigeria, the people from other regions in Nigeria should also take my message as a mirror for their regions, so that they can also make progress. Because we all have similar tendencies.

     The Crux of the Issues.

    It is proper and very important for interest groups of northern Nigeria, like other regional, ethnic, and religious groups in Nigeria, to continue advocating for good governance and pushing for more equitable leadership and representation at the federal level, while keeping the fee of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to fire.  

     However, in my view, the issues bedeviling northern Nigeria and the actual solutions will depend on how we, the northern elites and establishment, view the issues, our sincerity of purpose, and the actions that we take to address them. The root causes of most of the challenges facing Northern Nigeria are more regional and local than federal. Therefore, we must refocus, expand our vision, and change our mindsets if there is to be any hope of redemption, growth, and development. 

    Living in denial and blaming trade will only complicate and exacerbate our situations. The combined ticking time bombs of tribalism, ethnic jingoism, religious extremism, religious bigotry, hypocrisy, poverty, jealousy and envy, greed, hatred, erosion of our core values, corruption, etc., are part of the multi-dimensional issues that we must address as our realities. Indeed, we must also accept that the issues are mostly self-inflicted, either deliberately or inadvertently.

    Consequently, political grandstanding and gaslighting will not help us but only make our matters worse. The population growth rate of northern Nigeria, the preponderance of out-of-school children, rising unemployment, youth restiveness, rising social vices, insecurity, etc., in northern Nigeria reflect our dire situation, which calls for sincere and sober reflections. Without decisive actions to contain the ugly trends rather than blaming trade, we will be doomed.

     Some questions for all of us who are Nigerians from the northern region are as follows:

    Having produced the highest number of Presidents and Heads of State in Nigeria, and having been key stakeholders in the political evolution of this country, how many banks are owned by northern Nigerians? How many media houses are owned by northern Nigerians? How many manufacturing plants, or factories, are owned by northern Nigerians, apart from Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Alhaji Abdulsamad Isyaku Rabiu, and a few others? How many industries or factories in Nigeria are operated or managed by northern Nigerians? How many of the former State Governors of northern Nigeria have even a “pure water” factory where they have employed 10 people? How many of all former State governors of northern Nigeria, former and serving Senators, and Members of the House of Representatives are actually employing people or that actually have scholarship programs/systems whereby they are supporting children from their constituencies, with their own money, or the money they have taken from us? How many of us own or are managing (at top level) the insurance companies, and other private financial institutions, corporate organizations, apart from the Non-Executive Directorships that we are occasionally given, to give a semblance of national outlook for Companies that are owned majorly by southern Nigerians in which we have no real stake, etc.? These are the critical indicators that will tell us whether we are moving in the right direction or not. Today, most of the masses in northern Nigeria are “on their own”, with no help from the elites.

     Most times, we, the elites, only speak out loudly when it comes to issues that directly affect us or our children, but not really for the common good. How did we allow our region to slide into the abyss of over 80 million out of over 133 million multi-dimensionally poor Nigerians? Are these issues entirely the fault of a President, i.e., President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Umar Musa Yar’Adua, President Goodluck Jonathan, President Muhammadu Buhari, or the incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu? Why do we have to shout all the time about issues that we are also responsible for? For example, we have a situation whereby a former northern State governor, who was a governor maybe 15 years ago, has become a glorified personal assistant to a current state governor. This speaks volumes to how we are making progress as northern Nigerians, or as Nigeria in general, because, by the way, this is not just a northern Nigeria issue.

     Certainly, if we are able to speak truths to ourselves, we may start moving in the right direction. Most of our leaders block their ears, close their eyes when they are in power, whether as Presidents, Vice Presidents, State Governors, Deputy Governors, Federal and State legislators, Judges, Chief Executives, Civil Servants, etc., but they shamelessly become “latter-day activists” when they leave office, having failed to deliver good governance during their tenures. It is time that we, the people of Northern Nigeria, start calling out such leaders.

    For the past 65 years in Nigeria, from independence to date, in every administration, northern Nigerians have been given the opportunity to lead or to serve. Whether the number is enough or not is not the issue. Recently, the late President Muhammadu Buhari was the President for eight years. How did our northern leaders, who were given the opportunities, perform? How did they change the fortunes of northern Nigeria within those eight years? Not long ago, during the tenure of President Goodluck Jonathan, most of the top government officials who were found blameful or responsible for the diversion of the funds that were appropriated and disbursed for the procurement of weapons to fight terrorism were from Northern Nigeria. They were found to be in cahoots with misappropriating money that was meant to save/ protect their people, other Nigerians, and residents from being looted, kidnapped, raped, maimed, and killed daily in thousands. What This is the height of wickedness! Shame! What did the northern elders, elites, or citizens do, or what are they doing to stop these menaces and evil tendencies of self-service?

     Currently, the two Ministers of Defense, two Ministers of Agriculture, the Coordinating Minister of Health, Minister of Information, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Transport, the National Security Adviser, etc., are from northern Nigeria. It does not matter what political party is in power at the federal level; we always have a significant share of power and the highest number of representatives in the power dynamics of Nigeria.  Therefore, what should matter is how we perform and how we utilize the opportunities.

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    Self-Service OR Sincere Agitation?

    For instance, months into the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there was agitation by the Northern elites that there was a plan by the administration to sack northerners from CBN, etc., when 70% of the children in the CBN are our children, i.e., children of the elites. What about the children of Shoe shiners or peasant farmers, etc? Are we addressing the issues of almost 70% of our public primary and secondary schools that are dilapidated, with our children that sit on bare floors, in open areas? How about the teeming Almajiris that we maltreat? Is that the responsibility of the federal government? We all know that the State governments are primarily responsible for primary and secondary schools’ education, and yet we have over 10 million children and youngsters out of school. How are we, the elites, also speaking truth to our state governors to ensure that they do the needful? So, these are the posers for us to address as Northern Nigerians.

