The Nation Newspaper

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  • Of five percent and political stability

    If on current speculations are to be taken seriously, any moment from now we shall witness a cabinet reshuffle at the federal level. Given that not long ago, the acting President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo returned from consultations with President Muhammadu Buhari, it is possible that they would have agreed on the scope and details of the reshuffle. Even at that, in the light of the fact that Osinbajo had sworn in two new ministers without assigning them portfolios, it is obvious that the reshuffle will be done in the absence of the President. We therefore join other patriotic Nigerians in praying for the speedy recovery of the President so that he can return to full time duties at home.

    Well, a cabinet reshuffle is not a surefire panacea to the problems of the country. Yet, there is no doubt that re-jigging the cabinet can add new energy to the administration; it can lead to better deployment of human resources in which case round pegs are put in round holes; it can even lead to a cutting of cost if, for instance, reshuffling is accompanied with a reduction in the number of portfolios. Whatever the case, Nigerians expect that the government will be rejuvenated to give a new impetus to the implementation of the change agenda of the administration.

    In carrying out any reshuffle, it will be useful to highlight the imperative of a political re-engineering process that recognizes the need to douse the tension in the land and reassure those who feel excluded from the power matrix. Those who tend to dismiss the current political imbroglio as a façade that will soon fade away must learn from the currents of history. If the truth must be told, the seething angst in the land, the polarization of every facet of national life, with the attendant distractions, definitely undermines any collective effort at governance.

    Government is about solving problems; not ignoring or compounding them. Though it is not necessarily the ultimate panacea to the current agitation in the South-east, nothing will be lost if the government takes advantage of the reshuffle to address some of the genuine misgivings of the zone. For instance, as I have argued in the past, the position of Secretary to Government of the Federation (SGF) can be ceded to the South-east. I am not oblivious of the argument that the position ought to be reserved for the North-east since Babachar Lawal comes from the zone. But the same argument is defeated by the fact that we have not always gone that route. A good example is the case of the former Director General of the Pensions Commission, PENCOM, from the South-east who was replaced with a candidate from another geo-political zone. And that was done in complete contravention of the Act establishing PENCOM which specifies that in the event of the premature departure of the CEO, his/or her tenure would be completed by another candidate from the person’s zone.

    We can even stretch the argument further by looking at the federal character principle, the diversity management principle which often times calls on people from some zones to sacrifice merit so that others can be accommodated. A very good example of this is in the area of university admissions. It can be argued that just as some candidates with better JAMB results have to sacrifice their university places for candidates with poorer results from other zones, the North-east or any other zone for that matter can equally pass up a political position if, by so doing, we can advance the course of national stability and unity. After all, what is good for the goose is also good for the gander.

    To put the matter in perspective, it is important to recall that, at the first caucus meeting of the APC, the position of SGF was explicitly zoned to the South-east. The imperativeness of that decision became inevitable given that the failure by the party to produce a senator from the zone had robbed it of the position of Senate President which would have come to it by virtue of the party’s zoning arrangement.

    In this regard, the matter of political inclusion cannot be properly disposed of if politicians do not discard the nebulous and dubious argument over the level of support the President received in the South-east. Time and again, the performance of the President in the South-east in 2015, the celebrated “five percent” factor, has been stridently cited as the argument for denying the zone some strategic appointments. What exponents of this argument have failed to realize is that President Buhari actually won the 2015 elections because of what happened or did not happen in the South-east. Let us look at it this way: In 2011, the South-east gave President Goodluck Jonathan about five million votes, a feat it could not repeat or perform in 2015. If the zone had repeated the 2015 feat, it would have cancelled out the electoral armada that took place in the north in favour of then candidate Buhari thereby paving the way for Goodluck Jonathan’s re-election. After all, the vote difference with which Buhari rode into power was just about 2.4 million votes-the difference in margin is even lower than 2.5 million between South-east votes of 2011 and that of 2015 for President Jonathan leaving a difference of about 100, 000 votes in favour of the later.

    Now, even if we are to ignore the above points, we are still left to wonder whether the ruling All Progressives Party, APC, wants to position itself as a serious contender for electoral victory in the South-east come 2019. Or has the party given up on the zone? I am inclined to posit that the APC will be sending a dangerous signal to the South-east if it does not take advantage of any reshuffle to reassure the restive voters of the zone that they are still part of its calculations for electoral victory at future elections! That will be unfortunate indeed.

    Besides, such indiscretion will rob most Buhari die-hards and APC loyalists such as Minister of Science and Technology, Ogbonnaya Onu and Labour Minister Chris Ngige of much of the political capital they had acquired over the years. To put it starkly, it would be likened to a betrayal of sorts if immediate steps are not taken to redress what is seen as some imbalance in the present set up. The south-east zone argues, correctly, that it has not been properly represented in the top decision-making echelon of the administration. Take for instance the fact that such a large and important ethnic group does not head any of the security outfits in the country: the Army, Navy, Air Force; Police, Customs, Immigration, Civil Defence, Nigeria Intelligence Agency (NIA), etc, even if we were to allocate the positions by zone. Consider again that there is no former head of state from the zone on the Council of States. Yet these are fora or entities that determine the deployment of security agencies for elections and other strategic uses. Is it surprising therefore that agitation for inclusion is most strident from that zone?

    Luckily, the south east zone, like any other zone, has a surfeit of qualified candidates for the position of SGF. These include Ngige (Anambra), Onu (Ebonyi) and a number of others political heavyweights who have paid their dues and are ready to serve. However, given the political exigencies of the moment, it is my considered opinion that the incumbent minister of labour, Senator Chris Ngige, is the most suitable to be considered for the position of SGF. Though diminutive in size, he stands head and shoulders taller than any other person because of his disposition as an avowed nationalist and a dogged political realist whose commitment to Nigeria is unimpeachable. Besides, he is a team player with a track record of administrative, legislative and political exposure, qualities that equip him to serve as the clearing house of governmental administration at this critical watershed in the history of Nigeria.

    APC leaders had better make haste while the sun shines for 2019 is already here; it is no longer far away for that will be the year of reckoning of reckoning

    Agu, is former managing director/editor-in-chief of Champion Newspapers Limited.

  • Travails of federalism in Nigeria

    Travails of federalism in Nigeria

    With my recent sporadic media intervention on the warped form and character of federalism in Nigeria, I assumed I must have contributed to the ongoing polemic via-a-vis the imperatives of either political restructuring or secession as canvassed by the Biafrans.  However, when the babel of voices on the kismet of Nigeria’s federal arrangement now takes a very dangerous dimension, I am compelled to lend my voice again.  The snag is the idea that confederacy could safe Nigeria; whereas, in the contemporary work no country is organized along confederal structure.

