The Nation Newspaper

Category: Comments

  • Recession: What S/Africa and Nigeria must learn

    If the rest of Africa expects Nigeria and South Africa to chart a pathway and provide some sort of economic leadership, they would have to look elsewhere for the time being. Africa’s two biggest economies, with a combined Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of nearly $800 billion are both in recession at the same time, for the first time ever in the modern history of the continent.

    The time of arrival at this recessive destination may be different for both Nigeria and South Africa, but the navigation patterns bear a striking resemblance. The combined forces of corruption, public finance profligacy and in the case of South Africa, political instability, have stripped both countries of veneer of economic growth over the last one decade.

    For the average Nigerian and South African currently bearing the brunt of the reckless economic decisions and financial mismanagement of those entrusted with power, endless debates and analysis offer little or no reprieve.

    Nigeria slipped into recession in Q2 2016, a year after the historic election that produced Muhammadu Buhari, a former military leader and staunch anti-corruption advocate, as President. Buhari’s predecessor, a former governor from the oil-producing Niger Delta, presided over what observers say is one of the most corrupt regimes in the history of the country.

    Corruption has proved to be a recalcitrant encumbrance to the development of Africa’s most populous nation. A recent report by Chatham House, London, puts the amount stolen from Nigeria’s treasury between 1960 and 2014 by corrupt public officials at $400 billion.

    South Africa is not without its own corruption challenges, even if the amounts involved are not as staggering as the ones in Nigeria. Diversion of public funds by politicians and public officials away from service delivery into private pockets is rife. President Jacob Zuma for example is alleged to have diverted R246 million of public funds to upgrade his private home.

    Since 2009, South Africa has dropped 17 places on Transparency International’s Global Corruption Perception Index, 34 places since 2001. Between R25 billion and R30 billion is lost to loopholes and imbalances in government procurement processes each budget year according to a 2011 report by Willie Hofmeyer, former head of the Special Investigation Unit.

    Economic analysts did not foresee Africa’s most industrialized economy going into a recession this year, but they should have. South Africa’s GDP contracted 0.3 percent in the last quarter of 2016, and its government needed to initiate short-term reforms to stem the tide. Instead, President Jacob Zuma fired the country’s finance minister, further compounding the political turmoil with economic uncertainty already prevalent in the country.

    The ill-guided and mistimed ousting of Pravin Gordhan, who was in London meeting with investors and South Africa’s economic partners, sent the Rand tumbling against the US dollar. The erstwhile economic minister is credited with stabilizing South Africa’s economy since his appointment in December 2015 after President Zuma had sacked two other finance ministers within a month.

    Gordhan is a vocal critic of corruption in state-owned companies and is thought to have clashed with Zuma over the operations of enterprises owned by the South African government. Most of South African state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have been operating at a loss over the years, and the bailouts required to keep them insolvent have been a massive strain on the economy. In 2015 alone, the South African government spent nearly 10 percent of its total annual budget in servicing debts and paying money to help these companies.

    State-owned national carrier, South African Airways, reported a R1.5 billion loss for the 2015/2016 financial year, after losing R5.6 billion the year before. The airline is being kept in the skies with R20 billion by the South African government – money that should be put to good use elsewhere.

    It is a similar story with state-owned regional airline, South African Express, and low-cost carrier, Mango. Both companies reported huge losses in the 2015/2016 financial year, and the year before that. Indeed, over the past 10 years, these three airlines, South African Airways, South African Express and Mango, have made a combined R35 billion in operational losses and state bailouts.

    The unhealthy obsession of the South African government with SOEs transcends airlines. Broadbrand Infraco needed a R500 million from the government to sustain its operations in 2015 and has consistently made losses since 2010. Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa ran into a R600 million loss in 2015, and R1.2 billion in the year before that. South African Post Office posted a loss of R1.4 billion in 2015. PetroSA however takes the cake for the biggest ever loss incurred by a state company in the history of South Africa with R14.5 billion.

    As Africa’s largest oil producer, Nigeria has little infrastructure to show for the hundreds of billions earned from crude oil sales over the years. Humongous sums have been lost to questionable subsidy regimes that should never have existed but for gross incompetence and corruption. The nation’s petroleum minister recently revealed that $65 billion was spent on petrol and kerosene subsidies between 2011 and 2015. That amount is higher than the GDP of Kenya, and much of it ended up lining private pockets while the masses still bought fuel at higher prices.

    To get out of recession and return to the path of economic growth, both Nigeria and South Africa will have to implement key reforms in departure from the archaic and unprofitable way of running government. Nigeria’s Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, had to publicly reject the offer of a new official residence at the cost of N7 billion. While that is commendable, the offer should never have been on the table to start with.

    Malusi Gigaba, South Africa’s fourth finance minister in less than 18 months, and his Nigerian counterpart, Kemi Adeosun, are faced with the task of convincing their respective governments that recession provides an opportunity to turn a new leaf in public expenditure.

