Category: Comments

  • My thoughts on our path to greatness

    The occasion of the 57th anniversary of national independence should give us a cause for deep reflection and critical thinking without necessarily taking anything away from the celebration.

    I use this occasion to congratulate Nigerians, the good people of Osun in particular. It is a thing of great joy, irrespective of our collective or individual circumstances, to be alive to celebrate the anniversary of our nation’s independence.

    For some of us who were born before independence, it was a momentous event for us. Though I was a child at independence in 1960, the ferments of the struggle against colonialism still remained with us in my growing up years while the substitution and replacement of white colonialists with our people that followed was dramatic enough to give us a deeper appreciation of independence.

    With the benefit of hindsight, some of the hopes and aspirations of the pre and immediate post-independence era have been betrayed and this is regrettable. We dreamt then of Nigeria becoming a superpower in one or two decades after independence. This dream was even shared by some of the great powers of the era who saw us as potential competitors, first for regional hegemony and also on a global scale in economic, social, political, sporting and diplomatic contests. Many of them have since relaxed, feeling their fears then were unfounded. However, the dream of greatness is an undying one. Nigeria can and will still be great.

    Though this issue has been over flogged, it still needs reiterating – that our bane since military interregnum has been overt reliance on rent from crude oil. Let us be clear on this, oil is a blessing, not a curse. The problem is what you make of it. Oil has been a blessing in the Scandinavian countries, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Angola, United States, Britain, Norway, Venezuela, Canada, Russia and several other places where it has been well utilized as a catalyst for development and wealth creation.

    Our own problem, like several oil-rich nations, is that we live on its rent and do not build any productive activity around it. That is why, beyond exportation, oil is practically useless for us. We cannot even refine for local consumption until current efforts by the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. Even then, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources told us recently that 92 per cent of local consumption is still being imported at the cost of $28 billion in 2016. We then import every other thing, including food, clothing and most of our building materials.

    Now, the price of oil has fallen and the portents are still bad. This is in the wake of a tectonic shift in technology from internal combustion engines to electrical engines in automobiles.

    Nevertheless, a lot of people still believe we are rich with crude oil, only if there is equitable distribution of the resources. Now, corruption has made the scarcity to be worse. Corruption is evil; it disrupts the development process and should be stamped out. However, without corruption, we are still a poor nation, even with oil.

    Let us do this simple calculation. Nigeria’s daily production quota from OPEC is put at 2.1 million barrels per day. Let us note that we have never met this production and sales quota in the last 10 years. Nevertheless, if we multiply this imaginary production quota with 365 days, which make a year, we have 766.5 million barrels of crude oil as our total foreign exchange oil earning resource. This is assuming there is no production disruption from militants’ activities in the Niger Delta and unsold inventory which could be up to half a million barrels sometimes.

    Since oil sells for an average of $50 now, this will give us $38.325 billion in total sales per annum. Remember we have not deducted production and associated expenditures; this is the gross income; joint venture partners are assumed volunteers.

    If we divide this amount by 170 million, which is our conservative population estimate, it goes round to roughly $225.44 per head per annum. This is further reducible to $18.786 in a month. At an exchange rate of N370, it amounts to N7,000. This calculation simply means that every Nigerian is entitled to N7,000 monthly from oil wealth at best!

    How about income from other sources? Since oil accounts for 70 per cent of total national revenue, this figure will only rise to  N10,000.

    Let’s say someone wants to experiment with this calculation and give to every Nigerian N10,000 unearned income, it means there will be no government; bureaucracy and associated wages, paying salaries, no executive, legislature and the judiciary, no police, military, public education, roads, airport, international relations, etc. This without a doubt means anarchy.

    I have gone to this length to demonstrate that we are not rich at all, even with the oil wealth. The per capita income from oil would probably have been better if we have just one tenth of our population.

    This makes the issue of diversification of our economy and productivity imperative. Productivity is the ability to alter any state of matter or service, alone or in combinations into a more desirable form – product or service. The process of bringing about that alteration, or the effort we put into achieving this, is called work.

    The initial condition or base material for these processes is often as freely set by nature, while the derived output or product is as contrived by man in his imagination. Thus, sound notes put together productively equals music, otherwise it is noise. Rubbles put together constructively is a house, otherwise it is just a dump of rubbles.

    The challenge before us as a nation is therefore to earn income from productivity, not from rent. On this note, I will like to posit that we should get 50 million of our compatriots to be working i.e. engaged in productive activities that will bring them at least N25,000 a month. From this, N1.25 trillion will be generated in the economy every month from real productive engagement.

    These jobs can be created and paid for by ways and means in diverse areas of the economy like agriculture and food production, clothing and footwear, housing, environment, critical public infrastructure like roads, bridges, airports, railways, water resources development etc. that will provide basic needs for the people and cut our imports by 90 per cent, reducing foreign goods to critical machineries and raw materials we do not have at home. This will catapult Nigeria into a superpower within two decades.

    In Osun we are already working on this. We are striving to put at least one million of our over four million population to work. If they earn a minimum of N25,000 a month, a 10 per cent tax from this will give us revenue of N2.5billion every month. This amount will be sufficient to run the government, pay workers, develop our state and bring prosperity to all.

    If this is replicated in all the states of the federation, Nigeria will be prosperous without oil money. This is my dream for our country and it is my sincere hope that at this occasion of our independence celebration, leaders in the public and private sectors will critically engage this idea.

    Once again, I congratulate all Nigerians and wish us all a happy Independence celebration.

     

    • Aregbesola is Osun Governor.
  • Moderating youth imprisonment

    Despite 57 years of flag independence, a visit to Nigerian prison remains sobering. Last Saturday, Rotary Club of Festac Town visited Kirikiri Medium Prison to secure the release of minor offenders after paying the fine imposed by court as alternate to imprisonment. The fine ranged from 10 to 20 thousand naira each, while the prison term is two to three months. The age brackets of the 25 inmates paid for may be between 20 and 30 years, and just a few of them are stark illiterates.

    While processing the release that morning, we saw another 30, mostly young men, sitting within the prison yard, awaiting profiling, before they are shooed into the prisons, for offences allegedly ranging from stealing, hawking, homelessness, wandering, none use of walkovers across the expressway and similar offences. According to the prison officials, the medium prison, built around 1962, is designed to accommodate 1700 inmates, but as at last Saturday, it was warehousing 3642 inmates; and nearly 80 percent, are awaiting trial, even though some of them have spent about three years as none convicts.

    Enquiries showed that the budgets for the daily ration for the inmates are far below the standard number of prisoners, and so the daily influx of new prisoners makes it worse. In effect, there is no relationship between the number of prisoners or detainees and the budget for their ration. On what could be done to argument the budget, an official volunteered that either the federal or state government should help them fund the development of a natural fish pond and an expanded farming within the large expanse of land owned by the prisons just beyond the present wall.

    Again the official made a case for more funding by federal government and contribution from states for the maintenance of prisoners, arguing that most crimes are state crimes. He canvased that part of the fine paid by offenders should be retained by the prison authority for the maintenance of the prisoners. An interesting argument on why states should be interested in the general welfare of prisoners is that when prisoners are released, they go back to the society with any diseases contacted from the overcrowded prisons.