    Tola Adeniyi, a respected columnist surprisingly exhumed the spirit of late Bisi Onabanjo (of blessed memory) by canvassing confederation.  The idea which was first muted by the former Governor of Ogun State in the Second Republic (1979-1983) was basically borne out of frustration with the system.  A polity that basically threw up the likes of the late Sage – Chief Obafemi Awolowo – but eventually installed Alhaji Sheu Shagari as President; could be described as not working.  Same system tolerated annulment of June 12, 1993 Presidential election result despite the fact that the election was a watershed in all ramifications.  The late business mogul got ‘sacrificed’ along the line.  That election marked shifting the ‘locale’ of power from the northern military oligarchy to civilians after decades of military junta holding sway. It was also a shift of power from the northern oligarchy           to the south and equally an election that removed the toga of ethnicity and religious chauvinism in Nigeria’s body politik; but with impunity discountenanced a credible election, such a system cannot be described as a working federal structure.

     In the words of Tola Adeniyi, the bane of Nigeria’s federal arrangement could be summarized thus “it was a marriage that was not canvassed, not negotiated not consented to that was the root, the father and mother of all the diseases that had plagued Nigeria since 1914”.  But this is absolutely reductionist. Between 1960 when Nigerian got flag independence till date, we ought as a country ought to have negotiated how we desire the ‘forced’ marriage to work.  Thus, it is imperative that we glaringly highlight the travails of the system for us to be able to recommend recipe.  This is the primary motive of this piece.

    To start with, the degree of loyalty to the constitution, particularly the sections relating to formal division of powers between and amongst tiers of government is important to federal stability.  In as much as federalism is basically a juristic concept, much of its success or failure would depend on the extent to which the central and constituent governments define their powers, territories and other provisions in the constitution.  Its therefore not significantly amazing that since 1954, new constitutions were drafted in quick successions with none satisfying the yearnings and aspirations of an average Nigerian as if the only panacea for federal stability is the constitution, whereas in the words of Alfa Belgore, an eminent jurist, “the elite are making terrible encroachment into the constitution, simply because of personal selfishness”.  Thus, any federal arrangement like Nigeria’s where the constitution is not taken as an upright and sacred document, which must be respected by all no matter how highly placed coupled with rare obedience to court verdicts, federalism definitely runs into troubled waters.

    Be that as it may, the concomitant effect of military rule in terms of over-centralization has bastardized the virtues of federalism in Nigeria.  What we have is more of a unitary system than federalism! One can easily recall that with 1954 constitution, Nigeria began with a formal federal structure that was decentralized to accommodate the diverse ethnic groups.  For instance, each of the constituent federating units, known then as regions, operated its own regional constitution, police, civil service and judiciary. Each region even had a separate coat of arms and motto, distinct from those of the federation. Sadly, with the coming of the military, along with the command structure of the military, federal government acquired more powers to the detriment of the federating units. The first military putsch in 1966 abolished regional police. The federal military government went ahead taking over assets owned by the state or group of states like television stations, stadia and newspapers, thereby strengthening the federal government at the expense of the states in terms of asset ownership. This made the contest for political power at the federal level a lot more intense among the federating units, and it laid the foundation for many years of crisis of instability. Many other actions taken by the military junta no doubt exacerbated this emerging trend.

    Nevertheless, the problematic nature of Nigeria’s citizenship is one other travail of Nigeria’s federalism which has in no small measure undermined the efficacy of the federal structure. Unlike India where there is no dual citizenship, in which case there is only one citizenship, and where the concept of a state citizen does not exist, on the other hand in Nigeria to be employed outside one’s ethnic base at state level is really a big ‘risk’ in the sense that such a person would bear the burden of a non-indigene. Indeed, there is a conscious notion of my state ‘or’ my home which affects every Nigerian who lives outside his/her state of origin and makes him/her go home to marry a wife, build a house or to vote. Even the dead are rarely buried outside their states of origin. The implication of this is that citizens’ allegiance to the federation is truncated because of the state’s preferential treatment of its citizens. A system whereby the country cannot effectively tackle the problem of citizenship negates the tenets of federalism. Harold Laski’s view is apt here “a state must give to men their dues as men before it can demand at least with justice, their loyalty”.

    Another absurdity of federalism in this clime is structural imbalance. According to J.S. Mill’s law of federal stability “a federation is morbid if one part is bigger than the sum of the other parts”. It is not surprising therefore that Nigeria’s convoluting federal structure is indeed morbid. For analytical simplicity, in terms of land mass, the Northern region then had 71.0%, Eastern Region 8.3%, Western Region 8.5% and the Mid-Western region 4.6%. Thus, for the three Southern regions, the federal structure as constituted before state creations made it virtually impossible for the South to control political power at the centre, given the ethno-regional politics of the country without power ‘concession’ from the North! The South feared Northern political domination by population and land mass, while the North was equally afraid of the Southern edge in modern skills and western education. In such situation of asymmetric ethnic relationships, the federal arrangement can hardly be stable except with imbued virtues of justice, equity and fairness. If anything, the greatest travail of Nigerian federalism is the problem of asymmetric power relationship between and among disparate component units of the federation. The federation is rife with mutual accusations and counter accusations of domination and marginalization.

    In a perceptive piece decades ago, John A. Ayoade, an emeritus professor of Political Science and an eminent student of federalism noted that another absurdity of federalism in Nigeria is religious bias which has proved to be another form of poor power distribution in Nigeria. Despite informal mode of power sharing where if the chief executive is a moslem, the vice or deputy is a Christian, but in the Second Republic (1979-1983) “country-wide moslems obtained about 70% of all executive and board positions”. This trend of insensitivity to federal character principle cum religious bigotry has robbed the federation of the needed sense of justice and equity for federal stability.

    Perhaps the most potent and relevant to the Nigerian situation now is the inability of the polity to manage natural resources in a way that could enhance equity and development. Natural resources that ought to be a blessing, with warped fiscal structure, it has become a curse. The real problem in this wise is that of internal colonialism vis-à-vis resource management which permits the general expropriation of economic resources by the dominant group, their control of access to education and technological resources, cum their denigration of the culture of the subordinating section. When this is done as it is in Africa, federalism runs into problem and stress. It is not surprising therefore that only Nigeria retains the semblance of federalism in Africa even as bastardised as it is.

    Conclusively, a consideration of the aforementioned travails of federalism in Nigeria no doubt should assist policy makers in thinking outside the box so that the fragile federal arrangement does not completely disintegrate. To rescue the system from drifting toward collapse, a quick review of the previous confab reports may be more appropriate.

    • Dr. Ojo is an Associate Professor of Comparative Politics, UNILORIN and currently serving as Chief of Staff to the Governor of Oyo State.

  • Tackling the “Badoo” syndrome in Ikorodu

    The Badoo group, a gang of rapists, perceived ritualists and murderers, has not only attracted the attention of Lagosians but also concerned Nigerians like myself. This is because, for two years running, the activities of this group have not only continued in Ikorodu, but have also left the government, residents and the civil society without any clue of the suspects’ motivation(s) for their operations. Irrespective of the reasons for the operation of this dangerous group, their operation is inimical to social order and the development of the “Central of Excellence” state.