    Nigeria has made some progress in improving the ease of doing business and creating an enabling environment for investors and business owners. More needs to be done. The 2017 budget, expected to be financed largely through loans, contains too many frivolous items gulping funds that should be ploughed into developmental projects.

    The appetite of the South African government for controlling enterprises that are best operated by private ventures will have to be curbed. The cost of running government remains high at the detriment of the economy. Investors’ confidence, eroded in no small measure by the abrupt removal of the former finance minister, has to be regained.

    Size matters, a combined GDP and population of nearly $800 billion and about 230 million people, matter to the rest of Africa. But if size is not put to good use, it becomes a burden. The highest unemployment rate in the history of South Africa, and nearly 10 million out-of-school children in Nigeria are handwritings on the wall for this fact.

    South Africa in particular must watch out for the effects of the political wrangling bound to get worse around the leadership tussle in the ruling African National Congress, ANC and the 2019 general elections. While the feelers indicate Nigeria may be getting out of the recession soon, the country must understand that it cannot build a thriving economy based on the rules of the past. Africa’s largest countries and by far its most important economic hubs must do better to help move the country in the direction of economic freedom and prosperity.

     

    • Omojuwa is editor of AfricanLiberty.org.

  • Gbajabiamila: Legislative czar at 55

    Today marks the 55th birthday anniversary of the Leader of the 8th House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila. In his usual, way this is just like any other day to give thanks to the Creator for the turn of events in his life and a sober moment to ponder on the challenges crippling the society around him.

    Unusual man who has enjoyed a very unusual love of the people. it is unusual for a man to hold Strong for 14 unbroken years in the Parliament and still wax stronger in the hearts of his people.

    Gbajabiamila represents a cosmopolitan Constituency, Surulere 1 of Lagos State, with people of mixed background and professional calls.

    Gbaja, as he is popularly called in the South and Baban Jemila to the Northerner, came to the House in 2003 at the age of 41. He first served as House Minority Whip from 2007, and later became Minority Leader, a position he held up to 2015. it was Gbaja who charted the Party from opposition to ruling Party in the Legislature.

    Gbajabiamila’s indepth knowledge of law stems from his penchant for knowledge which saw him through his study of law both in Nigeria and United State of America where he bagged a Juris Doctorate Degree in Law. He is one lawmaker that commands a lot of respect from his colleagues largely due to the way he articulates his ideas and thoughts each time he speaks on the floor of the House as his colleagues listen with rapt attention whenever he contributes to any matter.

    He contested for the position of Speaker on June 9, 2015 and narrowly lost to Speaker Yakubu Dogara with 8 votes. He was later nominated to the position of House Leader. He has never held any position in the Executive Arm but in the legislature where he serves, he has become an authority of sorts, as far as lawmaking in Nigeria is concerned. He also has a big dossier of constituency outreach that reflects his close touch with his constituents.

    In his memoir, ‘’Fearless’’ authored by foremost  writer and former President of Association of Nigerian Authors, Dr. Wale Okediran, the author noted that “Perhaps the most popular action taken by Gbajabiamila till date was the rejection of his nomination as a recipient of the 2011 National Honors in the Order of the Federation of Nigeria (OFR) category.” Gbajabiamila declined his nomination as OFR on the ground that the national award process as at then lacked credibility and would not subscribe to it until totally refined to a standard where it would be easier for camel to go through the eye of a needle. That is Femi Gbajabiamila, a stickler to high principles.

    An unassuming  and quiet politician, he is reputed for his sponsorship of Interest-Free Student Loans Bill. When passed into law, the law will allow Nigerian students in tertiary institutions have access to interest-free loans through the Nigerian Education Bank and their school authority. The loan will be payable after graduation. He also sponsored the Nigeria Immigration Act, 2015 (amendment bill) which seeks to “restrict” the issuance of work permits to foreigners by the Federal Government in fields where Nigerians have adequate expertise. Another Bill he sponsored is the National Minimum Wage (Amendment Bill) (HB. 1028). The amendment is to compel the federal government to periodically review workers’ salary every 5 years among many other people oriented bills Gbaja sponsored.

    The House Leader is known for his outstanding contributions to debate on the floor of the House. He and the current Minority Leader, Leo Ogor, usually thrill their colleagues with their arguments, but on most occasions, Gbaja would carry the day, though the later would not accept by virtue of his calling as Opposition Leader.

    Apart from his contributions on the floor, Gbajabiamila has not abused his long stay in parliament or pride himself over people of his constituency. His name resonates in his constituency like a golden bird; Gbaja Market, Gbaja General Hospital, Gbaja Girls Secondary School, Gbaja Boys Secondary School and Gbajabiamila Primary Healthcare Center. These are Lagos State Government facilities that reflect name of the senior lawmaker.

    He has utilised the opportunity given to him through projects he has attracted to his constituency and his name is registered in the heart of his people and largely Nigerians.