     Moreover, 70% of the leaders from North and indeed from Southern Nigeria came from humble backgrounds. But most of them forget where they come from, only when they need their votes. The fact is that about 60 or 50 years ago, they were given opportunities by leaders like Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, etc., and yet most of them have abandoned their people. Most of them were like the Almajiris of today, and yet they were given those opportunities to excel and become leaders in their Country.  Now, all they think of is themselves and their children. Yet here we are blaming all our woes on any President who is in power.

    Therefore, I urge our political, religious, traditional leaders, top leaders, intellectuals, and the entire elites to have a moment of introspection.

    In the subsequent episode, I will continue expounding on the issues bedeviling northern Nigeria and how I think we should best address them.

  • Kebbi’s healthcare: Beyond a critic’s sensationalism

    Kebbi’s healthcare: Beyond a critic’s sensationalism

    • By Sani Gambo

    I recently came across a Facebook post by Bello Galadanci, popularly known as Dan Bello, where he shared the image of a man lying on a hospital bed without a mattress, which he claimed was from a facility in Kebbi State. From that single picture, Bello concluded that the entire healthcare system in the state is in shambles.

    But he didn’t stop there. He went on to allege that Governor Nasir Idris had personally ordered the arrest of the man who took and circulated the photo. Bello even shared the phone number of the police officer he claimed carried out the arrest. That, for me, is where the line was crossed.

    Now, I must admit that I am a fan of Dan Bello. He has built a reputation as a fearless voice, unafraid to shine the light on uncomfortable truths. But I have also observed that his methods sometimes cross into the territory of overkill. This particular post is one of those instances.

    Yes, the picture of a man lying on a bed without a mattress evokes sympathy and frustration. Yes, it reminds us of the very real challenges of healthcare delivery in Nigeria. And yes, nobody in Kebbi State, including the governor himself will claim that our healthcare system is exactly where we want it to be. But does that justify using one isolated case to paint the entire system as a failure? I don’t think so.

    Governor Nasir Idris has openly acknowledged the dire condition of many hospitals in the state. He has admitted that there were times patients had to be treated on hospital floors. But to his credit, he didn’t stop at admitting. He has begun the slow, difficult process of rebuilding healthcare in Kebbi, one hospital at a time.

    So, if Bello’s aim is to embarrass the governor with such images, he might be missing the point. The governor himself is the first to admit there’s a problem. What matters is what he has done and continues to do about it even today that Bello is having his moment of sensationalism while threatening to beam his searchlight on the entire state.

    Gradually, the likes of Bello are beginning to cultivate the image of bullies, people whose cult of followers gives them a feeling of Nazi superiority. Bello loves this power hence his threat to tear down Kebbi State with his investigative sword.

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    But all his threats won’t change the fact Governor Nasir has tried to do something about healthcare delivery since his election two years ago. Take for example, the massive rehabilitation and equipping of Sir Yahaya Memorial Hospital in Birnin Kebbi. Once upon a time, this massive hospital was struggling with inadequate facilities. Today, the hospital boasts of modern diagnostic equipment, improved wards, and a new maternity complex that has significantly reduced maternal and child mortality in the capital.

    Another example is the Kalgo General Hospital, which has been upgraded with new laboratories, additional staff quarters, and expanded wards. In Argungu, the General Hospital has seen renovations that include a functional theatre, improved emergency services, and the provision of an ambulance service for rural patients.

    Governor Idris has also embarked on upgrading many Primary Health Care (PHC) centres across the state into cottage and specialist hospitals. In Jega, Maiyama, and Yauri, several PHCs have received new solar-powered equipment, better water systems, and the recruitment of more health workers to staff them. This step-by-step upgrading ensures that even rural communities benefit from access to quality healthcare without having to travel long distances.

    Alongside physical renovation, the governor has prioritised welfare. Health workers’ salaries and allowances have been improved, which has boosted morale and reduced the rate of staff leaving for private practice or out-of-state postings. Training opportunities have also been expanded to ensure workers are not just more but better equipped to deliver modern healthcare.

    The impact is already being felt. Statistics from the Ministry of Health show that maternal and child mortality in Kebbi has been dropping steadily over the last two years. Immunization coverage has improved significantly, thanks to partnerships with international health agencies and a renewed push by the state government to expand outreach programmes.

    All these are measurable results that people in Kebbi see and feel in their daily lives. It is these efforts that earned Governor Nasir Idris recognition as one of the leading governors in Nigeria on healthcare delivery.

    So, when Bello uses one picture to describe the entire system as a disaster, I can only call that sensationalism. It is not only unfair to the government but also to the hardworking health professionals who show up every day in hospitals across Kebbi, giving their best despite challenges.

    Even more troubling is the claim that the governor ordered the arrest of the person who shared the picture. That is not how Nigeria works. Governors do not give direct instructions to security agencies on whom to arrest. If an arrest was made, it could have been on the basis of other factors, and the governor may well be hearing of it just like the rest of us. To spin it otherwise is misleading.

    And then there is the matter of the threat to publish both the phone number and photo of a police officer on social media. Has Bello considered the implications? Does he not realise that such exposure could place that officer and his family at risk of harm? Journalism is about holding power accountable, yes, but it is also about responsibility.

    To be clear, I am not suggesting that all is perfect in Kebbi’s healthcare sector. It isn’t. But criticism must be balanced, fair, and constructive. Exposing gaps is important, but so is recognising progress. It is the combination of both that pushes a system forward.

    Dan Bello’s brand of activism has its place, but when it crosses into sensationalism, it undermines its own credibility and we who value his work must point these flaws out just as in this case. Kebbi State deserves a more honest conversation about healthcare, one that acknowledges both the painful realities and the visible improvements. Not a generalisation of failure in the scale presented by Dan Bello.