    According to reports, the barbarous acts of this sect are threefold: their major aim is to kill, but they rape and wipe the sex organ of their female victims with white handkerchief, irrespective of their age. These have not only left residents of Ikorodu helpless, but have also made them live in fear, with several others fleeing and abandoning their property and homes for safety elsewhere. As it stands, one can say that Lagos State, specifically Ikorodu, now has internally displaced people following the deadly operations of the “Badoo” group.

    The murderous acts of this group were initially felt by residents of Ibeshe area of Ikorodu local government. However, their devilish activities seem to be rapidly spreading. The killing and raping of six persons including a two-year-old baby in Gberigbe community; the killing of family of four after raping mother and two daughters to death in Adamo community; and the killing and raping of a family of three in Imota community are a few of the attacks spearheaded by this group. Also, the activity of this faceless group has spread to communities like Agbowa, Isiu and Itamaga within the first quarter of 2017.

    In addition, the recent operation by this hellish group is the killing of a family of four amongst which a pregnant woman was raped in Erunwen area of Ikorodu. As if this was not enough, they reportedly took the foetus of this woman along with them. These ferocious operations are unacceptable. As a result, urgent precautions are needed to curb the activities of these cult members.

    The police have continued to hunt for the members of this cult. However, it seems police and other security agents are far from achieving the needed result of putting a stop to the menace. Specifically, the police are yet to arrest and prosecute any member of this gang even in the face of increasing cases of the “Badoo” attacks. Hence, how this traditionally murderous group overwhelms the intelligence and technical know-how of the police remains a conundrum.

    To curb this social problem, there is a need for the state government, traditional rulers, landlords and residents to embrace community-oriented policing. Specifically, there is a need for a security initiative that focuses on police building ties and working closely with members of the communities. To corroborate the aforementioned, traditional security personnel’s such as the Oduduwa People’s Congress (OPC) and the Ikorodu security initiative referred to as “Onyabo”, a Yoruba traditional security group that restored peace and sanity in Ikorodu during intense cultist clashes, are to be deployed to communities across the Ikorodu local government.

    Also, residents should be vigilant and raise the alarm when a stranger is perceived to be embarking on clandestine surveillance during the day to identify target-houses. Lastly, residents are advised to apply basic security precautions such as locking their doors properly, affixing burglaries to their windows and other strategic places in their households and to affix a household siren/alarm which informs security personnel and residents who can in one way or the other come to their rescue.

    • Adewusi Adedeji is a sociologist. He wrote through adewusi4usccess@yahoo.co.uk

  • Oslo and the North-East reconstruction

    THE world converged in Oslo on 24th February 2017 in solidarity with the people of the Northeast of Nigeria and the Lake Chad Basin region who were, until recently, under the threat of Boko Haram annihilation. The conveners of the Oslo meeting, who put the figure of Nigerians living in the affected areas as no fewer than 26 million, underscored the gravity of the situation. According to their report, “The Humanitarian Response Plans identify 10.7 million people in need of life-saving assistance in the most affected areas in Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. Over 7 million people are struggling with food security, with children representing a majority of those in need. About 2.3 million people are displaced, a number that has tripled over the last two years”. Boko Haram is estimated to have killed more than 20,000 persons but the unofficial number is much higher. Also, this number doesn’t include those killed by security agencies and BH in unidentified mass graves.

    Even though the target was $1.5 billion, it is indeed heartwarming that more than $672 million was raised in pledges. The hosts, the Norwegians, are the biggest supporters. The Nigerian government is expected to commit $1 billion. When fully operational, the funds will help meet immediate humanitarian needs as well as long-term development and reconstruction purposes. The Borno State Government, the epicenter for the conflict, has a Ministry for Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Resettlement. Other states governments are using similar frameworks to improve the quality of lives of their citizens. However, I am very concerned that the passion for uplifting the people of the northeast and the Lake Chad Basin region hasn’t allowed for an opportunity to reflect on the concept of ‘development’ being promoted by governments and international agencies. Historically, the people of the region have some of the worst indicators in terms of maternal mortality, girls’ education, literacy, status of women, infrastructure and poverty among others. The situation has been worsened as a result of years of Boko Haram violence.

    That explains why we need to ask some salient questions as we seek to move forward: Did the gaps in previous ‘development’ initiatives contribute to the rise and growth of Boko Haram? Are there things we did wrong in key sectors such as education, health, housing, and agriculture that might have contributed to the structural problems that led to the insurgency? How has ‘modernization’ undermined ‘development’? While I cannot claim to have answers for any of those posers, I am nonetheless uncomfortable that we are ‘doing development’ as before even without asking whether we are on the right course. And if we conclude that we are, that must be based on deeper reflections. As things stand today, literacy in the North east region is dismal.

    The West African Examination Council (WASC) result for this year is evidence of the poor quality of education with all the states in region among the worst ten. But it is also no surprise. In Borno State, for instance, more than half of the children of school age are roaming the streets while about 60% of the schools have been closed. However, we cannot blame Boko Haram for all the problems. Even before the insurgency, the educational situation was a mess.

    Northern Borno in particular was worse. Fewer than 10 students scored five credits with English and Mathematics in the years preceding the Boko Haram insurgency. Given the foregoing, the question we should ask is whether it makes sense to rebuild these schools without considering other models or processes of education with the kind of results posted in recent years. The important question here is: Should we continue to follow the same curriculum and the process of education delivery that enabled less than one percent of the student population to qualify for university education? What is more worrying is that the situation was not always like that in the region.

    I was fortunate to attend school partly because of the influence and authority of traditional and religious institutions. They had a supervisory role over schools and parents were fined if they refused to send their children/wards to school or withdraw them once enrolled. I know of communities that migrated from the jurisdiction of our Mai to neighboring states because they refused to send their children to school. In those days, the Chief Imam used to visit primary schools as a symbol of support. Unfortunately, ‘modernity’ and administrative restructuring has eroded their roles.

    Today, schools are under the supervision of local government authorities and the ‘elected’ officials only visit their capitals at the end of the month when salaries are due. These absentee officials also don’t have their children in any of these schools. So, they really do not care about whether or not the children at the local level have any education. Therefore, the quality of monitoring is compromised by indifference and corruption.

    If we must change the narrative, we should begin from the curriculum of our schools. Clearly, we cannot produce the leaders of tomorrow based on yesterday’s manual. The world is moving to skill and activity-based education and for us to provide 21st century skills to our young people, our thinking must also change. We want young people to be able to ask questions rather than take everything they hear from their teachers as the gospel truth, which is a path to extremism. What can we salvage from the days of craft schools and women teachers college? Should we adopt or adapt a national curriculum? I am well aware that many parents clamor for curriculum that provides Islamic and secular education.

    That accounts for the popularity of alternative schools like ‘Baba Buji Modern Tsangaya School Bolori’; ‘Mallam Goni Garba Buzu Tsangaya’; ‘Future Prowess’, and ‘El-Kanemi School of Theology’ among others. But against the background that millions of children are out of school in Nigeria, doesn’t it make sense to adopt a hybrid curriculum that meets both the desire of parents and the needs of the 21st Century? This will enable the region to leverage the opportunity of reconstruction and ‘development’ to take on board the needs of the region. Going forward, it is very clear that governments will be unable to provide education for all the children out of school and the private sector can make a great contribution. The best approach would be for governments and development partners to consider bulk grants to private proprietors, rather than worry about rebuilding every infrastructure, which has not helped.