    “I understand the challenges we are all going through as a country but we are working seriously to ensure that we get out of recession. It’s a matter of time. We have done a lot and after this meeting I will be commissioning solar street lights we have installed at Rabiatu Thompson in Shitta, Olufemi Street, Mabo street and Iponri Housing Estate”, Gbajabiamila said amid applause from his community town hall meeting in March, 2017.

    He has matched his words with action and facilitated numerous federal projects in his constituency including distribution of 500 E-Learning Tablets with 117 Textbooks for JSS 1 – 3, SSS1-3 and SAT candidates, Novels and WAEC Past Questions to outstanding secondary school students; distribution of 5 Fully Equipped Medical Ambulances to Akerele Health Center, Surulere; Gbajabiamila Clinic, Iyun Road, Surulere; Randle General Hospital, Surulere; Gbaja Maternal and Child Care Unit of Randle General Hospital; Coker Aguda Primary Healthcare Center; Free Medical Outreach; presentation of CCTV Tool Box to 50 Youth of Surulere 1 Federal Constituency trained on Installation and Maintenance of Closed Circuit Television; a new block of 3 classrooms at Ajigbeda Secondary School, Surulere, Lagos; organized Surulere Job fair, the first of its kind in any constituency in Nigeria which led to the employment of over 300 men and women in just 2 days. It was purely an interface between job applicants and employers of labour in the State, such as Mikano, Nafdac, Lagos Inland Revenue Service, etc. Also to his credit there are many other on-going projects.

    In his role as the Leader of the 8th House of Representatives’, Gbajabiamila quickly settled for legislative business after the politics and intrigues that led to his lose during the 2015 Speakership election, Gbajabiamila as a sportsman has been working seamlessly with Speaker Yakubu Dogara to deliver on the legislative agenda of the 8th assembly which contains legislative roadmap required in achieving the aspiration of Nigerians who are impatiently yearning for good governance. Since his assumption of office, none of the executive bills he has presented on behalf of President Muhammadu Buhari suffered any rejection on the floor of the House, he is a master lobbyist who has warmed his way into the hearts of his colleagues in the House.

    Upon the mandate of the House, Gbajabiamila intervened in respect of the Refusal of the Federal Ministry of Interior to compensate victims and families of deceased victims of the 2014 Nigeria Immigration Recruitment Stampede. Today they have been employed and serving in various state commands of the Immigration Service. The beneficiaries appreciated the House Leader, in a letter dated 10th February 2017

    Similarly, he intervened in respect of the protracted delay in the implementation of Automatic Job Offer for the recipients of 2014 combined sets of the NYSC Presidential Honours Award due to change in government. After Gbajabiamila’s engagement with the stakeholders, the Buhari-led government fulfilled the promise made by former President Jonathan and the Awardees have been recruited into the federal civil service.

    Again, Gbajabiamila led an intervention committee of the House that engaged Kogi State lawmakers on the crisis that crippled the state assembly in mid last year. He also led a special delegation of the House to meet with members of the South African parliament on the xenophobic attacks on some Nigerians resident in South Africa. The delegation engaged in legislative diplomacy to ensure the safety of Nigerians in that country and vice-versa.

    The House Leader is currently leading an adhoc committee of the House investigating the safety of soft drinks consumed in Nigeria. This is apart from the success he has been recording in leading government business in the 8th House of Representatives.

    As he clocks 55 today, one would only pray that Almighty Allah gives him good health and grant him wisdom to lead the House aright.

    • Olanrewaju-Smart is a media aide to the Leader of House of Representatives, Abuja

  • Getting the discourse on Nigeria’s federalism right: Further thoughts

    I can really never stop talking about Nigeria. This statement is meant to explain why I keep returning to the federalism and restructuring issue that has taken the centrestage of national discourse lately. And this is rightly so too. No one who believes in Nigeria and the Nigerian project ought to keep quiet. If we all agree Nigeria is a work in progress, then it behooves all right thinking and patriotic Nigerians to pool thoughts and plans together toward reinventing the Nigerian state. And there is no better way to start than by constantly addressing and brainstorming on what seems so immediate but fundamental to Nigeria’s future as a nation—her federal status. It is unfortunate that so much ink had to be spilled and so much time wasted on what needed to have been done and quickly, but this only tells us what harm politics can do to governance and national imperatives. But then, the complexity of the reform imperative derives from its constant maneuverings between policy feasibility and political correctness. But no matter what happens, the reform instinct must be kept on edge about issues that are critical to the urgent responsibility of reinventing the Nigerian state as a democratic and federally viable state.

    A good place to commence this round of the federalism discourse is, of course, the conceptual. And this implies quickly debunking the enormous but false expectation derivable from couching the discourse in terms of Nigeria achieving a “true federalism.” Concepts like “true federalism” or “true democracy” are based on the wrong idea that there is a true and perfect but concrete embodiment of federalism or democracy somewhere in the universe to which countries like Nigeria ought to aspire to. This is a patently false deduction. The federal idea is a human ideational construct meant to engage human political dynamics of living together. And this implies automatically that it is subjected to specific weaknesses arising from context-bound anomalies. This is a good starting point for understanding and engaging with the predicament of Nigerian federalism. If we must make any reform headway with this predicament, we need to first get its conceptual and contextual necessities right. What we have from K. C. Wheare is not the ideal of federalism, but a significant statement of the federating paradigm consisting of a centre and regional arrangement circumscribed by competitive learning and sharing.