    The truth is that healthcare is not fixed overnight. It requires planning, investment, and follow-through. That is what Kebbi State is currently doing. From Sir Yahaya to Kalgo, Argungu to Jega, hospitals are being transformed. PHCs are being lifted to higher standards. More workers are being recruited. Equipment is being installed. And results are beginning to show.

    The image Bello shared may have been real, but the narrative he built around it was incomplete. Healthcare in Kebbi is not in shambles. It is in transition from a state of neglect to a system that is gradually being repositioned. That is the bigger story, and I dare say, it deserves to be told.

    • Gambo writes from Birnin Kebbi.
  • Military force isn’t the solution for Lake Chad Basin conflict: The key is rebuilding local economies

    Military force isn’t the solution for Lake Chad Basin conflict: The key is rebuilding local economies

    • By Richard Atimniraye Nyelade

    Fatima, a fisherwoman on Lake Chad, sets out at dawn not just to make a living from the shrinking waters, but to pay a “tax”. Before casting her net, she must hand over part of her meagre earnings to armed men claiming allegiance to Boko Haram. If she refuses, her catch, her boat, even her life, could be taken.

    Boko Haram is an insurgent network that began in northeast Nigeria in 2002 and later fractured into two main factions: JAS (Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad, the original Boko Haram faction) and ISWAP (Islamic State West Africa Province, the Islamic State affiliate in the region). Both operate across Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon.

    Economic shakedowns like this are happening every day throughout the Lake Chad Basin. This is a vast, drought-stricken region spanning the borderlands around Lake Chad in north-eastern Nigeria, south-eastern Niger, western Chad and northern Cameroon. It is home to more than 30 million people whose livelihoods depend on fishing, farming and herding.

    In a recent paper, I looked at how environmental degradation, regional instability and external geopolitical interests are exacerbating the conflict in the region. The study drew on qualitative analysis of security reports and academic literature. These include the United Nations Development Programme’s 2022 conflict analysis of the Lake Chad Basin and the World Food Programme’s 2024 climate and food-security report.

    The paper sets out how Boko Haram has come to operate like a parallel government, imposing taxes on trade, farming and fishing. It offers harsh order in exchange for revenue.

    I conclude from my findings that war is no longer driven only by belief. It’s driven by a collapsing economy, ecological ruin and the absence of viable alternatives.

    Understanding these factors is crucial for developing comprehensive security strategies. Based on the findings I recommend five interventions: investment in the ecological recovery of the region; the strengthening of cross-border intelligence to choke the illicit trade in fish, cattle, arms and people; transparency from foreign players about their motives; the rebuilding of local economies and support for displaced communities; and lastly the rebuilding of trust with local communities.

    Environmental degradation

    Lake Chad’s open-water area fell from about 25,000 km² in the early 1960s to lows of a few hundred km² in the 1980s, and has generally remained under one-tenth of its 1960s extent with strong variability. This is documented in satellite analyses by NASA and the United States Geological Survey.

    This isn’t just an ecological crisis. As water recedes and fertile land disappears, fishing, farming and herding collapse. The basin hosts about 30 million people across 10 subnational regions or states.

    In 2024, Niger’s floods affected about 1.5 million people nationwide, with Diffa recording around 50,000 affected and authorities on alert along the Komadougou Yobe River. The Red Cross also flagged basin-wide flood emergencies that month.

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    The basin’s ecological collapse has turned Lake Chad into a recruitment ground. The World Food Programme shows how droughts and erratic rainfall have crushed agricultural yields. The UN Development Programme links these environmental shocks to rising displacement, hunger and extremism.

    Across the shared basin, Boko Haram has built a brutal, extractive shadow economy. In Nigeria, the group at one point controlled up to half of the fish trade around Baga. Fishermen were taxed at every stage, from lake to market. Refusal brought violence.

    In Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, Boko Haram factions have orchestrated cattle rustling that have decimated pastoralist communities. My research details how armed raids strip herders of their livelihoods overnight. The stolen animals are sold through cross-border smuggling networks, feeding the insurgency. The group also taxes livestock traders at makeshift checkpoints, turning rustling and market levies into steady revenue.

    Across the basin, kidnapping has become an industry. The UN reports that kidnapping for ransom remains a key revenue source for Boko Haram/ISWAP, and that a “large ransom” was paid in the 2018 Dapchi schoolgirls’ case. What began as ideological acts, like the abduction of schoolgirls, has turned into a ruthless business model. Ransoms pay for weapons, logistics and recruitment.

    Regional instability

    Ecological and economic desperation fuels regional instability. As communities fracture and compete over dwindling resources, the borders of the four Chad Basin countries become highways for insurgents, smugglers and arms.

    Since 2014 Boko Haram has spilled from Nigeria into Cameroon, Chad and Niger, where security forces are stretched and coordination is uneven. Arms flow through the Sahel and abuses by security actors erode public trust, which in turn eases recruitment.

    The paper details how national armies, often under-equipped and struggling with coordination, have been unable to secure this vast terrain. The Multinational Joint Task Force, a regional military coalition, has had successes but is hampered by these same challenges.

    This security vacuum is the space in which Boko Haram’s parallel governance and illicit economy thrive, making the crisis a truly regional one that no single country can solve alone. The result is a conflict system that crosses borders, mixes ideology with profit, and outlasts purely military responses.

    Bombs not the answer

    Military force alone cannot fix this. It’s necessary to address the root causes, ecological collapse, broken livelihoods, and the economic lifelines that keep the insurgency going.

    The Lake Chad Basin Commission is the intergovernmental body that manages the lake’s resources. Created in 1964 by Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, and later joined by the Central African Republic and Libya, the commission and national governments must lead with urgency and courage. They must:

    • invest in climate resilience, large-scale water management, drought-resistant crops, restored wetlands and sustainable fishing

    • disrupt illicit trade and go after the money, not just the militants

    • demand transparency from foreign actors about their agendas in the region

    • rebuild local economies and trust.