    My enquiry as to what in the warden’s view, could be the cause of the influx of prisoners especially awaiting trial men, revealed startling contributors. The most shocking revelation is the contribution of defence counsels. He argued that when the accused persons are brought to court, they are able to retain, after paying minor fees, the services of lawyers, some of whom do not possess the skill, to conduct a full defence. Usually after a few minutes consultation, the accused is shoved into the dock, were he pleads not guilty to the charge.

    With a not-guilty plea, the magistrate is compelled to rule that the accused be sent to prison custody while awaiting a bail on terms or the continuation of trial where bail is not secured. The lawyer after gaining few more naira notes and making a few more appearances abandons the accused. With a not-guilty plea in the records and with no effective prosecution, the accused is left to swell the number of awaiting trial men. The other major cause is the delay in gaining the advice from the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP).

    According to the official, there are inmates who have been waiting for the DPP’s advice for the past five years. And unless the advice is gotten, the prosecution cannot go on, and the courts are circumspect not to be seen as aiding criminals to evade a proper trial, by discharging the accused in the circumstance. Again with the fees not coming, and the defence counsel buckling, the accused is left to rot in the overcrowded jail.

    With the prisoners released to us, it was time to hear from them what their offences were and how they got into prison. The club President Ndubuisi Onuoha led the enquiry, and again the revelations were startling. Quite a number said they were victims of a raid of their ramshackle abodes by law enforcement agencies. Some were caught by Police and without any means of identification were hauled before a magistrate for wandering? Again others were caught crossing the road, instead of using the pedestrian bridges built for that purpose.

    One particular fellow said he just finished apprenticeship as an electrician in his home state and decided to come to Lagos to hustle. According to him, he landed on a Monday and while crossing the road the next day, was arrested for not using the pedestrian bridge by government officials who took him to court.  One said those who arrested him took the N27,000 he had on him. A profile of the released men showed that all the zones of the country were adequately represented. A few who could not speak even smattering English just came into town before their misfortune.

    After giving them some money, many of us expressed worry that a few of those released may follow the same trajectory back to the prisons. With no opportunities in most state across the country, Nigerians in their thousands stream into Lagos daily. Most of the arrivals have no skill, no home, no close relation, and no address, nothing, except their humanity. These fellows end up engaging in pick pocketing, stealing, sleeping under the bridges, hawking and similar other urban crimes.

    With the government of Lagos State doing everything humanely possible to upgrade the physical infrastructure in the state, amidst the daily upsurge, freedom, crime and punishment have become a huge conundrum. The result is a burgeoning but demeaning industry around custodial sentencing otherwise known as imprisonment. Indeed, across major cities in the country, the growing prison population is made up of especially unskilled, unemployable young men, victims of cruel urbanisation.

    From hindsight, those who refused to grant Lagos a special status and the needed extra income for infrastructure to serve Nigerians inadvertently acted cruelly against their indigenes who run into Lagos to gain a modicum of opportunity. Those who have made the states across the country a wasteland are inhuman, and the result is a wasting generation of young men, whose backs are against the wall. Those who can should change the paradigm, before it is too late for all of us.

  • Still on Ibadan Summit

    I attended the Yoruba summit on the restructuring of the federation held at Ibadan on September 8, not as a member of any political party or as an adherent of any religion. I did not also attend as a member of any Yoruba socio-cultural group or any pressure group in Yorubaland. I did attend on my own as a patriotic Nigerian who is interested in finding ways of getting our country out of its present rudderless and crippled state. I am sure many in that mammoth crowd attended the summit because of this loft reason.

    At the time of Nigerian independence in 1960, my civics teacher in the secondary school who was no doubt imbued with patriotism inculcated in me the potentials of Nigeria as a giant of African continent. That notion has never left me and as I gained knowledge about world affairs, I came to an unshakeable belief that God has destined Nigeria, Democratic Republic of Congo and South Africa because of their human and natural resources, to lift Africa from socio- economic doldrums that had blighted the continent and by extension the black race after years of subjugation through slavery and colonialism. After more than half a century of political independence in the continent, my hope and those of other well-meaning people all over the world are still a huge mirage because these countries are tied down by myriads of problem despite their huge endowments and potentials.

    Specifically on Nigeria, my beloved country, the country cannot yet fully fulfil its destiny as the giant of Africa because in my candid opinion, the political leaders had failed over the years to evolve a system of governance that would give the country, political stability and a sense of belonging to its people made up of more than 250 ethnic groups.

    Over the years, the country has always been riddled with political problems and it even went through a debilitating civil war which it managed to survive. Unfortunately the civil war did not lead to any abatement of political acrimony and strife which has escalated to a dangerous level in recent times. Among the people that failed to secede in 1967, there is a loud agitation for a repeat performance while the Yoruba people in the South-west are leading the call for the restructuring of the governance of the country so as to reduce the overbearing power of the central government. There is no doubt that the majority of Nigerians are not happy with our present governance setup and something has to be done to correct the deficiencies in the present system, if not Nigeria will continue to be a crippled giant (apology to Professor Osaghae)  and will be unable to fulfil its destiny to the rest of Africa.

    At the Ibadan Summit, the Yoruba people in the communique demanded that Nigeria should be returned to a proper federation as obtained in the 1960 and 1963 constitutions. The Yoruba group wants Nigeria to be made up of a federation of six regions and the federal capital territory of Abuja. The clamour for the return to the 1960 and 1963 constitutions has been supported by many other groups and eminent and credible personalities like Chief Emeka Anyaoku, Professor Ben Nwabueze, and Professor Jerry Gana. However, this call for the return to 1963 constitution that guaranteed our federalism had been opposed by many peoples including Alhaji Tanko Yakassai, the fiery Publicity Secretary of NEPU of Malam Aminu Kano during the first republic but now the voice of the conservative north. He felt that it was now impossible to go back to 1963 constitution since that constitution recognized only four regions- the North, the East, the West and the Mid-west regions. With greatest respect to this erstwhile radical, I think the proposed six regions in the new dispensation would be treated as the 1963 four regions with the federal capital territory of Abuja being treated like the way the federal capital of Lagos was treated in the 1963 constitution.

    In my opinion, both the 1960 and the 1963 constitutions served the country with some glaring flaws in their implementations. During the first republic when the constitutions were implemented, there were acute marginalization of a particular ethnic group by the ethnic groups controlling the federal government at the centre in Lagos in the federal civil service appointments, award of scholarships, contracts, appointment of ambassadors and allocation of federal contracts. The only consolation in these constitutions is that the people who were discriminated against at the federal level could look for remedy from their region which was buoyant enough to take care of their needs because of the region’s financial and political autonomy not being enjoyed by any state in the present dispensation in Nigeria. These constitutions also allowed for regional police which people want now but the same regional police was used by the parties in power in the regions in those days to oppress and stifle opposition. It should not be forgotten also that the same 1963 constitution was used by the federal government controlled by the NPC and NCNC parties to declare without any rational justification, a state of emergency in the old Western Region just to bring down Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his Action Group party. This singular misuse of power conferred on the ruling parties by the 1963 constitution accelerated our descent to political anarchy and resultant civil war.