    There are even models that we can reference. The former Governor of Anambra State, Mr. Peter Obi, returned schools to missionaries and supported them with financial resources for several years. The state is the better for it today in terms of the performance of the students. Therefore, the current situation is an “opportunity” to rethink our approach to education in the region. Focus, innovation and political will are the tripod upon which the options adapted should stand and grow the region’s human capital base.

    These should be scaled up and replicated in forms that meet the deficits in content/curriculum and outputs; low grade human capital. Innovation is needed to respond to the region’s peculiarities while the conflict is transiting to fragile peace. These will be indexed among other things by a departure from the norm to allow for aggressive drive for girl child education and women empowerment. This is particularly critical to reconstruction because gender is implicated in the underdevelopment and structural problems of the region. The structural discrimination of females underscores the structural problems of the region.

    On every indicator the status of women is appalling: age at marriage, maternal mortality, girls’ education, political representation, rate of divorce, employment, access to health care and other social services, and finance and capital. However, there are several questions still begging for answers: How about if we conceptualize development with gender inclusion and empowerment as the central focus? What kind of programs and projects will be prioritized? How do we have projects that challenge gender stereotypes? Do we want to continue funding knitting; sewing and soap making projects that reinforce these stereotypes? For sure, a definite departure is needed to expose and incentivize women to ‘venture’ into technology as a tool for organizing and access to entrepreneurship opportunities for growing new and high yielding economic activities. Related to gender inequality is the fact that the gap between the rich and poor is increasing, and those who are poor in the region are experiencing three bas: kasuwu ba (no business), kra ba (no education) and bare ba (no farming). The Boko Haram violence has worsened inequality in the region.

    The reality also is that those who have access to resources have become richer even within the insurgency ravaging the region. For instance, in the midst of over 50,000 orphans in Maiduguri are newly built and freshly painted buildings, SUVs and other bullet-proof vehicles.

    The humanitarian economy has contributed to a colony of rich amid a vast ocean of the poor. The business of livestock and fishing is now the monopoly of major actors to the conflict on both sides. Problems of accountability are being raised around many of the projects implemented by national and international agencies in the North East. Probably the most pronounced is the suspension of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation over allegations of corruption. Many other agencies are not much better. International organizations are being accused of spending significant funds on themselves rather than on the victims.

    I am of the view that the situation in the Lake Chad region provides us an opportunity for a new beginning as we need a new framework for development. If the past contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram, why then must we spend the scarce resources of the good people of other countries to perpetuate structural inequality and underdevelopment? Did someone not say that a classical definition of insanity is to continue doing the same thing and expect different results? I am hoping that the fact that Norway is leading the pack in Human Development Index (HDI) and the Northeast region which could have been amongst the bottom five in HDI if it were a country should influence our thoughts on ‘development’.

    The North East recovery and development must be a model that elicits confidence and all the critical stakeholders have a moral obligation to do the right thing. The approach therefore needs to be radical enough to stimulate a reawakening where all the actors agree that a return to the status quo ante is not an option. • Dr Shettima, Director of the MacArthur Foundation, wrote from Abuja. The views expressed are his and not that of his employers.

  • The many ‘wrongs’ of Ajimobi

    The many ‘wrongs’ of Ajimobi

    THERE is no doubting the fact that an average citizen of Oyo State is politically sophisticated, highly intelligent and sagacious. They don’t suffer fools gladly and they call a spade by its name without minding whose ox is gored. All these attributes have always come to play during political discourse and whenever the need to make informed political decisions arises. It could, therefore, be safely concluded that their resolve to give Governor Abiola Ajimobi an unprecedented second term in office in 2015, through their overwhelming votes, was not a blunder. Rather, it was a reward for his monumental achievements in the areas of peace and security, road construction, education, health, agriculture, physical and social infrastructure, among others, during his first term.

    This feat has equally received applause from far and wide. For instance, a respected Ibadan elder and former envoy, Ambassador Olu Sanu, had, while acknowledging the governor’s exemplary performance, once said: “we are indeed very lucky to have Sen. Ajimobi as the governor of Oyo State. He came around at a time that Oyo State needed a leader who would not be insular in his thinking; a leader who would harness all our resources for the development of our state and one who would create an enabling environment for people to achieve the best they could.’’ A former Chairman of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria in Oyo State, Apostle Sunday Popoola, had also, in a letter to the governor entitled “A Word of Encouragement’’ saluted what he called Ajimobi’s courage, vision and determination.

    The cleric had said further, “Ibadan had been a huge slum and a disgraceful sight to behold in the state called the Pacesetter. Now, the change we need is ongoing. I also appreciate the speed at which the work is being done. It takes guts to leave the ruts. I am so delighted that we have found in you a leader with guts to get us out of the ruts we have found ourselves in the land.” In spite of these accolades, the governor has not rested on his laurels. Rather, he has sustained the tempo of development in all sectors, including industrialization, even in the face of dwindling resources. But, to the uninformed, and those who have allowed political affiliations to becloud their sense of judgment, Ajimobi has got it all wrong.

    One of their reasons, which are jejune in all intent and purposes, is that Ajimobi has challenged the stat us quo by insisting that things should be done differently. In their reckoning, the governor has committed many ‘sins’ and should be crucified. They care less if the paradigm shift has changed the typeface of Oyo State for the better and thus resulted in the tremendous growth and development of the state; a state that had earlier been held by the jugular by some reactionary elements. Upon his election in 2011, Ajimobi met an Ibadan with the renown of one of the dirtiest cities in Nigeria, a development, he said, was unacceptable.

    As part of his administration’s comprehensive urban renewal policy aimed at changing the face of not only Ibadan, the state capital, but also other major towns and cities in the state, a ban was placed on street trading. An ultra-modern market was built by the state government at Scout Camp, Molete, Ibadan, as an alternative for the displaced traders, while the stalls were allocated to them free.

    The governor also mandated the 11 local governments in Ibadanland to build neighbourhood markets in their respective council areas to ease trading. Aside helping in restoring sanity and improving the aesthetics of the city, the policy has most importantly saved the lives of the traders who hitherto had the unfortunate history of being overrun by vehicles while plying their trade by the roadside. Interestingly, this has become one of Ajimobi’s undoing as political jobbers have arm-twisted his good gesture to turn the gullible traders against him. One of the many sins of the governor is also the staff verification that was conducted in all ministries, departments and agencies across the state with a view to eliminating fraud, errors in the payment of salaries and pensions, as well as determining ghost workers.