    This conceptual understanding is relevant because it outlines a framework that makes for a development-sensitive national dynamics within which regions and federating states could have straight constitutional leeway to make progress without getting tied down by any centralizing factor. But like most states in the world, the case is that federalism is so poorly executed as to make it less that enabling as a development initiative. In the Nigerian case, the core issues which have not been cogently addressed sufficiently to give our federalism a bite include (a) the number and nature of the federating units; (b) fiscal issues in the relationship between the federating units; (c) the schedule of functions that ought to divide the relevant responsibilities in a way that makes a federal state really federal; (d) the dynamics of party politics and the electoral system that regulates the political parties and their jostling for power; (e) inter-governmental relations; etc. All these are significantly contentious issues which, we agree,may not be amenable to some final resolution. I doubt if there is any political issue that can be so resolved. On the contrary, what we must for is some level of compromise that allows for some reform tinkering that can move us forward. This is the kind of resolution I have been pushing for in the federalism issue in Nigeria.

    The underlying question, in the Nigerian case, is simple: Under what condition(s) can Nigeria become a really federal state with the required dynamics to enable sustainable development? A sincere attention to this question will bring to light contentions, pressures and threats which have served to undermine the desire for unity up till now, but that can only be managed through a sustained and systematic process of critical bargaining and negotiations that will help keep an equilibrium between centrifugal and centripetal forces. The Nigerian leadership has played the ostrich with the forces of ethnicity and religion for far too long. Federalism is definitely not a magic wand whose implementation will bring an immediate end to Nigeria’s complex problems. But then, it is a necessary national instrument that will at most take the sting out of any fragmenting tendencies arising from ethnicity. What do we make of the current agitation for Biafra that has taken the front burner of national discourse boils down ultimately to a lopsided national framework that prevents productive debate around restructuring and citizenship? The Biafran agitation, in other words, speaks to some fundamental need by the various constituents of the Nigerian state to find a national platform that will address their disaffections. Presently, Nigeria’s lopsided federal arrangement has failed to do this. And the crises multiply.

    The root of all these crises lies in a constitution that still carry a legitimacy baggage and that is shot through with contradictions that undermine any genuine attempt at restructuring. One good instance suffices. Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution supposedly established the Local Government Councils as the “Third Tier” of government with their own democratically elected government and governance dynamics. Yet, the same Constitution empowers the states, as the “Second Tier” of government to legislate on local government affairs. For example, the state now not only constitute spurious “caretaker committees” to oversee local government administrative issues, but also stringently manage local government funds in a manner that starve these third tier of the significant capacity and capability to carry out their governance responsibility, especially those spelt out in the 4th Schedule of the Constitution.

    It is therefore the root of these crises that must be tackled through, first, a strong political will that is directed at three levels of national reform—constitutional, governance and political. The constitutional-legal reforms require creating a balance between negotiated bargaining and constitutional amendments, in which the latter becomes expedient when the former fails to yield the desired expectations.The Nigerian Constitution is a grand paradox that professes federalism within a unitary constitutional framework. The consequence is the contradictory relations between the states and the local governments highlighted earlier. The centre possesses some undue and overbearing dominance grounded in the Exclusive List which makes the federal government the centralizing standard in all critical areas of national endeavour. However, this entrenched centralisation requires an urgent decentralizing reform. This implies a serious redirection away from an undue centralization grounded through the creation of common national denominators and standards in education, health, agriculture and mineral exploitation. This national unitary practice does not give room for a genuine rivalry around the competitive advantage each region possesses. Decentralization is central to a genuine federalism. It involves the proper devolution of power, functions and responsibilities to the three tiers of government in a way that will facilitate concurrent development according to regional capacities.

    I have hitherto argued for the regionalization of the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. But we need to add a significant caveat which states that a constitutional reform is nothing without a complementary governance and political reform. In other words, restructuring goes beyond lip service to a deep-seated political reform that will institutionalize extensive dynamics of good governance at the three tiers of government. This requires a serious cleanup of our debilitating governance practices that, for instance, leaves the local government councils not as significant site of democratic governance but as “sharing centres” for greedy politicians. The same kind of reform must equally undermine the capacity of state governors to be “sole administrators” with no critical governance vision and implementation capacity for good policies. One critical dimension of the decentralizing imperative requires rethinking the local governments as the most critical site for a bottom up reform of the imperatives of democratic governance, especially in terms of democratic service delivery to the citizenry. In this sense, the subsidiarity principle serves a huge governance function.