    I personally believe that in the new dispensation, the power of the federal government in the 1963 constitution should be further reduced so as to avoid the abuses that were perpetrated by the ruling parties at the federal level between 1960 and 1966 in the implementations of the constitution. There is no going back on the restructuring of our governance as articulated by the Yoruba group at Ibadan summit. It will lessen political acrimony engendered by our present system and it will allow our different layers of government to focus on the economic development of the country which will resonate throughout Africa. We should learn from our experience when our leaders were forced to create states to prevent the disintegration of the country in 1967. We should not wait again till we are at the brink of disintegration before we carry out the needful which no doubt is the restructuring of our governance.

    The last point I have in this piece is to remind readers that throughout its long colonial history, Great Britain, the greatest imperialist country in the world created five federations thus, India/Pakistan/Bangladesh, Central African Federation, Federation of West indies, Sudan and Nigerian Federation. Out of these federations, only Nigerian federation is still remaining today. If we don’t want to follow the other federations that collapsed, it is imperative that we should restructure our governance for the good of everybody living in the so-called geographical expression called Nigeria.

     

    • Lucas, a retired professor of Agronomy, writes from the University of Ibadan.
  • Brave new world

    It is a brave new world! Here isn’t speaking in the technological sense of Aldous Huxley’s famous 20th Century epic with that title, but in electoral terms. And the prompt in this instance is Euro star, Germany, which last week fell into rank with countries buckling under an upswell of nationalist fervour sweeping the world.

    Twelve years on in office, Chancellor Angela Merkel headed up with a fourth term win in the German elections held penultimate weekend. But the poll also marked the worst showing for her Christian Democrats (CDU)-Christian Social Union (CSU) bloc since 1949 when national elections were first held in the country after World War Two. And the poll as well threw up in power right-wing nationalists banded as Alternative für Deutschland, AfD (meaning: Alternative for Germany) for the first time in the country’s post-World War history. The catch is: with the country’s Nazi antecedents, that development triggers some alarm in the German establishment.

    AfD’s surge in German politics cozies up to the high tide of nationalism indexed by the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum in June, last year, and the shock victory of narcissistic President Donald Trump in the United States in November. Even France momentarily reeled under the tide in its two-round presidential election this year as nationalist candidate Marine Le Pen gave the eventual winner, independent centrist Emmanuel Macron, his stiffest challenge.

    Germany’s electoral system is parliamentary, and the governments are conventionally formed from coalition deals. To get into the 709-seat federal parliament known as the Bundestag, a party must garner at least five percent of the votes cast in an election – obviously with the largest party in parliament holding the Chancellorship.

    AfD debuted in 2013 and had taken its chance with that year’s poll, but fell just shy of the stipulated threshold for entering parliament with 4.7 percent votes. In the latest election, however, the xenophobic party broke through into power with 12.6 percent of the votes cast. It only trailed Merkel’s CDU/CSU bloc, which netted 33 percent of the votes cast – a loss of 8.5 percent of voter support in comparison with 2013 results; and the current coalition partner in Merkel’s government, the Social Democrats (SPD), which came off with 20.5 percent votes – dipping 5.2 percent below its 2013 standing.

    My fascination with the recent German election is how totally voters’ will formed the reference point that guided politicians’ understanding of their mandate and dictated their next steps. While Merkel won another term, for instance, it was widely recognised that her victory was hollow and in real terms a defeat in disguise. She has a tough call ahead cobbling together a viable coalition government, and may be compelled to call another election if her efforts fall through. Meanwhile, she is fully on terms with her party’s loss being AfD’s gain, because it seemed sufficiently apparent that voters backlashed on her open-border disposition towards refugees and immigrants. In what was touted as her victory address last Monday, a crestfallen Merkel said she would listen to the “concerns, worries and anxieties” of AfD voters – one million of whom she noted deserted her party – so to win them back. “I want to look for the conversation in order to tackle hate and rage, but there are some people who don’t want to listen to anything at all at the moment. We have to accept that,” she added.

    Her current coalition partners, the Social Democrats, for their part considered their poor showing in the election a mandate to opt out of government and block the prospects of AfD becoming the main opposition party. SDP leader Martin Schulz said the party had been given “a mandate to be a strong opposition in this country, a mandate to defend democracy against all those who question and attack it.”

    AfD naturally sees its mandate differently. The party understands its propulsion into power to be a vote to fight “invasion by foreigners.” The co-leader, Alexander Gauland, told a news conference after the vote: “One million people – foreigners – being brought into this country are taking away a piece of this country and we as AfD don’t want that. We say, ‘I don’t want to lose Germany to an invasion by foreigners from a different culture.’ Very simple.”

    Even prospective new coalition partners of Chancellor Merkel, who incidentally were rear guarders in the election, are sounding off on their accountability to voters. There is the talk of a “Jamaica coalition” being the most feasible scenario: so-called because of the likely partners’ official colours, which are the colours of Jamaica’s national flag. There is black of the CDU/CSU; yellow of the Free Democrats (FDP), which got 10.7 percent of the votes; and the Greens with their 8.9 percent vote harvest. But the FDP and the Greens differ fundamentally on a number of issues in nationhood conversation and insist on staying true to their voters, making the feasibility of their becoming coalition partners in government a tall rule. “Whoever gets into bed with this Chancellor (Merkel) will perish there,” FDP’s Thomas Kemmerich said.

    The moral in all these is that the fixation of the German political elite with what they considered the will of voters is what makes democracy pulse. It is instructive, for instance, that none of the political actors cried foul over the outcomes, blame their showing on vote stealing by co-contenders, or ply conspiracy theories that loop the election managers in with devious riggers. And neither, as it seem apparent, do they consider getting a hold on power an end in itself; it all boils down to what the voters want done with their country.

    Nigeria marked its 57th year of Independence yesterday and the country is 18 years into the present political republic, and we could well fantasise on what it would be like for us to step into the electoral brave new world. There is little question our political culture here is light-years away in the antediluvian axis, and it should be the day when we come round to the civilisation of voter supremacy as we glimpsed in the German poll. Of course, I must acknowledge that in climes like ours, that supremacy is contingent on the conduct of the political class and just as well the election managers. But where we observe progressive efforts on the part of election managers to upgrade the system, does onus not devolve back on the political elite to likewise recalibrate?

    A present indication of the charade that is the Nigerian democracy is the humongous duel being fought by Dino Melaye, representing Kogi West senatorial district in the Senate, to frustrate a bid by his constituents to recall him. The senator sees the imprint of his political enemies all over the bid, and he is perfectly entitled to the view. But he would not even allow the petition seeking his recall to be reality-checked by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in accordance with statutory provisions. Only last week, he resorted to playing the artful dodger when the commission assayed to serve him a notice of the petition and signatures of aggrieved constituents. And so, even though he attended the day’s Senate plenary, he was nowhere in sight to receive the documents when INEC officials called at the National Assembly.

    Melaye’s obvious endgame is to stall the recall bid with complexified litigation that would outlast the lifespan of the current legislature. But you could well ask whose mandate he is fighting to protect, and from who.

    Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Nigeria @ 57: Frequently Asked Questions

    One frequently asked question at independence anniversary is – what is there to celebrate years after the Union Jack was lowered, replaced with Nigerian flag of Green, White and Green in 1960? Our parents and grandparents lived under the drudgery of centuries-long trans-Atlantic slavery, colonial occupation and exploitation. They couldn’t therefore have imagined why their inheritors could question the desirability of freedom, even if it meant freedom to misrule to themselves as we are regrettably doing today. Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa’s 1000 historic word-speech in 1960 indicated that Nigerians were “impatience” (his words) to seize liberty from the British, in the knowledge they would turn underdevelopment to development! In Balewa’s account, since 1958, “every Nigerian has been eagerly looking forward” to independence. Words according to him “… cannot adequately express my joy and pride at being the Nigerian citizen privileged to accept from Her Royal Highness these constitutional instruments which are the symbols of Nigeria’s independence”.