    But the governor was vindicated with the mindboggling discovery of several cases of multiple salary payments into single accounts or to single names in other instances, as well as revelation of employees who have passed retirement age still drawing salaries. Among other infractions was the discovery of invalid BVN, invalid bank accounts and name details, as well as employees with mismatched names, totalling 16,532, out of the 100,259 workers verified. While some with valid proofs have so far been cleared and re-absorbed into the payroll, available records show that several others have either voluntarily exited or have been eased out of civil service, thus reducing the state’s huge monthly wage bill.

    Also, when the automatic promotion policy in public secondary schools was abolished in 2016 and the students who failed some compulsory subjects were refused promotion, hell was almost let loose. Critics went to town, calling Ajimobi all sorts of names for daring to stop the policy, which had unfortunately resulted in poor outings in public examinations by the students. Interestingly, the policy paid off, with the state coming second in the 2016 National Examination Council (NECO) examination among the 36 states in the country. Part of the moves by government to address the infrastructural decay in state-owned secondary schools was the introduction of School Government Board (SGB) to serve as a masterstroke for education revival in the state.

    With membership drawn from the alumni associations, parents, community leaders, among others, the boards were constituted by the governor in all the 628 public secondary schools for all-inclusive management of the schools. Although critics have been unrelenting in their failed attempt at shooting down the policy, instances abound that it has started yielding result. For instance, the old students of Olivet Baptist High School, Oyo, recently donated a block of classrooms constructed at a cost of N18 million for their alma mater. Similarly, Lagelu Grammar School, Ibadan, also got a block of toilets worth N11 million from its old boys. A private firm, BOVAS and Company Limited, has just handed over a block of six classrooms with the capacity of accommodating 300 students, valued at N16 million, to Oyo State College of Agriculture and Technology, Igboora.

    This is aside the 70,000 books covering different subjects, donated by a US-based non-governmental organization, Jewel of Africa, to the state government. Governor Ajimobi has also erred over his foreign trips which, in the estimation of his sworn critics, were mere jamborees; and the ultimate aim of which was to fleece the state government of its scarce resources in their narrow reasoning. Whereas, those trips, particularly to China, had, at the last count, attracted no fewer than 36 new companies to the state, with close to 4,000 direct employment, according to the statistics obtained from the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria.

    A further dividend of these trips was the rating of Oyo as the fifth most investment friendly state by the National Bureau of Statistics, with the governor adjudged to have attracted more than $61m (N22.4 billion) foreign direct investment to the state in the last six years. The establishment of the Polaris-Pacesetter free trade zone and an industrial park along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, and the fact that seven firms, among the 157 expected to berth in the zone, are scheduled for inauguration by the end of the year is a testament that the China shuttles have been of immense benefit to the state.

    Inexplicably, the ongoing review of the 1957 Olubadan Chieftaincy Declaration, which is aimed at modernizing the process of ascension to the Olubadan throne and ultimately lift the status of Ibadan as a modern city, has also pitted Ajimobi against those masquerading as the custodians of the tradition. The antagonists are unfazed by the argument that the review would give room for the emergence of more beaded crowns in the ancient city, who would be answerable to the Olubadan as the imperial majesty.

    While the critics are busy spreading falsehood and setting the revered Olubadan, Oba Saliu Akanmu Adetunji and indeed, a section of the public against the governor, prominent Ibadan indigenes, including members of the Olubadan-in-Council have asked Ajimobi to forge ahead with the exercise. Only recently, the immediate past President of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Chief Wole Akinwande, said in an interview that there was nothing bad in the review as long as it was aimed at further enhancing the status of the Olubadan and, by extension, the ancient city.

    The wide acceptance of the exercise was also manifest at the public sitting of the Justice Akintunde Boade-led commission of inquiry on the review, where 91, out of a total 118 memorandum submitted, were said to be in support. On June 16, 2017, Governor Ajimobi flagged off the construction of the 32km first phase of 110km Ibadan Circular Road to boost the socio-economic development and transportation system in Oyo State. The project was conceived in 2002 by the Alhaji Lam Adesina-led administration but had suffered neglect and abandonment under successive administrations. It is estimated to cost N70 billion and will be financed through a facility sourced from the Nexim Bank of China by the contractor, the ENL Consortium, on a `build, operate and transfer’ arrangement with the state government.

    No sooner had the project been flagged off than those professing to be the ‘dreamer’ of the project took to town to condemn Ajimobi, the ‘actualiser’ of our generation, for daring to resuscitate the project. Explanations that the project would enlist Oyo among the elite states with modern road network; that it would ease the congestion within the city; and ultimately incentivise investors fell on deaf ears.

    Ajimobi’s other ‘wrongs’ are his knack for merit, orderliness, due process, doing things right and doing the right things; cleanliness, his bold and confident posturing, and public acknowledgment of his wife, Chief Florence Ajimobi, as the cornerstone of his political odyssey. As a former Secretary-General of the Yoruba Council of Elders, Dr. Kunle Olajide, would say, “Nigerians are usually very quick to criticise leadership when things go wrong but often, they never commend government when they perform.”

    While waiting for their commendations would be tantamount to waiting for Godot, the opposition should at least acknowledge the giant strides of Ajimobi. Ajanaku koja mo ri n kan firi, t’aba r’erin ka so pe a r’erin (Only the visually impaired will deny the commanding presence of an elephant). Posterity, no doubt, will vindicate Ajimobi as the game changer of the modern Oyo State.  •Sadeeq is the Senior Special Assistant on Media (Print) to the Governor of Oyo State .

  • Dance, new guy on the block, dance

    EVERYBODY, including the professional, has a passion. Some, their passion is for drink binging; some for dancing while for some others, theirs is for women. Whatever one’s passion is, has little, if any, effect on his or her professional competence; the reason why some of the best marksmen in the military are to be found among those of them who believe in not just work but wine and women. Or, some of the finest hands in Nigerian journalism whose writing or editing prowess comes to the fore when they act their passion. Step in Solomon Babatunde Oshuntolu, one of the best sportswriters this country has ever produced, who as “ESBEE” in the glorious Daily Times years, was simply fabulous with his racy sportswriting and uncommon page planning.

    Without his cigarettes and bottle of stout, it was doubtful if he could ever reach his optimum in newspaper production. Chris Ikeokwu, who christened himself “Ayo Alabi” to avoid soldiers harassment in the civil war years for being Igbo, was a damned good newsman on the Daily Times but he came off best only after he must have downed a minimum of 10 bottles of beer.

    Those were their passions but it never affected their professional ability or proficiency on their job. It also reminds me of Governor Rauf Aregbesola of Osun State and Governor Olagunsola Oyinlola before him, who are adept at dancing to local drumming or the ‘dadakwada’ that woe betide the not-toosurefooted who attempt to dare them on the dance floor. I recall all of these because of the videos that had gone viral about a certain boisterous businessman who fate threw up to the centre stage of national politics.

    He was minding his private business while his elder brother was a top notch politician who became senator after serving out a term as the first civilian governor of Osun state. Suddenly, Isiaka Adeleke, otherwise known as Serubawon, died and a frenzy of activities began within and outside the family of the Ede trailblazers; and fate threw up Demola to come and fill the vacuum created by his senior brother’s death. Nurudeen, (the meaning of which in Islam means “imole esin”) Ademola Adeleke has had a reputation for being a bubbly guy whose passion tends towards dancing.