    Fatima’s daily struggle on Lake Chad is not just about fish. It is about the future of the region. The shrinking lake, the abandoned villages, the armed taxmen – these are not side effects. They are the story.

    •Nyelade is lecturer, Sociological and Anthropological Studies, University of Ottawa, Canada. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the “https://theconversation.com/military-force-isnt-the-solution-for-lake-chad-basin-conflict-the-key-is-rebuilding-local-economies-262640”

  • Insecurity: A defining moment for the security forces

    Insecurity: A defining moment for the security forces

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    “I swear to Allah, wherever bandits are, we know.  I can show you on this phone wherever they are… If I had the power to give directives, this issue would come to an end in two months”. 

    This was the lamentation of the governor of Zamfara State, Dauda Lawal the chief security officer of the state.  This is virtually the plight of all the governors across the country without exception: watching helpless citizens groan under the burden of marauding band of criminals and kidnappers.  

    There is rising tide of insecurity across the country; troops are still attacked in their bases, while patrols and convoys come under ambush with casualties. Travellers are abducted and kidnapped wholesale on the roads, north and south of the country with relations paying heavy ransoms. The criminals even kidnap soldiers and get away with it; things are not just normal in the country. The people in government want to mute everything about the state of insecurity preferring exaggerated improvement without evidence on the ground.  

    Insurgents, kidnappers, bandits and other criminal elements have taken over the ungovernable space of the country where there is no government presence. This is a defining moment for the Nigerian military to prove their mettle with their track record. 

    We may never know the whole truth about the elements behind the insecurity in the country because those who have information about them are under oath of Official Secret Act.   What is not in doubt now is that those behind the insecurity threatening to destabilize the country are the untouchables and owners of Nigeria parading as prominent politicians and religious clergies. They are the ones telling the government not to apply military force but to negotiate, dialogue and offer amnesty to the criminals as freedom fighters.

    These elements have also deliberately engaged in negative propaganda to de-incentivize the military campaign, accusing soldiers of targeting civilians and violating their rights when on the heels and pursuit of these criminals.   What would innocent civilians be doing in frontline of active conflict with bandits and insurgents?  They use unverified reports of some international NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), aid groups and their local collaborators to justify their campaign against the military operations to deal with these criminals.   

    It must be understood that anybody or group found within the frontline and precinct of the insurgents and bandits is an active collaborator, sympathizer or a member. 

    We hear reports and press briefings of the number of insurgents and bandits that have been neutralized or killed in the media space, but their ranks swell in the bush.  We don’t want them to be killed on the pages of newspaper and televisions alone; please kill them for real and remove their weapons. Don’t even bother to give us statistics and figure of those killed or neutralized; we will feel it, if we can travel in safety without being kidnapped on the roads, and if troops are no longer ambushed on patrol or attack at their bases. The government is increasingly becoming unable to provide security to the population but the people are not equipped to protect themselves.  Indeed, they cannot; how can they confront the criminal gangs that are bold enough to take the fight to the soldiers in their bases, and attack patrols and convoys of troops?   

    Just last week, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) lost about six of its operatives in Edo State.  Again, this is not an isolated incident; it is happening with brazen frequency across the country. 

    Where do we go from here, state police?  There are fears of abuse, and the fear is real enough because we may just be equipping some local tyrants and emperors that may find their way into government house as chief executive officers. We already have all manners of vigilantes established by state governments with little or no improvement.  We have only succeeded in militarizing the civil space without commensurate improvement in the security of lives and property.   

    Security experts have reduced the tackling of insecurity to textbook analysis of security theories without solution in sight. They favour pacifist method because they are reading the lips and body language of government.  They justify why kinetic method and use of force cannot stop banditry, insurgency and other criminality across the country.  They are dead wrong! Negotiation and dialogue with criminals on their own terms is an admission of weakness of the state.  The criminals should be disarmed unconditionally, and if the military or combined forces of the security architecture cannot achieve that, then we should interrogate the basis of their relevance. 

    Read Also: Obi to Fed govt: declare war on insecurity

    A former Chief of Army Staff was once quoted as saying that “it would take about 50 years to defeat the insurgency in the northeast”!  He was at the helms for about four years or more as the Chief of Army Staff and he hails from the epicentre of the state ravaged by the insurgency. 

    As the Chief of Army Staff, his pre-occupation was to establish an Army University in his village in the midst of war against terrorism and displacement of the population in the northeast.  He did not procure surveillance equipment and training aids for his soldiers in the frontline.  He did not think of building a tool factory to manufacture munitions for his soldiers. Is building a university a priority for a military that has suffered reversal of fortune in combat efficiency?  To the shame of the National Assembly, they approved a bill for such frivolity instead of directing that the resources should be ploughed back to procurement of equipment, weapons and welfare for troops. It soon became a competition between the service chiefs with all building universities in their villages, without building their men and their fighting capacity.  This is not to talk about defence procurement that became a bazaar of heist, no audit, and no accountability!

    Governor Lawal is saying that the hideout of the bandits is known.  The communities and villages know where these criminals are operating from, just the same way the security agencies cannot deny knowledge.  However, the security agents give one thousand and one reasons why they cannot access the terrain.  How do the bandits manoeuvre to the place and get their logistics and replenishment?  Who supplies them weapon and how are the weapons brought into the country?  These are questions that the intelligence community should address and also see it as a huge failure. 