    It is commendable that the Federal Ministry of Education has re-introduced History into primary and secondary schools’ curricula. Simplified editions of Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972) and Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom must be made compulsory readings to capture them young and put an end to unhelpful frequently asked question.

    So far it is a mixed bag. Some progress but more in deficit! There are many challenges (in surplus!) with monumental corruption to match!  But I still nonetheless agree with Walter Rodney that the balance sheet of colonialism carried no ‘credits’ at all. Colonialism, Rodney wrote, had only one hand – ‘It was a one armed bandit’. Colonialist Lord Lugard built railway line from Lagos in 1896 to Kano in 1911, (a total of 711 miles within 15 years!) but with brutalized African slave labour. The objective was to foster the goal of exploitation of raw materials. Lord Lugard’s police force in 1949 Enugu massacred 22 coal miners for daring to demand for wage arrears, a tragic historic event which led to series of national protests that laid the basis for the struggle for independence. One hundred years of colonial campaign de-industrialized Nigeria, but five years of regional self-rule started the process of industrialization which made, in record time, Nigeria the third largest manufacturing of textile in 1980. There is no doubt whatsoever: we must celebrate independence and nationhood. The challenge is how to reinvent Nigeria and fulfil the promise of independence which is development.

    Which then raises another puzzle: who are the founding fathers of modern Nigeria? Better put who and who fought for independent Nigeria? Notable nationalists like Herbert Macaulay, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Tafawa Balewa, Aminu Kano Herbert legitimately captured imagination. And almost 60 years after, there is still some nostalgia for them. But so also there are almost forgotten millions of non-state patriotic actors who gallantly fought for independence and served Nigeria. Yes Nigeria and Ghana travelled a relatively peaceful road to independence compared to bloody armed struggles in countries like Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, and Namibia!  However, Nigeria’s independence in 1960 was preceded by mass resistance, strikes and protests with enormous sacrifices, by first generation of Nigerian work force, Nigerian women (Aba women resistance of 1929!), trade unionists and labour movement in general.

    High point of labour’s resistance was in 1941. Nigeria’s railway proletariat in National Union of Railwaymen, (NUR) led by Michael Imoudu, President and the union’s secretary, Mr Adenekan marched for over eight kilometres through the streets of Lagos to see the then governor, Sir Bernard Bourdillion. The protest over hourly pay instead of monthly pay led to major victories for the workers. Labour agitations included the 44 day strikes of 1945 led by the very labour Number One Michael Imoudu. These agitations linked the demand for better working conditions in particular with the demand for independence in general. Nationalists increased the noise level of the demands of the trade unions for independence, but the likes of Imoudu, Mrs  Olufunmilayo Ransome-Kuti and many anonymous others should not wait until 100 years of Nigeria to be honoured.

    It’s time Nigerian leaders resumed duties to mark Independence Day as in India, Pakistan, China or Ghana. Presidents and governors and legislators who literally declare holidays for weddings for their children must observe important national/ development days like October 1. Nigerians should reject the low key mentality of self-serving leaders and take the challenges of national development into their hands. Notwithstanding the current challenges, Nigeria and Nigerians have made some considerable progress in nation building especially in the areas of national unity and democratization! There are millions of stateless citizens in the world on account of failed states and collapsed nations. Following the brutal deposition of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya which got independence on December 24, 1951 had since disintegrated into some terror cells. Somalia got independence July 1, 1960; it has since become a failed state in spite of common faith, language and culture. Sudan got independence from both Egypt, and Britain on January 1, 1956, four years before Nigeria but after serial wars, broke into two. The new country, South Sudan, (54th independent country in Africa) with population of just 12,340,000 is a lamentable theatre of wars of attrition between same brothers, namely President Kiir and his former deputy Riek Machar, over who would be the President.

    I agree with President Buhari that the unity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is sacrosanct and settled in our constitution.  Unity of the federation is mentioned 31 times in 1999 constitution.  Chief Obafemi Awolowo had his frustrations with imperfect elections. But he kept faith to the end in the Nigerian project. He had thoughts about Nigerian constitution not “regional” constitutions. The burden is on President Muhammadu Buhari and other elected officials. The federal government must revisit the conclusions of 2014 conference as well as engage all aggrieved Nigerians with a view of rekindling collective commitment to national progress and bringing them from the red lines. Two decades and half after the June 12, 1993 annulment, many political lessons have been internalized.  One lesson learned is that regardless of their imperfections, elections must produce results. With five conclusive (some controversial!) presidential elections (1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015), Nigeria has commendably dammed the culture of impunity and annulment. Democracy is not about enthronement of a sinner or a saint. On the contrary, democracy offers opportunity for voters to freely choose out of candidates on offer. Voters can indeed foolishly make wrong choices, but same democratic process makes the voters to correct their folly and hopefully get it right. Nigeria like Ghana goes down as a country in which an incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan was democratically retrenched by voters last year after a term in office. Sadly with 45 political parties, the difference is not clear in terms of ideologies and programmes.  After being twice beaten to it by medically challenged presidential candidates elected as presidents, namely Musa Yar’Adua and Muhammadu Buhari, the hope is that Nigerians as voters would be rigorous in their assessment of the wellness of whoever volunteers to  govern them.

    With uninterrupted democratic process lasting 16 years, Nigeria and Nigerians have also made the point that there can be no regime change except through the ballot box.

    But again democracy must be “democratic” and allow for choices. The recent riots in several towns of Togo demanding term-limits to put an end to President Faure Gnassingbé’s 12 year rule shows that democracy is democratic only with new faces. President Gnassingbe in 2005 took over from his father Gnassingbe Eyadema who himself seized power in bloodless coup in 1967. Nigerian voters must not make kings out of their elected leaders. Nigeria almost by a spell has almost become a divisive polity with imaginary labels to legitimize national wealth sharing among the political elite. June 12, 1993 offers a lesson in inclusiveness and pan Nigerianism. We should improve on this and add pan Africanism and rescue our politics from insular “regional” and “religious” corrupt chieftains.

    Happy Independence Day to fellow compatriots.

     

    • Aremu mni, is Member National Institute, Kuru, Jos.
  • IPOB and duplicity of failed empires

    The secessionist insurrection of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) took a dramatic turn in the week ended Saturday, September 23, during which the secessionist group was proscribed and its erstwhile boastful leader, Nnamdi Kanu, took to his heels when confronted with fired up soldiers. Reminds you of Biafra 1 – Emeka Odimegwu Ojukwu – who also went on the lam when federal troops closed in on him back in January 1970?  At least, Ojukwu walked the talk of war, but this wet pants peed on only hearing the sound of guns! So much for the empty braggadocio. Also during the week, there was an international angle to the secessionist agitation as the federal government decided to name two countries – Britain and France – as collaborators in IPOB’s partitioning agenda.