    The principle, when applied to democratic governance,simply insists that in a federal setting, there must be a constitutional provision that is hinged around subsidiarity function. This implies that the central government must perform only those functions that cannot be devolved effectively to the local government. This is crucial not only because subsidiarity backstopped decentralization and devolution of powers, but essentially because the principle is founded on the necessity of generating a welfare dynamics that reaches to the heart of the grassroots where the people are. Governance cannot be said to be good if it fails to capture the welfare aspirations of the people. Thus, a governance framework that enshrines the subsidiarity principle has equally captured the federalism tenets as well as the democratic imperative.

    However, a good governance framework that acts on the principle of subsidiarity also owes a lot to the reform of party politics in Nigeria. A political party is known by its capacity to ideologically deploy power to the welfare of the populace. A party that does not operate according to the dictate of an empowering ideology therefore becomes not only democratically ineffective but also futile as a good governance instigator. We therefore become immediately aware of the democratic consequence of Nigerian politicians moving seamlessly and opportunistically from one political party to another without any ideological compulsion which perfectly explains why Nigeria’s electioneering campaigns have been individual- rather than issue-focused; why our political culture has been marred by zero-sum, do-or-die politicking; and why money stands at the centre of politics.

    An ideology-based politicking has a lot to contribute to the evolution of a mature and developmental political culture in Nigeria. Essentially, it is from ideology that some sense of governance specificities derive. Thus, both the Republicans and the Democrats love the United States, but they love her differently based on the specifics of their party ideologies. Nigerian political parties have no ideological frame, on the contrary, and hence could not manage the challenges of governance in a way that makes democracy efficient for development.

    In my last intervention on this issue, I championed a principle of political restructuring as a precondition for economic prosperity. This has been at the centre of my re-federalizing reform for Nigeria for a while. Nigeria needs to leverage on a political and economic dimensions for making the regional idea work. The political dimension requires transforming the six geopolitical zones into regions made up of states and local government. The economic dimension requires leveraging the comparative advantages of each region as the source of development. This reform principle grounds the transformation of the governance framework in Nigeria solely on the revival of local governance, especially around agriculture as the most common, but critically neglected, common denominator in Nigeria. Agriculture has remained under the shadow of crude oil for too long, and has thus contributed its own debilitation to the imbalance in governance. This puts some enormous pressure on the constitution, and especially the political elites to initiate the crucial negotiations that could move Nigeria’s governance imperative forward. The elites owe Nigeria this much.

  • Family planning

    Family planning

    There was this expatriate whose driver announced one morning, on their usual drive to work, that his wife just had a baby.

    “That’s great, Congratulations”, his boss said.  He reached into his pocket to give the man a cash gift in lieu or a baby gift he knew he would be unable to shop for.

    “This is your first child, right?” the expat asked.

    ‘No, my sixth’. The driver smiled back.

    His boss’s smile vanished.

    Quickly, he shoved his money back into his pocket, wondering to himself if I, your boss, have two kids, and you six, who should bless who?

    Surely you, like I, have noticed how the wretched poor most always have very large families, while the rich, even the so-called middle-class (nearby extinct today) have small, manageably sized families.

    And all across Africa the store seems to be the same.  Or how is that one keeps seeing foreign African beggars all over the cities begging for alms; their three or more children in tow.  Every time I see a woman struggling for public transport, she is never alone.  What I seem to see all the time is a woman with: One-at the back, One-in front, and One-in the middle.

    The U.S based Population Reference Bureau, in its Population Data Sheet ranks Nigeria among the 10 most populous nations in the world.  Indeed, the top 10 fertility rates in the world, over six children per woman are in sub Saharan Africa.  You do know Nigeria is the most populous country in the continent.

    U.N. figures show that 20 percent of the world’s poorest are in Africa.  And the gloomy statistics Africa posts concerning social indices are only logical derivatives of the failure to employ Family Planning.

    High Infant Mortality and Low Life Expectancy, Poor Sanitation, High Unemployment and High Crime Rate (notably Armed Robbery and Kidnapping); High Illiteracy Rate and Low per Capita Income in addition to the emergence of Urban Slums, are just a few of the outcomes.

    Incidentally, Nigeria also has an unenviable place in the seven countries with the lowest life expectancy.  The UNDP, in its Human Development Report of 2016 says that life expectancy in Nigeria is 53.1 years.  This is according to Edward Kallon, the UNDP Resident Representative in Abuja.

    Now, the United Nations raised the international poverty line to $1.90 per day in 2015.  That translates to N602 at today’s exchange rate of N316 to the dollar. This makes me constantly wonder-for the man with more than six children at home living on less than N600 a day (i.e less than N100 per head a day) – Does He Not Know, Think Feel, See That He Is Poor And Needs To Stop Increasing The Number Of Mouths To Feed??!!

    Many thanks to Mr.  Bassey Bob and Michael Uket who help vet my work.

     

    REPONSES

    Re:  Owelle and the Kaduna Declaration

    Sir, the FG should be warned that they are responsible for the ethnic hatred in the country.