    Elder brother, Deji, a financial whiz kid and shrewd businessman who once owned Pacific Merchant Bank before he moved to other things, is the reticent type who minds his money-making business; but I hear he’s the family’s ATM when it comes to funding his brothers’ political adventures. When some years ago, I met Demola at a party in Lagos and he gyrated to the sounds of King Sunny Ade and his world beat, I knew a dancing champion had come to town. I’m a good dancer myself but I won’t let Demola hear of that, if I don’t want to suffer ribs dislocation. At the party I referred to, Demola was the cynosure of all eyes the way he shook all over, especially to KSA’s special beat: ” o ti serubawon.. eh, eh .. o ti ja won laiya, etc, etc”.

    That was the stuff he displayed on the videos that went viral. Many reactions to the videos tend to believe the new Senator may be a minus in the Red Chamber but I beg to differ; but before I make my point here, let me quickly note that what’s happening now shows the limit of being a public officer holder – your privacy dissolves once you step into the public arena! The Adelekes, from their patriarch who served in his lifetime as a Senator in the Second Republic, are a family of achievers. Dr Deji Adeleke has a reputation for being a focussed, visionary business guru; Isiaka went away with a record no one could take away from him till the end of time as the first civilian governor of Osun State who also had the record of being the second politician after Awolowo to have whirlwind campaigns, shuttling between countless number of towns, villages and hamlets in Osun with an helicopter.

    His electioneering then was dizzying and innovative that Chief Ebenezer Babatope was the first to predict resounding victory for Serubawon Adeleke then when others were still guessing the Governorship could go either his way or his other opponents’. Those records impose a heavy burden on Demola, the new Senator in town not only to live his passion as a fantastic dancer but to paint the Upper Chamber more red with superlative performance and that’s not a tall order, methinks. In the meantime, dance, ol’boy, dance. Or, didn’t someone write that happiness is not something to be postponed; it is something designed for the moment!

  • Who’s more powerful: Fatai Owoseni or Olopa Ibeju?

    IF by now you are not familiar with the name of Fatai Owoseni, then you are a new-comer in town. The moderate-sized cop is the commissioner of police in charge of internal security in Lagos State and he’s, without a doubt, proactive and fleet of feet; always at the scene of action, whenever and wherever it breaks in the state. He’s my idea of a dutiful guy in uniform but I’m not about him today. He’s referred to here just to draw a nexus between him and the one for which Ibeju has been renown over ages. The Lagos CP apprehends you only when you commit an infraction of the law and seeks to be your friend when you are on the right side of the law; remember the plaque in almost all police stations that says: “Police is your friend” The “police”, reverenced locally as “olopa Ibeju” in the the Lekki axis of Lagos State, makes no friends with anybody.

    Once you get into its ‘net’, you get trapped; and you will need to go for all the acquarian tricks in the bag to get freed, but certainly not until after shedding hot sweat in an otherwise cool and windy atmosphere. My first encounter with this queer “police”, in 1978 was when Alhaji Lateef Jakande was on the hustings, seeking election as the first civilian governor of Lagos State.

    At that time, and after 1004 flats, in Victoria Island, there was no motorable road and the only “GRA” in that area was reserved for the scums of society and it was known as Maroko where only the Leyland Motors Land Rover was fit to ply. Anytime, we had a campaign programme in places like Lekki and Ibeju, we always left Jakande’s Ilupeju home at 7.30 in the morning for Maroko where the road coming from Ozumba Mbadiwe on Victoria Island terminated. From there, we were allocated into several land rover jeeps with auxiliary gears without which they could navigate their way through the sands to somewhere near Lekki.

    The journey from Maroko from where Mobil head office now stands, to Lekki took some two hours then, a trip that is less than 40 minutes now. When in one of our electioneering campaigns then and Jakande promised to open up the axis by constructing motorable road to Maroko if voted into office, many were sceptical it was impossible, not just because people took politicians promises with a pinch of salt but because the terrain seemed more suited for waterways than motorways.

    He kept his promise on winning the Governorship and opened up the Lekki axis, hence the eventuality of driving from Lagos Island to Epe now, a journey hitherto undertaken by engine boats from Maroko or by road through Ebute Metta, Yaba, Ikorodu road to Ikorodu and on to Epe through Imota, Agbowa and Itoikin.

    Engine boats plying the Maroko-Lekki/Ibeju water channel were enjoyable to ride in, savouring the aquatic splendour of the Atlantic Ocean until they meander their way wrongly into the shallow portion when “olopa ibeju” is permanently stationed. Once your boat gets in there, the “olopa Ibeju” takes over and gets your boat exhaust all its powers of manoeuvrability before finally stucking.

    When the boat ferrying Jakande and his aides of which I was one, got stuck at a point in one of our electioneering campaigns to that area one fine midday, I didn’t at first realise we were in for some trouble until after several minutes of revving the engine of the boat, it was just swivelling round like a barber’s chair instead of a forward movement. On enquiry, I learnt the propellers of our engine boat had gotten stuck in the underwater mud; and it was at then revealed that “olopa ibeju” had gotten us arrested.

  • Tribute to a true titan, Chief Godfrey Aluka

    CHIEF Godfrey Aluka, pioneer Chairman of Orlu North East Council passed on recently in his village Umuegbu Umuma Isiaku in the Ideato South Local Government Area of Imo State. At the time of his death, he was one of the oldest men in our community. In this regard, it can rightly be said that he died at a ripe age but that does not qualify him for a place in the Guinness Book of Records. Chief Aluka was a pioneer in every respect. He was among the first set of people to go to School in Umuma Isiaku and settled to teach thereafter. It was while he was teaching that he was elected to serve as the first Chairman of Orlu North East Council, which is the precursor of the old Ideato which gave birth to the present Ideato North and Ideato South Local Governments.

    I had the privilege of serving as the first elected Chairman of Ideato South, a privilege and honour which led people to conclude that our village Umuegbu is destined to produce Chairman for every new Local Government or any other institution which share the same similarities with it. I am indeed glad that I share this singular honour with a man who I consider an Icon. Chief Aluka was a quintessential Public Officer. I was a twelve year old boy at the time he was the Chairman of the Council, but that did not prevent me from knowing and seeing him as a perfect example of an elected Public Officer. He lived among his people and therefore shared in their problems. He did not discriminate between those who voted for him and those who did not vote for him.

    My family fell into the latter category. In the election from which he emerged the winner, my father was strongly opposed to him. I must place on record here, that my father’s opposition was based on the fact that Chief Aluka’s opponent. Chief Ukeje was my father’s protégé. For that reason, my entire family opted for Chief Ukeje as against Chief Aluka. In today’s political milieu, my family would have been declared enemies to Chief Aluka, but I am happy to say that Chief Aluka never treated any member of my family as an enemy. One incident that took place in 1962 justifies the conclusion above. In that year, my elder brother’s wife took suddenly ill and needed to be rushed to the hospital.