    Minister of Information, Culture and Tourism, Lai Mohammed, told the nation on Wednesday, September 20, how Britain and France have been tacitly complicit with IPOB in its destabilization of Nigeria.  Britain, stated the minister, continues to tolerate Radio Biafra’s hate and incendiary broadcasts from London while France is said to be the financial clearing house of IPOB from where funds flow to the secessionist group. The minister had asserted: “Let me tell you, the financial headquarters (of IPOB) is in France, we know” and also posed a rhetorical question: “Who does not know that IPOB internal radio is located in London?”

    Mohammed explained how Britain had been frustrating Nigeria’s diplomatic efforts with the British authorities to shut down the pirate radio station only to be given the nebulous excuse of freedom of expression. He had wondered: “If we have a person in Nigeria openly soliciting arms to come and fight in the UK, what would you think of it.  Would you consider that freedom of expression? “. The minister implied that the two countries have been engaged in semantics or what I would call diplomatic jousting. Minister Mohammed spoke of “knotty diplomatic issues which you need to skip” only to add in a double talk “I don’t want any diplomatic row”. Of course, the minister knew the charges against the two countries would spark diplomatic skirmishes, perhaps low level, for now.

    Well, these are trying times in Nigeria and nationalist fervour demands that the country must be ready to ruffle some diplomatic nests in defence of the sanctity of her territorial integrity and sovereignty. There is reciprocity in diplomatic relations. We need to remember that Britain and France have played ignoble roles in the international arena in recent times under the self-serving subterfuge called ‘International Community’. Britain followed the United States to declare war on Iraq on the lie that Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein, had ‘weapons of mass destruction’ which must be neutralized. They ended up destroying that country and got its president hanged, as a rub in. Yet, Tony Blair, the then British Prime Minister, who stridently orchestrated Gulf War 11 could still face the world and declare that he had no apology for the destruction of Iraq, a country that has not known peace since. Such brazenness! Such denial of criminal culpability by a British Prime Minister who had made a past time of pillorying President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe whose main offence was winning re-elections in his country. Apparently, Blair, with imperialist hang-over, wanted a regime change in Zimbabwe but met more than his match in President Mugabe, who once derisively called him Tony b-Liar.  The old Zimbabwean war horse was right, Tony Blair lied on Iraq. So, if Britain condoned the Iraqi war, why is the Nigerian government peeved by the British High Commission’s statement condoning Radio Biafra’s hate and inciting broadcasts on the puerile doctrine of freedom of expression? The same Britain that shut down the internet when youths went on rampage in London on the excuse that they were using it to network and mobilize others for the riot. Talk of diplomatic duplicity or double standard. The immediate past British Prime Minister, chubby boy, David Cameron, in an expansive mood, once described Nigeria as a fantastically corrupt country, another brazenness from a country that is fantastically a receiver of stolen funds, being the financial capital of the world, both legitimate and illicit. Well, it was good riddance, as the political gambler fantastically lost the Brexit vote that saw to his exit from 10, Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s official residence.

    As for France, it supported Biafra 1 and facilitated Emeka Ojukwu’s exile in Ivory Coast, her satellite nation, so, it should be no surprise that it is the financial clearing house for IPOB, the leading agent for Biafra 11. France was indicted in the Rwanda Genocide of 1994, in which an estimated 800,000 Tutsis lost their lives, for being complicit with the then Hutu-led government. France also led the Western onslaught on Libya that saw the killing of Libyan leader, Muamar Gaddafi. In 2011, France, brazenly thwarted the will of the Ivorian people, when under the cover of ‘International Community’ mandate, it provided military support for a candidate, Alassane Quattara, in Cote D’Ivoire’s disputed presidential election conflict to capture a sitting African President, Laurent Gbagbo! Gbagbo had won the majority vote in the main election and was pronounced winner of the re-run election by the country’s Constitutional Court only for the UN Representative in Cote D’Ivoire to assume the role of electoral commission to declare Quattara as the winner! Sadly, Nigeria’s naïve President Goodluck Jonathan, as ECOWAS leader, had endorsed the UN envoy’s verdict, and consequent UN mandate, which accorded French military partisan involvement a dubious legitimacy. Cote D’Ivoire is France’s milking cow, a situation President Gbagbo had ended, so the empire struck back. With Quattara, who is married to a French woman, in charge, France has returned to gravy train in Cote D’Ivoire while President Gbagbo languishes in detention at The Hague facing criminal charges at the International Court of Justice. The West sent Gbagbo to jail for a domestic conflict arising from an election dispute, but Tony Blair still struts around, a free man. Talk of the hypocrisy of the ‘International Community’!

    Nigeria’s political leadership should be under no illusion about any affectionate love from Britain or France, and, by extension, western countries. Britain and France are yesterday’s countries, over whose empires the sun has set, now playing a fickle third fiddle in international power relations and  struggling for residual relevance in Africa. Nigeria, on the other hand, is a country of the future with great potentials which some vested interests may not want manifested being a threat to their hegemonic hold. You see, no country in Europe has Nigeria’s landmass, natural resources or population. According to worldometers.info (2017) the combined population of Britain (66.2 million) and France (64.9 million) is 131.1 million compared to Nigeria’s 192.06 million while the combined landmass of Britain and France is 789,487 sq km as against Nigeria’s 910,770 sq km. Given these endowments plus high calibre human capital, the prospects of Nigeria as the great Black Hope is bright.  We can now begin to understand why many countries would have dubious designs on Nigeria and would not be averse to its disintegration.

     

    • Dr. Olawunmi is Senior Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Bowen University, Iwo, Osun State.
  • Ambode: A quiet but virtuoso performance

    In his 27 years as a civil servant in Lagos State, Akinwunmi Ambode was a quiet, solid achiever of immense gifts and remarkable ethos. With a bachelor’s and master’s in Accounting, he was focused early enough to start his working career from the modest position of Assistant Treasurer, Badagry Local Government in 1988. Nearly three decades later, and after a number of courses within and outside the country, the brilliant and hardworking civil servant had risen to the position of a Permanent Secretary and Accountant-General, even holding both positions at a time. His accomplishments were staggering; but what was even more astonishing was the quiet manner he rose through the ranks and left a lasting impact.

    It was, therefore, not surprising that less than three years after he voluntarily retired from the civil service, and with the same quiet dignity and self-effacement that have become his hallmarks, Ambode, 54, was back in government, this time at the highest level in Lagos State as its third fourth Republic elected governor. It is not certain, despite his hard work and accomplishments, whether he thought that amazing political trajectory possible. It is not even clear, though he has great mentors, whether a year before he assumed office as governor, anyone thought to make a political gladiator of the self-effacing financial and administrative manager.

    Thirty years after he first signed up to work for the Lagos State government, through which he rose to be a consummate civil servant and adept financial manager, Ambode had become governor in extraordinary circumstances. He was indisputably sound as an auditor and accountant, even a chartered accountant, but not many, including perhaps some who voted for him in 2015 on trust, were absolutely convinced that the seemingly quiet and unpretentious financial expert and latter-day politician could muster the élan and charisma to lead the boisterous coastal state which recently celebrated its 50 years of founding. Ambode had come highly recommended by a past governor, the pacesetting iconoclast, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And having excelled in school, he had acquired the character of showing grit, determination and uncommon brilliance. But he did not seem a natural politician, not to talk of being a lawyer and career rabble-rouser – these were the sort of people believed capable of succeeding as administrators and politicians. Ambode was different, confidently and quietly so.