    We had warned severally that the FG should insist that vendors and newspapers distributors should be warned to stop selling illegal publications on Biafra which use derogatory names to refer to northerners and fellow Nigerians.

    Feyi Akeeb Kareem

    Thanks Feyi.  Note I am not a SIR!

    Is Kanu altruistic in his pursuit?  Are the Igbo not “oxymoronic” in the desire?

    Rochas’s philanthropy is cosmetic – a means to an end.

    As for leadership – Igbo leaders are as nebulous as their desires are amorphous.

    “Igbo enweeze”

    Lenad Ayokulo

    I totally agree with you on Rochas.

    Anabaram

    Re:  Because Dora lived, Nigerians don’t die taking drugs

    She is being remembered and honoured by those who appreciated her outstanding achievements, performance and dedication while in office as NAFDAC boss.  And I must say that some of us who now have the confidence to purchase drugs and without fear of buying fake drugs still appreciate her.

    Olotin Abidemi

    But are you sure NAFDAC is still what it was under her watchful eyes?  Me thinks its not been the same.  I wish Nigeria well, we have institutions but lacking in leaders with character to drive them to achieving the national objectives may her soul find eternal rest in peace.

    Thanks for the piece.

    Busari Alade

    __________________________________

    Responses to 07055547031 (Whats App)

  • Political participation is a must: Our mumu never do???

    As soon as any man says of the affairs of the State “What does it matter to
    me? The State may be given up for lost”
    ―Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the Social Contract.

    WHAT makes a society a decent society and how do we ensure we get the best people to run the affairs of our country? Without the right mix of people leading our country, I am afraid the promise land may take a very long time to reach. We have more than enough capable hands in Nigeria however they appear reluctant to come forward.

    Two thousand years ago, Aristotle observed that “Man is a political Animal”. He was not just referring to men. He was referring to both men and women. So why is that when it comes to political participation, we are short of capable men and women in a country with a population of about 188 million or more. It can’t continue like this. We need to take some proactive steps to turn this appalling situation around. It has been argued that political participation is driven primarily by innate motivation relating to one’s belief that one can lead, govern or influence government. How do people participate in politics? Political participation can be grouped into two headings –Conventional participation which is the traditional ways of influencing the government namely voting, joining a party, campaigning, actively supporting a party and even running for office.

    The unconventional participation is the employment of non-traditional methods for instance an attempt to influence or challenge the government through civil disobedience, peaceful protest, violent protest and other deviant ways. I am focusing on the conventional type of participation since I believe Nigeria needs more of her capable citizens to come to her rescue. If we want to make a difference in our community, state or country then there is no better way other than joining a party and becoming more actively involved. Nigeria needs more noble and capable people to run its affairs. “Our MUMU never do???????” In reality though, the degree to which one is actively involved in politics depends on one’s social economic class, political ideology, family, education and the skill to deal with individuals from different social backgrounds. However, the vast majority of Nigerians are poor, uninformed, unemployed and struggling to survive. So it is not surprising that the level of political participation is Nigeria is abysmally low when we were told by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that about 67.5 million were registered to vote in the 2015 general elections in country of about 188 million or more.

    And out of the 67.5 million registered voters about 30 million actually voted. What is even alarming is that with the apparent pervasive hardship and inequities in the last 20 years in Nigeria, one would have expected a higher percentage of highly educated elites from noble background to participate more in the running of the affairs of our country. But sadly, they have chosen to sit docile, remain silent and somewhat unperturbed with all the happenings in the country. As it is, it may appear challenging to envisage a better Nigeria, let alone how to go about actualizing such a vision. The answer can only be for more of us to become actively involved in politics, A close look at our political culture in regard to active participation reveals that most Nigerians generally regard party membership as unimportant.

    Whilst they are not actively engaged in politics, they can be found on social media- Facebook, Chat forums, online tweeters, public places and such strongly expressing their views about Nigeria but fail to join any political party and participate constructively. These kinds of ineffective non-electoral participation can only achieve so much. This phenomenon reflects a lackadaisical and apathetic attitude towards how our country is governed. Such attitude lacks good sense since the more politically docile the people, the worse will be the quality of our governance and thus allowing for mediocre leaders to emerge. Also, paradoxically, it seems a lot of these educated, enlightened, social media bloggers, online tweeting Nigerians who have strong views about how Nigeria should be governed see no nexus between not getting actively involved and the appalling state of affairs and it is out of ignorance.

    It is as if they fail to realize or refuse to accept unfortunately, that the so called “uncouth”, good for nothing”, retrogressive, “semi illiterate embezzlers, “dollar hoarding politicians are the ones controlling the affairs of the nation. The noble, honest and capable citizens who could make a huge and positive impact on the governance and development of our country appear to not realise that by not getting involved in politics especially in a developing nation like ours comes everything that is bad. Furthermore, women participation in Nigerian politics is extremely unimpressive. There are relatively few women prominently active in politics.