    It must be noted that the only hospitals around at that time were at Amaigbo and Ihiala, a distance of more than 15 kilometers from Umuma Isiaku. These are Joint Hospital Amaigbo and Our Lady of Lourdes Ihiala. We therefore needed a vehicle to make the trip. It is worthy of note that in the entire community, there was no vehicle any where except the one belonging to Chief Aluka. It was therefore either we approached Chief Aluka for the use of his vehicle or my elder brother’s wife would be left to her fate. That means death.

    The above situation may be difficult to understand in the context of today, when transportation and communication are at each persons beck and call. At that time, one could travel a distance of 100 kilometers without encountering any vehicle on the road. My Community was not spared this agony. The sight of a vehicle was a spectacle to behold. There was therefore an argument in my family during which some members argued in favour of approaching Chief Aluka but others doubted whether he would oblige the family, considering what transpired in the election. In the end, it was resolved that we try him. It was a pleasant surprise that Chief Aluka did not disappoint those who favoured that he be approached. He promptly released his car with the driver and my brother’s wife was taken to the hospital.

    Her life was saved. As I said earlier, this happened when I was just 12 years old and it left a lasting impression on me. It taught me that political battles are not personal and should not affect personal relationships. It taught me that one’s political opponents are not necessarily his enemies. This favourable opinion which this incident planted in me about Chief Aluka did not abate with time. It was rather reinforced by other favours he did to me as a person. One such favour was in 1963 when he stood by me when some people were bent on intimidating and bullying me. I will leave the details of this incident to my memoir.

    I remain grateful to him for that gesture to a small boy, who he had no way of knowing at that time, would one day be a Senior Advocate of Nigeria or Chairman of the National Population Commission. I hold myself to the ideals of Chief Aluka because that is the best way to keep his legacies alive. He was a pathfinder and a trail – blazer in our community at a time the whole place was enveloped in darkness. Now that this great Iroko has fallen, it is hoped that the birds that perched on it while alive will not scatter. Chief Aluka will be sorely missed by the Okoha kindred, Umuegbu village and Umuma Isiaku Community where he continued to play leadership roles until he died. May his great soul rest in peace, Amen. •Duruiheoma, SAN, is the Chairman, National Population Commission

  • Better deal for Ogun workers

    Another tranche of N243 billion Paris Club Refunds was recently released to states of the federation, majorly for the payment of salaries and pension. The funds were released to state governments as part of the wider efforts to stimulate the economy and were specifically designed to support states in meeting salary and other obligations, thereby alleviating the challenges faced by workers.

    The release was conditional upon a minimum of 75 percent being applied to the payment of workers’ salaries and pensions for states that owe salaries and pension. Ogun State Commissioner for Finance, Wale Oshinowo, said Governor Ibikunle Amosun had approved that N4.5 billion of the N5.7billion received should be spent on cooperative deduction arrears to all categories of workers.

    Oshinowo said N3.4 billion had been disbursed for the payment of six months’ arrears of outstanding cooperative deductions to all categories of the workforce at the state level; N1.1 billion was disbursed for the payment of three months of outstanding cooperative deductions to workers at the local government level. The balance of N1.2 billion would go into state expenditure.

    He said whereas the Federal Government had advised state governments to use at least 50 per cent for payment of workers’ emolument, Amosun had apportioned 79 per cent to the workforce.

    In December 2016, Governor Amosun had also approved the total sum of N12.5 billion for the payment of gratuities, cooperative deductions arrears and severance allowance of former political office holders in the state. In the earlier transaction, the sum of N5.5billion was disbursed for the payment of six months arrears of outstanding cooperative deductions to all categories of the workforce.

    Another N6 billion was disbursed for the payment of gratuities to pensioners covering the period between November 2012 and January 2014. Not less than 2,429 retirees benefitted from the gratuity payment.

    The Amosun-led administration on assumption of office in 2011 started clearing the backlog of gratuity payments from 2007.

    It should also be noted that in December 2016, the governor had approved the payment of N1 billion to clear the balance of severance allowance due to political office holders who served the immediate past administration of former Governor Gbenga Daniel between 2007 and 2011 as well as those who served between 2011 and 2015. The payment in 2016 came from the N10.6 billion Ogun State government received from the Paris Club refund, which the federal government shared to different states of the federation.

    Whereas the federal government had advised state governments to use only 50 per cent of the fund for payment of workers’ emolument, the Ogun State governor decided to spend it all on the workforce.  “Ogun State is not only using the entire fund it received but has also added N1.9 billion,” the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Barrister Taiwo Adeoluwa had said.

    He added then that this was aside the fact that the state government had paid December 2016 salary plus 13th month salary to all categories of workers at both state and local government levels.

    The Civil Service remains the engine room of every successful administration and a vital instrument for the formulation and execution of all government policies in Nigeria. It is the organ of government established by the constitution to ensure continuity through the provision of records and procedures guiding the activities of the successive administration. They also often use historical precedents for reference and guidance, and ensure that similar cases or problems are treated according to the extant laws, rules and regulations.

    Governor Amosun has consistently reaffirmed the important roles that civil servants have played in the execution of major well-thought programmes embarked upon by his administration. In his words, “the Ogun State Civil Service has remained as an indispensable partner to the current administration in the state resulting in the monumental success so far recorded in the area of socio-economic development.”

    The governor is of the opinion that the success or failure of any government largely depended on its relationship with the workforce, admitting that though the economy of the nation was not buoyant; his government would not relent in providing better welfare package for the workers.

    His administration has always viewed Ogun State Civil Servants as the bedrock of any meaningful development in the state. The governor considers that any government that desires to have unassailable achievements must not down-play the all-embracing roles of the civil servants as a needed catalyst for the positive and rapid transformation of the society. It is the sincere conviction of the governor that this cooperation must not only be acknowledged but also celebrated.

    In the past six years, the administration of Governor Amosun has not only continually explored avenues to enhance the efficiency and productivity of the Ogun State workers, he has also been able to put forward a series of exciting programmes and activities to foster amity among the workers across all agencies.

    It is part of the governor’s commitment towards the welfare of the civil servants that he approved the sum of N4.5billion for the payment of cooperative deductions arrears to all categories of workers in the state.

    This is because the governor is not oblivious of the fact that a well-rounded and productive Civil Service is deserving of a whole range of emolument: salaries, running cost, leave bonus and promotion. Governor Amosun has been giving tremendous support and inspiration to the entire Ogun State civil service since his assumption of the mantle of governance of the state in May 2011. To demonstrate its commitment to the welfare of the workers, Ogun was one of the first states to implement the new minimum wage across board in Nigeria. The state had set the base as N18, 250 which is more than the national minimum wage. It also ensures timely payment of workers’ salaries. Indeed, Ogun is one of the few states that have survived the biting economic challenge occasioned by the dwindling allocation from the federal government which has made it impossible for many of the states of the federation to pay their workers’ salary.