    But he was not the usual politician Lagosians had grown accustomed to over the decades. Indeed, shortly after he was sworn into office, the most populous state in Nigeria seemed to experience some stasis, unable to respond to the new governor’s novel methods.

    But less than two remarkable and astounding years later, after Ambode had executed dozens and dozens of quality and, in some instances, expansive projects one after another, it was as if the state had been waiting for him all along with bated breath. Both Ambode and Lagos were made for each other, after all. He has not yet forsworn his self-confident disposition, yet his achievements have both been recognized and lauded, often very loudly, as if to compensate for his quietude.

    Charisma is not usually associated with quiet detachment; but in the case of Ambode, his achievements have illustrated his sometimes impalpable charisma. And as every analyst knows, it is indeed possible to possess charisma without a corresponding or even ethical demonstration of progress. Ambode defies stereotypes and confounds propositions by his relentless and ironically charismatic accomplishments.

    Far beyond the number and quality of Ambode’s monumental projects is the scientism of his methods, the integrated network of projects and programmes that blend with one another and create a seamless, impactful whole. Whether road projects or school and health facilities, or whether security or human development programmes, Ambode’s strides in two years possess at once a certain abstractness and concreteness. Abstractness because many of the projects seem enviably and reassuringly futuristic; and concreteness because they are of practical and immediate use as tools for revving up development and raising living standards.

    It would be flattering to suggest that Lagos has a perfect cabinet. It probably doesn’t. However, given the achievements recorded in the past two years, and the peace and cooperation abiding in the cabinet, they are a reflection of the cerebral quality of the governor and his leadership skills as well as an indication that he has a critical mass of commissioners and heads of agencies to help him transform theory into practice. Importantly too, as is the nature of politics generally, the remarkable progress Lagos has made under Ambode reflects excellently on his interpersonal relations and financial management skills.

    No matter how brilliant a cabinet, if the leader is not equally or better endowed, there would be no one to set the pace and direction. If Lagos is presenting itself as an example for other states and attracting attention from within and outside the African continent, it is an indication that a vision is in place and is being remolded and refined, and a leader possessing character and confidence is also running the show.

    What is most remarkable about the solid and frenzied pace of development in Lagos today is its spread, both spatially and intrinsically. Spatially, projects are sited in concentric circles in all the senatorial districts of the state constituencies, and wards. And in one way or the other there is an engaging interconnectedness in nearly all the projects so that they can integrate forward and backward and hum synergetically to make life liveable in the Lagos megacity. Intrinsically, ongoing projects include roads, bridges, hospitals, security, apparatuses and many legacy monuments. The Epe axis is being opened up grandly.

    Alimosho axis is being transformed into a behemoth, Oshodi is on the way to experiencing one of the most modern renewals ever, Lekki is enjoying a very thoughtful design makeover, and a new security architecture called neighbourhood security watch is already assembled. All these renewals and re-engineering have been made possible because they were predicated on a masterful re-engineering of the state’s financial infrastructure.

    It is perhaps fitting that Ambode is in the saddle as the state marks 50, having been created in May 1967. He is fortunate to have predecessors like Asiwaju Tinubu who laid the foundation, and Babatunde Raji Fashola who built on that foundation. Ambode has placed himself appropriately to build on the works of his predecessors, and to take the megacity project to dizzying heights. As a former civil servant, he knows how to drive the civil service and get the best out of it. As a career financial manager, he has reorganized the state’s finances and put it on an even keel to make it work for the state. As a thinker and scholar, he has designed practical and engaging ways to get things done and make the state and himself respond adequately like a scientist to the challenges of statehood. And like a deep thinker, he has primed himself, standing on the shoulders of his predecessors, to envision an incredibly expansive, surefooted and glorious future for Lagos.

    That Ambode is able to achieve these great strides without the accompanying and distractive noisemaking politicians are so often and clearly besotted to is a testimony to his idiosyncratic resolve to leave a mark and legacy in Lagos.  He is just half way into his first term. By the end of the first term, and at the rate he is going, not to say the fluidity of his rhythm, he is expected to accomplish so much more, even as many of the legacy projects begun months back start to manifest in all their splendour. Lekki Expressway has been transformed, including a flyover at Ajah.  Epe-Itoikin Expressway is nearing completion, and the Abule-Egba flyover has been delivered. A number of other flyovers are in the works. More than 600km of roads have been rehabilitated or reconstructed. So too, have bridges been built. What is even more impressive is that it takes a very self-confident politician who will be facing re-election in less than two years to eschew the self-promotion and narcissism many politicians and governors are obsessed with.

    Under Ambode, Lagos is permanently in the works, aggressively and thoughtfully. Sometimes, all it takes is a lay-by of not more than half a football field in Oworonshoki or Ketu. But it does wonders for traffic flow. Sometimes, all it needs is erasure of roundabouts, and traffic gridlock is eliminated. The beauty of the Ambode revolution coursing through the state’s sinews is that brain works, after all, and reflectiveness can go a long way in ameliorating the problems of a community. Today, there is no contention about Ambode’s capacity to govern exceptionally well. If the sometimes querulous leader of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Lagos, Bode George, could give Ambode not only a pass mark, but an excellent mark, all that the governor needs is to sustain his performance and probably better it in order to pass safely into the legend of Lagos where only a few past governors reside. Imagine the poetry implicit in a quiet governor undertaking a quiet but unmistakable revolution. It is called virtuoso!

    The clincher for many Lagosians and South-Westerners is that, far beyond working wonders in Lagos State, Governor Ambode is also deeply thoughtful, philosophical and ideologically expansive. His pursuit of regionalization, where his predecessors had been fairly isolationist, speaks to his mindset as a true and well-bred son of the soil. He did not wait to be persuaded; and did not ask to be wooed. His instincts told him regionalism was right and did not detract from the state’s independence nor violated the constitution, nor yet flouted the unity and integrity of the nation. More importantly, he selflessly prepared his mind to put the vibrant economy of Lagos at the service of the region, knowing full well that the strength of his people and their security depend on the collective prosperity of the region. No sooner was he sworn in than he asked to be integrated into the Oodua Group, and its think-tank arm – the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) Commission.

    There is no telling what six more years of Ambode will do for Lagos and the South-West. He has started well, worked well, thought well and from all indications, will finish well. The energy he brings to the job, and the organized and orchestrated ideas that undergird his stewardship, not to say the soundness of his vision, will ensure that the projects he has committed himself to, whether Lagos Smart City, Fourth Mainland Bridge, Dubainisation of Alimosho, renewal of Ikeja Business District and the rapid metamorphosis of the Lekki Axis, among other great developments, will permanently change the landscape of Lagos.

    The tender and tough amiability of Governor Ambode is powerful. The extraordinary elements intrinsic to his glorious élan infused the future of Lagos State Government with great promise, and her present with the illumination of commanding graces. But it is his splendid gravitas that sparked simple things as street lights to sparkle, brighten and pulsate, inviting tourist and tempting global investors.

    Every dimension of life in Lagos State is now joyous and anchored to the ardour and glamour of internationalist cordiality of vibrant cultures that enliven refreshing and perpetual hope. The peoples of Lagos State, assuredly, tender to the hugely cerebral Governor Akinwunmi Ambode immeasurable gratitude for his steady, magnetic and winning leadership skills, and his delightful brilliance that has invigorated us all with joy and magnified the global stature of our precious homeland.