    The reason for this phenomenon is our culture’s condescending view on women’s capabilities. In Nigeria, our culture does not encourage women to go into politics. They are culturally assigned to cater to the needs of their husbands and children. Nigerian girls are at disadvantage when it comes to access to basic education. A lot of our young girls are prevented from furthering their education due to poverty, teenage pregnancy and early marriage. For example, in the Northern part of the country, women are less likely to attain a high level of education.

    They are generally less educated than their male counterparts. On the whole, Nigerian women participate less than the more educated men in politics. The few ones that have managed to scale the barrier are voiceless and not expected to be heard. However, a few countries in Sub Saharan Africa namely Rwanda, Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania have raised the bar. They have done considerable well by having more than 30% in their parliaments but Nigeria has a bad record. Nigeria the so called “Giant of Africa” has less than 7% of women in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the 2015 general elections, the percentage of women who participated was not up to 10% of the total candidates that contested. And less than 7% were elected to both the National Assembly and the Senate. As a nation should we not be encouraging women to take an interest in politics and entering onto the political platform? It is recommended that the government should employ a type of gender quota system to increase the number of women in government.

    It can be done! The President should appoint more capable women to meet the National Gender Policy’s 35% recommendation. The National Gender Policy (NGP) recommends at least 35% affirmative action for both elective political positions and appointive public service respectively but that has not been the case. For a better Nigeria, education for girls should be made a priority, more women should be encouraged and empowered to make political and public life a career. Let’s just do the right thing! It will go a long way. No more lip service from the government but action, sustained action. So fellow Nigerians, It is time to recognise and accept that joining a political party and becoming more actively involved in politics will significantly improve the quality of our society. Being a citizen who is politically ignorant; or who criticizes on social media and votes in elections but does not participate actively in politics; or who goes to bars, lounges, beer parlours complaining about Nigeria; or who goes to churches, or attending holy ghost night vigils looking for miracles, listening to their pastor telling them that “it is well with them”, and that their miracle day is coming, “and that complete restoration is nigh”, will achieve nothing. Why expend a lot of energy criticising politicians and political affairs and engaging unproductively when individuals could use that energy more productively by participating actively in politics The country is broke – for obvious reasons.

    There is no constant electricity supply, no security or robust transportation system. How, then, can local and foreign investors be persuaded to setup industries that will create employment? God is not going to come down to build our roads for us; provide electricity, or provide quality education. We have to do it ourselves by stepping forward, and by electing capable leaders with vision.

    If we want to make a difference, and create that change, then there is no better way than to get involved politically. Wake up from your slumber Nigerians! Be politically active; become a card-carrying member of a party of your choice; attend town hall meetings; enquire about your party’s activities; influence your party positively with your great ideas; register to vote. JUST GET INVOLVED! Nigeria needs more noble and capable hands to run its affairs. OUR MUMU NEVER DO???????? •Jide Loye is an international lawyer and legal consultant on laws of war. He practices law in Abuja, Nigeria. Political participation is a must: Our mumu never do??? It is as if they fail to realize or refuse to accept unfortunately, that the so called “uncouth”, good for nothing”, retrogressive, “semi illiterate embezzlers, “dollar hoarding politicians are the ones controlling the affairs of the nation. The noble, honest and capable citizens who could make a huge and positive impact on the governance and development of our country appear to not realise that by not getting involved in politics especially in a developing nation like ours comes everything that is bad ’ ’ Melaye on the threshold of negative history Saturday Jide LOYE

  • IGP Idris and the making of a new Police Force

    LAST two week’s arrest of a notorious kidnap mastermind, Chukwudidumeme Onuamadike, a.k.a.Evans by IGP’s Intelligence Response Team led by ACP Abba Kyari marks a turning point of sorts for the Nigeria Police Force which has not had a good public image for many decades. Evans, who was said to have coordinated several kidnappings in Lagos and Ogun States, was nabbed in Magodo area of Lagos State last Saturday. Until his arrest, he was regarded as the most notorious high profile kidnapper in the history of Nigeria. He was said to have collected several billions of naira as ransom in the last seven years, as kingpin of kidnappers.

    The last time policemen were seen as heroes was when men of the force arrested Lawrence Anini, a bandit who terrorised Benin in the 1980s along with his side-kick, Monday Osunbor. Acting on a tip-off, a crack 10 man team led by Superintendent of Police Kayode Uanreroro, on December 3, 1986 brought Anini’s reign of terror to an end. For decades, the conduct of police personnel has caused serious image and operational problems for the Force.

    The duties of its officers and rank and file had been compromised because theyhad tailored them chiefly to cater to the highest bidders, who could in fact be criminals that should be prosecuted, not provided cover. It is commonplace to hear allegations of corruption, incompetence, unprofessional conducts and other questionable practices that have nothing to do with normal police duty or the maintenance of law and order being levelled against police officers. But that is fast giving way to a more professional and highly motivated police force that is well equipped to cope with the challenges of contemporary policing. Although the arrest of Evans is the single most important turn around for the current leadership of the Nigeria Police, several other successes recorded in the last one year under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Kpotun Idris, point of the fact that a new Force is indeed in the making. But more significant is the fact that the IGP is not your typical Nigerian public servant who does everything to attract media attention to himself.