    While the governor is not unmindful of the fact that he needed to do more, the fact must be appreciated that the state government is being handicapped by the current economic challenges, which the country is gradually climbing out of. But, all efforts are in top gear to see that the government continues to deliver on its commitments and obligations in pursuit of further enhancing the welfare of its workers.

    As Governor Amosun pledges the commitment of his administration to continue to see to the welfare of the workers, it is important for the entire workforce to continue be partners in progress and avoid unwholesome tendencies that may lead both parties on the path of ignominy, retrogression and unnecessary confrontation. Together, both parties will reap the fruits of patience, sacrifices, pains and hard labour to the greater good of Ogun State.

     

    • Durojaiye is the Special Adviser, Information & Strategy to Governor Amosun.

  • What I saw in Ajaokuta Steel Plant

    I have heard and read a lot about the National Iron-Ore Mining Company (NIOMCO), Itakpe and Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited (ASCL) but I saw their true state for the first time in early May when I, in company of about 50 journalists, visited the gigantic complexes on a fact-finding mission. I was a rapporteur of a 3-Day Media Immersion Workshop organised for journalists and reporters covering the mining sector organised by the Ministry of Mines and Steel Development in conjunction with a Non-Governmental Organisation, OSIWA.

    The original conceivers of NIOMCO meant well for the country. At the site of iron ore belt, there is a deposit of about 200m tonnes of iron ore of 4km stretch both on the surface and underground. Not one percent of this has been mined. We visited the blending yard that blends the ore with other minerals to give the same volume. The power station gets supply from Ajaokuta power substation which is 52kms away, but hoodlums are vandalising the copper cables. The repatriation bin is where the reclaimed mineral is sent to this mill.  The iron at the site is what is called iron ore and other minerals. There is a dam, wagons, rail network, machines and other installations.  NIOMCO is to supply Ajaokuta Steel plant input materials for production of steel.

    NIOMCO was small compared to Ajaokuta. What I saw in Ajaokuta left me speechless and sad till now.  How could we as a nation, leave such a cash cow to waste away just because past leaders could not get their acts together and harness the great potentials of the gigantic edifice which is rightly described as “the bedrock of Nigeria’s industrialisation” ? The size of the complex is on a 24,000 hectares land area. The steel plant occupies 8,000 hectares with other underground equipment as big as the ones on the surface. It was expected to engage about 10,000 direct employees and create 500,000 indirect jobs in the upstream, downstream and side stream segments. Nigeria imports 20 million tonnes of steel and allied products worth N6tn annually. Ajaokuta can correct this normally if operational. Ajaokuta can support all our airports, stadia, cement company, armoury, agro-allied companies. It can also service Aladja, Katsina, Jos and Osogbo Steel rolling mills!

    South Korea which started its steel construction around the same time now has a revenue base of over N60b dollars per annum and employed over 65,000 staff. Ajaokuta would have done better if it had started production or had been completed within the initial scheduled time. Reportedly, the plant had been completed 98 percent in the last 23 years (1994) but all these are not put into use. Just like NIOMCO, Ajaokuta Steel plant has been encumbered by legal bottlenecks which has recently been resolved while the company is expected to start production as soon as possible. The present administration through the present minister, has released money for equipment maintenance while concession, outright sale, privatization and joint venture options are being considered.

    We should salute the courage and vision of ex-President Shehu Shagari who started and built the complex up to 84% since 1983 while it was only completed to 98% in 1994. We were told he personally monitored the progress of the steel plant construction by visiting the complex every month. It is sad that a complex which had been completed 84% since 1983 is yet to commence production 34 years after.

    Words are not enough to describe the huge size of the complex and the highly sophisticated assemblage of the 43 different plants made up of a web of complex iron, cable and machinery of different sizes and functions. Out of the 43 plants, 40 are already completed and can produce independently. However, what is delaying production, according to our tour guide, is that steel plants are either sea or rail based. When a plant is commenced, you cannot stop it until about seven years. This means all the materials needed must be readily available.  In fact, it will take about six months to shut down any of the plants!

    Ajaokuta is unarguably Nigeria’s biggest investment in one location. The internal rail line of the complex covers about 54 kilometres while the total length of the steel complex is about 24 kilometres. Six thousand housing units have been completed out of the 10,000 planned for the staff. Ajaokuta is not just a rolling mill but an integrated iron and steel plant. It has four rolling mills namely; the Billet Mill which produces billets; the Light Section Mill which produces round, square, strip and angles metals; the Wire Rod Mill which produces wire rods and rebars used in construction companies and production of nails, fencing wire, rope mesh, bolts and nut and netting; and, the Medium Section and Structural Mill which produces parallel flange channels, equal angles, unequal angles and standard channels. In fact, each of the four rolling mills is bigger than Aladja, Osogbo, Katsina and Jos rolling mills put together while the coke oven and bye products plant is bigger than all the four refineries in Nigeria put together.

    The good news however is that the equipment in the plants is being serviced except for some replacement of parts so it can start working as soon as running fund is made available. A total of $4.6 billion has been sunk on the plant since inception while an additional, $2billion is required to complete the remaining plants and for running costs to start production.   In 2016, 1.6 million metric tonnes of steel was produced using the blast furnace system. The equipment is constantly maintained since installation in 1983 and this explains why the workers remained on federal government payroll since then. The recent audit report certified the equipment fit for production.

    From the information available at the workshop and with what I saw at Itakpe and Ajaokuta plants, the jinx holding back the companies may be about to be broken through the efforts of the present ministers who have worked assiduously to revive the ailing plants and make the mining sector as a whole, vibrant. Part of this is the acquisition of wide format scanner to safeguard drawings. Jaw crusher was also purchased while some machines were recovered and others rehabilitated. The effort has also resulted in securing a N30b intervention fund from the federal government for the mining sector and US$150m from the World Bank.

    Inter-ministerial cooperation has been assured at the National Mining Conference in Abuja with the federal government directive for the removal of bottlenecks in the mining sector and enacting enabling laws, policies that are investor friendly. The sector has grown by 6% quarter-on-quarter in the last five quarters despite the recession and the acting President, Prof. Yemi Osibajo alluded to this when he said the Ministry of Mines and Steel Development under Dr. Kayode Fayemi is performing.

    The ministry, in its roadmap, recently said it will contribute about $27bn (N9.7tn) to the Gross Domestic Product by 2025. Nigeria is now more active than before in raising awareness of the opportunities it presents to the industry with attendance at several mining conferences in the country and across the world where it showcases to international investors, the available opportunities in the sector.

    There is a great potential to be harnessed in the mining sector as the internal market is not even saturated. Even though we have more mineral resources which we have jettisoned for oil, we are not a mining nation and this will change soon if the present administration can maintain the current pace of development in the sector. If Itakpe and Ajaokuta can start operation, the economy of Nigeria will improve dramatically as it will become a major foreign exchange earner and signal the beginning of the industrialisation of Africa’s largest economy.

     

    • Jamiu wrote from Lokoja, Kogi State.