     

    • Dr. Adewale Adeeyo is an Officer of The Order of Niger, Publisher and member, Governing Council, Adeleke University, Ede, Osun State
  • Independence now.. is a place in the political space

    I honestly believe that on a level plane, the richest man and woman would be you and I. But we are forced to spend fortune on efficiencies.

    Happy 57th Independence anniversary. Congratulations to Akwa Ibom and Katsina States, they turned 30 last week. And 6 states have their 21st anniversary on this very day too. Nigeria, unlike India for instance, has seen double independence, first from the colonial government and then from decades of military rule.

    Makes me wonder today, in the past 18 years of democracy, and then the preceding years, what was it like, for someone like me?

    Well, for one thing, a coup for me meant Change of Government. To everyone else around it meant panic confusion, fear and insecurity – yes there was all that I admit, but for me it was pure, exciting change of government. Someone on seat forever seemed a no-no, therefore government was supposed to be periodically ‘changed’!

    And so I have never understood the concept of executing the coup plotters by the incumbent. For heaven’s sake, why? You, who hold the position got there yourself by your coup, so if it is treasonable – simply kill yourself! For me, victory is its best revenge. So if say I was a military head of state and the editor of this paper say organized a coup against me (!) There would be only 2 outcomes – he wins and there is a change of government or he loses –my staying power is my success

    I guess this is because never witnessed a bloody comp. Maybe that’s why I don’t really see coups as dreadful events!

    I do recall though that there was one ‘change of government’ and it brought such heightened fears that workers staged home for some time. I saw how animals in the 300 suffered terrible hunger, starvation, to the extent that they did unthinkable things just to have something to eat, in captivity.

    I remember asking everyone to please help the animals. That was horrid, and it is a thing I can never forget. Well, my senior colleagues tell tales of army boots stomping into radio stations during coups, heavily armed and all. I have heard of one man who was marched into a live studio and, with a gun held to his head, was made to read the announcement of the Change of Government of the time!

    There are cases of soldiers storming media houses, assaulting and arresting journalists and raiding offices. This is on, even right now. Dangerous job we do, I know.

    I’ve lived all my life hearing certain catch phrases that will always stay with me. In my consciousness, they are associated with ‘government’ they are almost exclusively ‘government words! These phrases were formerly big-big grammar to me as a child.

    Like ‘diversifying the economy’. Those are possibly the first big words I ever learnt. Hollow, trite and bandied from administration; from military to civilian – up UNTIL Now!

    Indeed, I give credit to the Buhari administration here, I can actually see some demonstration of the tangible steps being takrn  to diversify the economy, and get agriculture back up, to some level. And the boldness of President Buhari to remove Nigeria from the fuel subsidy regime, for me is a sublime achievement. The scams therein made David Cameron call us as a nation ‘fantastically corrupt’. Recall the grandstanding of former President Obasanjo. His speeches were filled with familiar platitudes about transparency whereas he abetted the grand fuel subsidy whirlpool (of intrigues). Even today, we are still coming to terms with the reality of all these Deziani Revelations.

    Before, NEPA had not really always been there, and the taps would run dry of a time. But certainly never like this!!  it is so rough now; basic provisions are not made, the government sees it as a big deal, a favour bestowed, not as a fundamental responsibility. But even the ancient Romans had water systems!

    A friend told me once that at a certain time while in University, the taps didn’t run for 2 days. The students marched to the lodge of the military governor who came out, heard the complaint and assured them of remedy. In a few hours the taps were running – and never went dry again until he left office!

    Well, my first glimpse of democracy was of our Mum having to buy jerry cans and then drums for water storage. We NEVER had ANY of those houses before 1999. Also, as the taps dried, so also did power which in the first instance, and was not perfectly constant.

    By the 2000’s – Millenium Development Goals and all – we started using generators (plural) in the house. Electric power DRIED up COMPLETELY! We were left in complete darkness. Blackout. Around the late nineties period too, the ‘UP-NEPA’ generation of Nigerians were born. They have been forced to morph into – Mummy can we have Gen (Generator) kids – it is a serious thing.

    Let me quote here, the words of Muhammad Shitu, Chairman, Senate Committee on Water Resources, ‘The greatest thing that worries me in our present Nigeria is water and sanitation’.

    When one sees, state by state, the amount of money shared out for almost 20 years now: for there to be NO WATER in the taps is indefensible. You don’t even go to the federal level where there is a ministry of water resources AND a national council on water resources. Oh yes, tomorrow will be declared a public holiday to ‘mark’ today’s celebration – I have issues with all celebrations: When is there going to be a day of realization?

    Makes it look like there were no more thinking men and women to bring about the greatness of Nigeria anymore. But there are. The naira has sunk to 520 to the dollar: We have the largest economy. We sank into recession. We are out of recession …

    Is There No Balm In Gilead!!

    I have been biting my lips in sadness at the drift. But I’m not throwing up my arms on and resigning to fate. What will happen is that in 2019 I will contest for public office. Yes I know, a well meaning person may want to educate me: The local government elections, state to state are zipped up by the sitting governors, along with the state electoral commissions SIECs. The governors and the presidency are essentially 2 term projects. The National Assembly? My friend Hon. Godwin Elumelu says it is run almost like a cult! (he means it in the fraternal sense). No, there is still space in the political space for some forward thinking people like me.

    Today you go on the internet oh, no network. How about your mobile phone? Bad service. Even after helping themselves to thousands of naira off your phone monthly stolen from you as you recharge. Probably, though you do have a lot of money. You have decided to go it on your own, your kids, like others go to school abroad. Did you know the world’s richest woman died last week? Well they thought that strikes me is that on a level plane, the richest man or woman would probably be you and I. But then we are forced to waste a fortune on our inefficiencies, providing individual power, water and sanitation in our environment.

    I feel like having a cup of tea and I go to fill the electric kettle, the simplest task in the world, you would reckon. I go to the tap where it takes half a lifetime for the water to lazily come out, at the most reduced pressure possible: the time I waste just getting water for a cup of tea I could have spent far more productively – writing these Princess’ Files!

    It occurred to me once time that it had been a pretty long time since I had last seen a former secretary to government, SSG that I know. I took out time one weekend to go see her. I met her in good health but on high alert; shortly I had to accompany her to the bank. Her bank manager had called her on a Saturday mid-morning to get her some foreign exchange outstanding for her son’s school fees abroad. Her money, yes BUT NO ACCESS.

    So it’s not about having money –it’s about the quality of YOUR life. How can anyone want to spend another long independence day at home in darkness, burning resources on power generation, pumping water and paying for food and supplies at ridiculously high process which shouldn’t be the case.

    I know I am not wrong to believe I can make it better for you and I. With few exceptions, governments through the times have been neither responsive nor responsible.

     

    • But I can take responsibility.

     

    07055547031 sms/whatsapp

  • Celebrating Gboyega Oyetola @63

    The unassuming and easy going posture of the Iragbiji-born politician is among the first noticeable attributes any close ally of the amiable Chief of Staff to the Governor of the State of Osun, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola, will always be amazed by. He is near a perfectionist in words, conduct, appearance and actions. Indeed, a man of very few words but astonishingly cerebral, technically and administratively equipped with needed information and applied knowledge on the skills and mastery of creative and inventive governance of this computer age.