    Negotiation, dialogue and rehabilitation of insurgents, bandits and other criminal elements is preparing a nursery bed for handing over the state to terrorists which the government cannot afford and cannot contain.  The military should not be part of any rehabilitation of insurgents and bandits that have killed security forces and displaced population.  Modern warfare is not about talking peace, but intelligence, technology and heavy armament.  There cannot be peace in the world, let us not delude ourselves!  Forward looking countries are building capacity for improving their defence industries and military technology.

    National intelligence should be directed at tracking criminals to their hideouts not activists and opposition leaders.  The coating of insecurity is quite complex; you cannot run with a hare and hunt with hounds.  This is the state we have found ourselves.  If we have to fight insecurity, people who have links and are connected with the bandits and insurgents should not be the ones leading the charge. The military has to rejig, re-calibrate and recharge to rid the country of banditry, insurgency and other forms of criminality in the country. 

    • Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney. He writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com
  • Turning trillions lost to scams into MSME growth

    Turning trillions lost to scams into MSME growth

    SIR: Not long ago, a cryptocurrency investment platform known as CBEX swept across Nigeria, attracting over 600,000 participants, raking in an astonishing N1.3 trillion within nine months. If it had lasted longer, the figure could have tripled, with nearly two million Nigerians involved. Such schemes grow geometrically, not arithmetically, and once they take root, they spread like wildfire.

    But why did so many invest? Not because Nigerians lack opportunities for productivity. Many were already employed. The real magnet was the promise of unearned wealth. Greed and the lure of quick fortune pulled them in.

    Sadly, unless something changes, another set of Nigerians will fall for the next big scam in a few years. Fraudsters exist in every society, but where regulation is weak, their reach expands unchecked. Without intervention, CBEX will not be the last.

    In advanced economies, individuals seeking extra income usually turn to regulated outlets, such as stock markets, mutual funds, and bonds. The returns are modest but real. If CBEX participants had been introduced to such platforms, only a fraction might have been satisfied, but it would have been a healthier path.

    Read Also: Fed Govt disburses ₦250,000 grants to MSMEs in Ondo

    Nigeria’s Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) should step into this gap. Today’s youth live digitally—they trade cryptocurrencies on apps and socialise online. Why shouldn’t they also trade equities and bonds in that space? SEC should create “micro-stockbrokers,” just as we have microfinance banks and micro-pensions. With digital trading apps, young Nigerians could build wealth legitimately, under regulation.

    Access to finance is a major hurdle for entrepreneurs. Many funding models that worked abroad, such as People’s Bank, Community Bank, and Cooperative Bank, failed here. The notable exception has been microfinance; perhaps because it is adapted to Nigeria’s realities. However, microfinance serves existing businesses, not start-ups, which require longer-term funding.

    The Development Bank of Nigeria and the proposed MSME Development Bank by the African Development Bank are positive steps. But financing alone is not enough. What matters equally is pairing finance with technical support. A loan without mentorship is like giving a tool to someone with no training.

    The importance of MSMEs as the bedrock of growth cannot be overstated. They account for 96 per cent of Nigeria’s workforce, compared with 70 per cent globally. They create jobs, spur innovation, and drive exports. Around the world, MSMEs are recognised as the bedrock of growth.

    To unlock their potential, Nigeria must build cottage industrial parks, business clusters, incubation hubs, and agro-processing centres. These infrastructures are not luxuries—they are essential.

    With a population of 220 million people and a growth rate of 2.5 per cent, Nigeria must generate 4.4 million jobs annually to stay competitive. Approximately 119,000 jobs per state, or 5,700 per local government, is what that amounts to each year. Meeting this target is only possible if MSMEs are prioritised as job creators.

    Two things are needed. First, development loans with single-digit interest rates and repayment terms of at least five years, and second, technical support from licensed Business Development Service Providers (BDSPs).

    At the root of Nigeria’s MSME challenge lies an attitudinal problem. Too often, self-interest overshadows shared interest. Immediate gain is prized over sustainable growth. Until this mind-set shifts, no amount of funding or infrastructure will suffice.

    Nation-building requires shared values—transparency, diligence, accountability, and collective success. MSME development is not only an economic strategy; it is a cultural shift toward resilience and shared responsibility.

    Nigeria now stands at a crossroads. We can either continue chasing illusions of quick wealth, falling prey to scams every few years, or we can build a sustainable ecosystem where MSMEs thrive, youths invest through regulated platforms, and entrepreneurs receive the mentorship they need.

    If Nigeria is serious about growth, the answer must be clear.

    • Akintunde Maberu, Ajuwon, Lagos State.
  • End the theft of workers’ pensions

    End the theft of workers’ pensions

    SIR: There is a robbery going on in broad daylight but no one hears the alarm. Every month, millions of workers in the private sector see pension deductions reflected on their pay slips. Yet, for many, those deductions never make it to their Retirement Savings Accounts (RSAs). It is a theft so silent that it often goes unnoticed until it is too late.

    This is not just an Human Resources (HR) glitch. It is organized financial malpractice, a betrayal of trust that undermines the very purpose of the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS) introduced under the Pension Reform Act (PRA) 2014. That law was meant to protect workers from the uncertainties of retirement by mandating that both employers and employees contribute a percentage of monthly salary to a pension fund. Employers have seven working days after salaries are paid to remit both portions to the Pension Fund Administrators (PFAs).

    But some companies deliberately flout this law. They deduct their workers’ contributions, hold on to the money, and use it as cheap capital for their businesses. Others simply fail to remit for months, sometimes years, gambling with employees’ future security.

    The result is that workers who have laboured for years suddenly find out that they have little or nothing saved for retirement. They are robbed not only of their money but also of the peace of mind that comes from knowing their old age will be cushioned.

    This problem is not just financial; it is deeply moral. When a company takes what belongs to workers and refuses to remit it, it is not just breaking the law; it is eroding trust, sapping morale, and staining its reputation. And make no mistake: the damage goes beyond the office walls. Pension theft increases the risk of elderly poverty, pushing more retired workers into dependency on family and meagre public welfare, thereby creating an additional social and economic burden.