    The innate instinct and intellectual sagacity cannot be accidental, as it is a culture of dedication, commitment and expertise acquired in the last four decades of meritorious practice, diligence and successful career from the days of very little but brave and inspiring beginning as an assistant manager at Leadway Assurance, one of the frontliners and household names in Nigeria‘s insurance world. His rise and elevation to the rank of area manager of the Lagos control office didn’t come as a surprise to many, as accomplished goals beget royalty. He is a natural goal-getter. He has a broad mind; always with a large vision to work and walk his dreams into reality in executing set targets effortlessly. This practice has produced countless results both in the private and public life as a dutiful and industrious professional.

    After many successful stints and Midas touch of excellence for the University of Lagos 1978 Insurance graduate with many growing multinationals like Crusade Insurance, Corporate Alliance Insurance etc, the fellow of the London Chartered Insurance Institute and member of Nigerian Institute of Management NIM ventured into the entrepreneurial world with the establishment of Silvertrust Insurance Brokers, a moving and forward-looking firm with verifiable success stories, spanning thirty years. The courageous rising trend of the Boripe local government technocrat with Silvertrust enlisted him as a board member of many blue-chip companies which include Paragon group of companies, a shareholding conglomerate with vested interest in the oil and gas, real estate and stock broking where he served meritoriously as the executive vice chairman.

    Oyetola is a man of many fruitful parts, as the former Osun State governor and past All Progressives Congress (APC) national chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, once described him as a modest, an unassuming gentleman, a business motivator and driver of government laudable policies who has dealt very fairly in all his dealings with the people and state of Osun government. The Jagaban of Borgu Kingdom, the Governor Emeritus and one of the Africa‘s strongest and finest political giants, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on many occasions has emphasised the embodiment of progressive visions which make leadership position a cultivating room for ideas, and this he said he has seen Gboyega Oyetola displayed, as his prime idea in democratic governance is accurately transparent and have delivered the tangibles to the benefits of Osun people. His words: “He is very trustworthy, astute and has the potential to accurately assess complex situations and turn them into advantage for the benefit of the teeming populace.”

    Another good constructor of words wrote a few years ago: “In a society which is highly deficient in availability of men of goodwill, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola stands out as a gem of inestimable value to the downtrodden and the less privileged.” These are the indelible words of the Osun State Head of Service, Sunday Owoeye.

    At 63, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola has demonstrated uncommon patriotism, untainted integrity and passionate commitment to the wheel of progressive governance in the state of Osun. He has served and is still serving actively to the philosophy and ideals of democratic tenets and principles towards ensuring that the greatest good in terms of deliverables and dividends of democracy is centred around the people to the service of the human race. He is an enigma whose intellectual wizardry is equally legendary. Birthday wishes, our wonderful Oga!

    Igba Odun , Odun kan, Sir

    Omowaiye lives in Osogbo

     

  • Time to roll up our sleeves

    One of the things I love doing is driving through the streets and towns of Ekiti State. It was a dream when I was a boy with no hope of ever getting behind the wheels of a car. It’s a hobby now that I am an adult.

    I love to drive as the soft morning breeze wafts through the air. Ekiti is a small state blessed with green vegetation. The morning air is pure and does wonders to the soul. Our elders used to say if you listen well, you could hear the voice of the angels whistling through the winds.

    You can drive the length and breadth of my beloved State in an hour. If you’re an indigene or a resident of the state or someone who has had the good fortune of visiting with us, you will know what I mean. You think better driving the length and breath of the state as the sun rises over those glorious hills and mountains. Our towns have different names, from Omuo to Efon, from Emure to Iye but we are one.

    I enjoy the easy banter with folks in the towns and villages. Our people are welcoming and prosperous. All they need is a chance, an opportunity. It takes me back to a time not too long ago, a time when boys could dream of bright futures and girls shaped their destinies.

    I am a poster child for what is possible in Ekiti. I was born with little. Try hard as my parents did, we couldn’t afford much. But, we had something money couldn’t buy. We had hope. And, it wasn’t just me. It was most of the kids I know on the streets and in school. We knew if we kept good grades, we will keep moving forward.

    But, those days are long gone. These days, driving through the streets is not the joy it once was. You have to cut through the cloud of gloom and doom that hangs over the state. Then you have to deal with the hopelessness etched across the faces of the children, youth and elders.

    This is not the Ekiti of my youth. It is not the Ekiti of my dreams. And, we don’t deserve to live in this Ekiti fostered by a man who forgot the spirit of brotherhood that moved the state to the cusp of greatness before the vultures came.

    The future of any society lies in its children and youth. Sometimes I wonder what sort of future we are leaving to them. Our fathers laid a great foundation for us to build a better future. That future is today. But, has our leadership in Ekiti laid a good foundation for the children and youth of today? Can the emperor really say he’s leaving the leaders of tomorrow a fair legacy?

    I talk to a lot of the youth. A lot of times they seek me out – all over Ekiti and outside the state. I get tons of emails from many outside the country. Sometimes I seek them out. And they all have two questions – how did we get here? How do we get away from here?

    How do you sow hope in the midst of crushing bleakness? How do you tell a child to hold on a while longer and that better days are coming? How do you convince the youth that there’s something at the end of the dark tunnel and it’s not the brainless insanity of the last few years?

    It’s tough to preach hope when the emperor who specializes in doom snatches opportunities provided to the youth and children and dump them in his basket of failures. Take the case of the Home Grown School Feeding Programme of the federal government for example. This was a no-brainer. The federal government had designed the programme to encourage kids to go to school by providing them a free meal, nourish them and improve their performance. It was designed to increase school enrollment and encourage local farmers to go back to farm and increase food production.

    Our kids in Ekiti were denied that opportunity until I started screaming for all to hear. I had to challenge the Governor in the presence of the Vice President about it for reason to sink into him. And, it’s not just our children that were losing out. The entire state was. We have lost dozens of months where our farmers could have earned income providing the food for the children, our caterer could have been employed cooking the food and the lives of the people would have been tremendously better.

    I often wondered what would have happened if I was born into this age of gloom, when the only thing that seems waiting at the end of the tunnel is doom. These kids know leaders who are everything but leaders. I knew leaders who were men and women of honour. Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Pa Adekunle Ajasin. Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti. Professors Banji Akintoye and Sam Aluko. Ewi Aladesanmi Anirare. Lady Deborah Jibowu.

    These kids these days have not been that lucky, especially in the last few years. So, when some kids came to me the other day lamenting our great State and the future, how they love the State but don’t like the way it’s been dragged through the mud, how they’re tired of being the laughing stock of the nation, my heart bled for the State. But, that wasn’t all of it. One of the kids asked me, what would I tell the children of Ekiti. How can I convince the youth that tomorrow will be better? It was a question that gnawed at my soul. These are kids who just want their state and their leadership to do right by them. They don’t want too much. They just want to be able to live in a land of opportunity because they know when there is hope, with their sweat and determination they will create plenty.

    I told them what my father once told me. That when all the chips are down, it’s time to roll up your sleeves and go to work. I am rolling up my sleeves and getting ready to go to work. With our sweat and determination we will make Ekiti great again. I told them to spread the news – tell every kid in Ekiti it is time to roll up their sleeves and sing songs of freedom.

    Hope is coming to Ekiti.

    • Ojudu is Special Adviser, Political Affairs to the President.