    So why does this continue? Weak enforcement is a major culprit. The National Pension Commission (PenCom) has the mandate to enforce compliance, but it cannot be everywhere at once. Defaulting employers often get away with their actions for years before they are caught, if at all. Employees, too, play a part in their silence. Many never check their RSA statements, and even when they discover irregularities, fear of losing their jobs keeps them from reporting to PenCom.

    Read Also: Military pensions board to retirees: your entitlement guaranteed

    Enough is enough. This quiet heist must end.

    Regulators must step up and treat pension theft for what it is, financial crime. Companies that fail to remit deductions should face heavy penalties, including public naming and shaming. Their directors should be held personally liable, and where necessary, prosecuted. Only then will employers think twice before tampering with workers’ pensions.

    But workers also have a role to play. Every employee should make it a habit to check their RSA statement monthly or quarterly. If your contributions are missing, speak up, first to your HR department, and if nothing changes, report directly to PenCom. Silence is not just costly; it is dangerous.

    Trade unions and professional associations must also get involved. Protecting workers’ pensions is as important as fighting for fair wages. Sensitization campaigns, workplace seminars, and legal support can empower workers to demand compliance without fear of retaliation.

    Technology can help too. PFAs should deploy automated systems that notify employees by SMS or email whenever contributions are credited to their accounts or missed. This real-time transparency will make it harder for employers to default without being caught immediately.

    Corporate Nigeria must also wake up to the reality that good governance is good business. You cannot claim to care about employee welfare while withholding their future. The cost of non-compliance — legal, reputational, and moral — will eventually outweigh the temporary financial relief employers get from holding back remittances.

    This is a call to action to regulators, employers, workers, and unions. We cannot continue to look away while the pensions of hardworking Nigerians are siphoned off under our noses. A dignified retirement is not a privilege; it is a right earned through years of labour.

    Pension theft is not just a private matter between employee and employer, it is a national concern. If we want to build a fairer, more productive economy, we must ensure that the promises made to workers about their future are kept. Anything less is daylight robbery and we must all refuse to be complicit.

    • Samuel Jekeli, Abuja.
  • Nigerian problems and village people

    Nigerian problems and village people

    By Prince Charles Dickson

    In Nigeria, when life begins to fall apart, when businesses fail, marriages collapse, or promotions evaporate at the brink of confirmation, there’s always a ready culprit: village people. They are the unseen hands from ancestral compounds, experts in remote sabotage, supposedly sitting under mango trees in distant hamlets, drinking palm wine and plotting one’s downfall.

    Missed a job interview? It wasn’t your lack of preparation; it was village people. Car engine knocked? Not poor maintenance; village people. Even when one forgets to add Maggi to stew, someone whispers: “Ah, your village people are after you.” The myth comforts us because it transfers blame. Instead of asking why I didn’t plan better, save more, or hold government accountable, we craft a scapegoat in the shadows of tradition.

    Ironically, as Nigerians chant about village people, the real saboteurs of our collective destiny wear starched agbadas and Italian suits, signing away futures with pens dipped in foreign ink.

    Consider Nigeria’s recent appetite for loans. Each government enters office, promising prudence, fiscal discipline, and a war against corruption, only to emerge as addicted borrowers on the international stage. External debts, domestic debts, overdrafts from the central bank; every hole is dug deeper with the spade of loans.

    And what happens to the ordinary Nigerian? The naira slides faster than okra soup escaping a spoon. Inflation eats through salaries like termites devouring rafters. Yet the headlines declare: “Nigeria secures $7 billion loan to boost economy.” Boost economy? Which economy? The one where traders re-label bags of sachet water “pure tears”? Or the one where young people now invest in “japa” more than in land?

    The bitter irony: the loans are taken in the name of the people but never spent on the people. By the time repayment season comes, the citizens pay with higher fuel prices, strangulating taxes, and skyrocketing food costs. Meanwhile, those who signed the loans have long changed their car plates and addresses.

    When the loan treadmill becomes unsustainable, government remembers the one guaranteed ATM; the citizens. And so, taxes bloom like mushrooms after rainfall. Suddenly, there’s talk of taxing boreholes, taxing phone calls longer than three minutes, taxing bread, taxing road usage, even taxing your thoughts if they could be monetized.

    The poor are already drowning, yet government insists on adding more buckets of water. A man who cannot afford garri is asked to contribute for digital services tax. A woman whose shop is raided by touts masquerading as revenue collectors must still renew a license for survival.

    In saner climes, taxation is tied to visible services; roads, hospitals, schools, electricity. In Nigeria, taxation is tied to promises, never delivery. The Lagos-Ibadan Expressway has collected more tax than it has provided smooth passage. Electricity tariffs rise like balloons, but the light disappears faster than a politician after an election.

    Yet, we are told: the government is trying. And truly, they are. They roll out economic policies with big English names; “Economic Recovery and Growth Plan,” “National Development Strategy,” “Agenda 2050.” PowerPoints are created, jingles aired, hashtags trended. But the ordinary Nigerian looks around and sees no alignment between the slogans and reality.

    It is like serving burnt jollof rice and calling it smoky delicacy. Or like presenting watery beans porridge and insisting it is gourmet cuisine. The truth remains: we are undercooked where planning is needed and overcooked where suffering is felt.

    We ban rice importation without securing local production. We float the naira without a lifeboat for citizens. We insist on subsidy removal without building a safety net. Every policy feels like a half-baked experiment; simultaneously raw and burnt.

    What do Nigerians really want? This question is both simple and complex. On the surface, Nigerians want the basics: affordable food, reliable electricity, good roads, decent healthcare, quality education, and security – the foundation of a dignified life. But scratch deeper and you see the contradictions.

    We want cheap fuel, but we also want government to stop borrowing. We want jobs, but we resist the discipline required in taxation when it is fair and transparent. We want change, but many still collect wrappers, rice, and ₦5,000 during elections. We decry corruption but happily “settle” traffic wardens or cut corners at work.

    Read Also: Experts urge Nigerian universities to prioritise soft skills training to tackle youth unemployment

    So, what do Nigerians want? Perhaps clarity. Perhaps honesty. Perhaps leaders who say, “We cannot give you everything, but here is what we can do and here is how you will see it.” Not the constant chorus of “dividends of democracy” that never reach the masses.

    And so, the myth of village people remains useful because it shields us from confronting uncomfortable truths. It is easier to believe one’s problems stem from unseen witches in the bush than from visible policies signed in Abuja. The irony bites: our real village people may not be in the village at all. They sit in air-conditioned offices, traveling abroad for medical check-ups, while citizens die in underfunded hospitals where doctors use their phone torchlight during surgeries.

    Meanwhile, citizens are conditioned to laugh at their pain. Comedy skits trend on social media, mocking suffering as if laughter alone can refill empty pots. It is the tragicomedy of Nigeria: crying while laughing, cooking soup with no meat but calling it “vegetarian lifestyle.”

    Nigeria today is a meal mismanaged.

    Our democracy is undercooked; raw institutions, weak accountability, elections flavoured with fraud. Our suffering is overcooked; burnt beyond taste, seasoned with frustration and despair. Our potential is undercooked; raw talent, youth energy, and creativity left idle. Our excuses are overcooked; burnt-out narratives of colonialism, oil dependence, and “God will do it.”

    We are a nation that prides itself on resilience; the ability to survive anything. Yet resilience has become another word for normalized hardship. Nigerians don’t just survive; they improvise survival. When electricity goes, they sing: “Up NEPA!” when it returns. When fuel prices jump, they queue with jokes. When salaries vanish into inflation, they chant, “E go better.” But when will it really be better?

    I will end with this short story.

    At a university, a professor asked his students: “If there are four birds on a tree and three of them decided to fly away, how many are left on the tree?”

    Everyone answered, “One.”

    They were surprised when one student disagreed and said, “Four birds remain.”

    This caught everyone’s attention.

    The professor asked him: “How so?”

    He replied: “You said they decided to fly, but you didn’t say they actually flew. Making a decision doesn’t mean taking action.”

    And indeed, that was the correct answer.

    This story reflects Nigeria’s situation. For decades, leaders have decided to reform, industrialize, diversify, and eradicate corruption. Citizens have decided to demand better governance, to vote wisely, to hold leaders accountable. But decision is not action.

    We have slogans, catchy words, and endless manifestos that shine during campaigns and international conferences. But in reality, our national life does not reflect those words.

    Nigerian problems are not always about village people; they are about the gap between decision and action. And until the birds not only decide but actually fly, Nigeria will remain a tree full of promises, but empty of flight.

    •Dickson Ph.D. is Team Lead, The Tattaaunawa Roundtable Initiative (TRICentre).

  • Rent and housing concerns: Who’s looking out for tenants?

    Rent and housing concerns: Who’s looking out for tenants?

    Sir: What is behind the shocking rent hikes in many cities in Nigeria in particular Lagos and Abuja? Inflation, right? As food and fuel prices soar, landlords in these cities are increasingly passing the heat onto tenants sharply, some demanding rent increases as high as 150% without any hindrance. A two-bedroom apartment in Lekki that once cost N1.5 million now goes for N2.2 million.

    The housing vulnerability in Nigeria has reached alarming proportions, and situation is not only a challenge for the economy but also a source of immense stress for ordinary Nigerians, many of whom struggle to keep up with rising rent prices and the declining quality of available housing. What was once considered a modest expense back then is now a significant portion of one’s salary, and the dream of owning a home seems increasingly out of reach for the majority in recent time.

    In Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital, the pressure on the housing market is severe. The city is home to over 23 million people, and this population continues to rise as people flood in from all over the country in search of better job opportunities. However, the demand for housing far exceeds the available supply. As a result, rent prices have skyrocketed, and many young professionals are finding themselves in a difficult position. The reality for a graduate in a mid-level job in Lekki or Ikeja means finding a one-bedroom apartment for anywhere between N950,000 to N1.5 million annually.

    The situation in Abuja, the nation’s capital, is equally dire. While the city is still relatively newer in terms of development, rapid urbanization has led to significant price hikes in the rental market. The upper-middle class and young families are particularly affected. Those who were once able to afford relatively comfortable housing in areas like Wuse, Garki, and Maitama are now struggling to find suitable living spaces within their budgets. The absence of affordable housing options forces many to seek accommodations in the more remote and developing districts, which lack necessary infrastructure, further exacerbating the gap between affordable and livable housing.

    Read Also: Experts urge Nigerian universities to prioritise soft skills training to tackle youth unemployment

    The situation in Abuja, the nation’s capital, is equally dire. While the city is still relatively newer in terms of development, rapid urbanization has led to significant price hikes in the rental market. The upper-middle class and young families are particularly affected. Those who were once able to afford relatively comfortable housing in areas like Wuse, Garki, and Maitama are now struggling to find suitable living spaces within their budgets. The absence of affordable housing options forces many to seek accommodations in the more remote and developing districts, which lack necessary infrastructure, further exacerbating the gap between affordable and livable housing.

    Even smaller cities across Nigeria are not exempt from the housing vulnerability. For instance, in cities like Benin, Enugu, and Ibadan, the rent situation is equally worrying. In these places, working-class families find themselves squeezed between the high cost of living and the insufficient housing infrastructure that doesn’t cater to the masses. Those who cannot afford the skyrocketing rents often resort to living in overcrowded conditions, with extended families or in single-room apartments that barely meet basic living standards.

    As urban populations continue to swell, the government and society must work together to create a housing system that ensures everyone, regardless of income, has access to decent living conditions. The housing crisis in Nigeria is not an insurmountable problem. With the right policies, community involvement, and investment in sustainable development, Nigeria can create a future where affordable, decent housing is within reach for all its citizens. While the journey will be long and challenging, the collective effort of the government, the private sector, and citizens can pave the way for a more inclusive and affordable housing market in Nigeria’s cities.

    •Dr. Timi Olubiyi, drtimiolubiyi@gmail.com

  • Nigeria yet to tap potential of real estate

    Nigeria yet to tap potential of real estate

    By Ugbene Chisom Yvonne

    Real estate investment is one of the major areas of investment, a critical driving force behind the economic growth of developed nations of Europe, United States of America, China, United Arab Emirates, to mention a few, and a significant contributor to their financial economies.

    Known for its dynamic housing market and flourishing commercial property sector, real estate market is incredibly diverse across the different states and cities of the United States of America, with the commercial real estate market presenting lucrative investment opportunities for those aspiring to diversify their portfolios. Government policies, in addition to economic factors such as job growth and interest rates, are not only pivotal to shaping the market, but have a significant impact on the real estate landscape in the United States, with about 20% contribution to its GDP. Real estate markets and practices in Europe and the other developed economies exhibit similarities with the United States, regulatory differences notwithstanding.

    Though driven by different factors, both markets attract foreign buyers. Property transactions, property management, and valuation are integral components in the markets. Mortgage financing, property insurance, and property taxes are common aspects of real estate in their economies, while real estate professionals, agents and brokers, play similar roles in facilitating property transactions. In summary, real estate in these countries is very dynamic, contributing significantly to the growth and development of their economies. Real estate is a key driver of their economies.

     Unlike in Europe and the United States of America, real estate sector in Nigeria remains largely untapped for economic growth and development. Nigeria has not fully unlocked the potential of real estate, neither have we fully explored the opportunities in property investment, construction, infrastructure development, property transactions, land-based taxes and many more. Until we go this route, we would not be able to create abundant wealth, jobs, generate revenue, and improve overall economic development.

    Even with all the activities we see around, real estate sector is still heavily underdeveloped; there are still a lot of opportunities for development within the sector, the prospects are there for the industry to thrive. And as long as we fail to diversify the economy, tap into the real estate sector, fully unlock, optimize and maximize its potential, Nigeria would not make rapid and sustainable development. If real estate can drive the economies of Europe and America, it can as well drive our economy. Real estate potential is too huge for Nigeria to have over-relied, and even still relying on crude oil; in fact our over-reliance on oil has hindered our development. Mortgage finance which plays a pivotal role in the development of housing markets for instance, is yet to impact the Nigerian real estate in a remarkable war.

    Nigeria’s real estate sector, according to industry players, present enormous opportunities. Its market value is estimated at $2.61 trillion in 2025, with residential real estate accounting for approximately $2.25 trillion, and its contribution to the nation’s GDP at about 5%. That Nigeria’s housing deficit is huge and in several millions is evidence that the sector is highly underdeveloped, and offers investment opportunities, particularly in the cities and urban areas. The housing deficit could even be higher than the 21 million units being brandished, considering our ever increasing population, rapid urbanization, the number of graduates the universities and other tertiary institutions produce yearly, many of whom would secure jobs and would need accommodation to settle down, as well as many other Nigerians in need of shelter over their heads.

    If we really want to boost the economy, create jobs and wealth, we should look into the direction of real estate. The real estate sector has a crucial role to play in achieving Nigeria’s N1 trillion economy and in making Nigeria become a prosperous nation, but we have to get a number of things right.

    Going forward, real estate in Nigeria would remain ‘untapped goldmine’ as long as we fail to remove the ‘landmines’ on the path to fully unlock its potential.

    Read Also: Experts urge Nigerian universities to prioritise soft skills training to tackle youth unemployment

    The dismal rate of land registration (less than 3%) hinders efficient real estate transactions, and makes the country hostile to real estate development. The Land Use Act call for urgent reforms, and failure to reform the Act would keep inhibiting the growth of the real estate sector, and its ability to drive our economy. 

    About 94% of properties in Lagos for instance are not registered. This undermines property taxation. We need to streamline and harmonize the registration process for transparency, and unify land tax system. These are crucial for the growth of the sector. To ensure improved efficiency and transparency in land registration, property transaction, and tax administration, we must deploy and use technology; after all, we live today in a technology-driven world. Property development is a lucrative business across the world, without which no country can develop seriously and speedily. 

    The biggest challenge of real estate as an investment portfolio, and infrastructure development is liquidity, and unless we have a way around liquidity, we will continue to have serious challenges. In this regard, Public-Private Partnerships; that is, collaboration between the public and private sectors would leverage resources and expertise for large-scale infrastructure and real estate development projects. It would do us a lot of good if we maximize opportunities provided by this arrangement to stay ahead of industry shifts and leverage emerging trends in real estate and construction.

    Government must come up with a clearer, and more focused housing and real estate policy to show direction for operators and participants in the sector to plan accordingly, so that activities in the sector will step up, and when there are activities in the sector, initiatives will come up within the sector and other sectors, then the real estate can thrive.

    Strong compliance to regulatory frameworks must be ensured, while adoption of property technology, digital transformation, sustainability and green building practices, integrated urban planning, innovative financial solutions, affordability and sustainability combined would transform the Nigerian real estate landscape into a powerful engine for national development. Within this narrative lies our ability to shape the future of Nigeria’s real estate sector, make it effective and key driver of sustainable economic growth, employment generation, and improvement of the overall well-being of its citizens.

    •ESV Ugbene is an estate surveyor and valuer.