    Idris has every reason to attract attention to himself. Firstly, he was selected from among the eligible senior police officers because he was the only one who passed the integrity test secretly conducted by the presidency. Secondly, since his appointment exactly a year ago, he has completely repositioned the force to arguably the most efficient police force in our recent history. Testimonies to that effect abound. In February this year, the IGP Special Squad freed, Professor Peter Breunig, a German Archaeologist kidnapped by bandits in Southern Kaduna and his associate, Johannes Buringer in what was a major success in the fight against kidnapping.

    The Police also secured the release of Major General Alfred Nelson, the Deputy High Commissioner of Sierra Leone to Nigeria who was kidnapped by men of the underworld. The capture and killing of armed robbery kingpin, Henry Chibueze who terrorised the South East region of the country from his den in Imo State is another major achievement of the IGP in the last one year of his administration. Praise came for the Police boss when he successfully provided security cover for air travellers to and from Kaduna, during the temporary closure of the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja. Idris deployed 350 policemen to ensure security of passengers along the Kaduna-Abuja expressway and aerial surveillance by police helicopters which assisted in checking criminal activities in the area during the period. Unlike his predecessors, Idris has ensured that police checkpoints scattered across the country are taken down.

    This order has since taken effect and has affected all the states except checkpoints within states where extraordinary measures are still in place in response to attacks blamed on the Boko Haram sects, recurring herdsmen/famers clashes or the menace of kidnapping. The nation’s most senior cop has argued at several fora, that checkpoints have their uses if they are used to specifically check crime or apprehend criminals. “But when they acquire the negative perception that they have, they become money-spinning points to which superior officers despatch their trusted subordinates to make ‘returns’ in the form of financial gratifications, then they are compromised”. Regular patrols by well motivated police personnel have effectively replaced checkpoints.

    Some of the egregious but common practices of the police, like detaining suspects without charge for more than 24 hours has been discontinued while the law on detention of persons is currently being strictly applied. On the above scores alone, IGP Idris has every reason to roll out the drums as many a public servant with far less achievements have done. But then, these are not his only achievements. Another achievement of the police high command that is unprecedented is leading role it is playing to foster inter agency cooperation to make Nigeria more safe and secure. In this breath, the IGP has strengthened the relationship between the police force and other sister security agencies through courtesy visits to the Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Chief of Air Staff (CAS), the Comptroller General of Customs, Commandant General of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and other relevant organisations.

    Similarly, the Inspector General has established the Eminent Persons Group across the 36 states of the federation and the FCT with a view to engaging all relevant stakeholders; traditional rulers, Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association (MACBAN), Market Women Association, National Union of Road Transport (NURTW) and many others to make inputs into how society can become safer and more secure.

    The Nigeria Police under IGP Ibrahim Idris is not taking the loyalty of its officers and men for granted. Rather, it is placed high premium on their welfare as a way of encouraging them to do more. Already, housing projects have commenced in many states through PPP arrangements for the construction of affordable mass housing for the officers and men of the force. Unlike in the past when policemen went on strike over their entitlements, officers now get their salaries and allowances as and when due. As a way of ensuring sustainable funding for the force, the police high command is pushing for the passage of a bill for an Act to establish Police Trust Fund Bill. The bill has reached an advanced stage in the Nationally Assembly. These efforts have not gone unnoticed on the international scene. Only recently, an international recognition came the way of the IGP, with his election, by African Police Chiefs as the Vice Chairman of the regional police body. With so many achievements in his first year in office as the nation’s number one police man, the public can only expect even better than the excellent leadership he has been providing for the force that has been acridly excoriated in the recent past. •Augustine David, is a public affairs analyst based in Benin.

  • Of ultimatums and counter-ultimatums

    Strange happenings around the country in the last few weeks have thrown up a lot of questions, leaving one wondering what is wrong with us all. In the immortal words of Dr. Theodor Seuss Geisel, “sometimes the questions are complicated and the answers are simple.” While these seemingly innocuous and separate, but closely related series of events might appear to be predominantly ethnic or tribal in nature, the underlying factor may not be unconnected with the fallouts of the 2015 general elections and the ever looming politics of the 2019 general elections.

    While many people may rightly or wrongly regard it as a direct response to the May 30, shut-down of major towns across the South-east by the Independent Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), in commemoration of the golden jubilee of the Civil War, and in pursuit of their agitation for actualisation of their self-declared Republic of Biafra, the so-called “Kaduna Declaration” of Tuesday, June 6, by a coalition of self-styled aggrieved northern youth organisations under the aegis of the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum (AYCF), giving citizens from that particular part of the country three months to leave the North, has sent massive shock waves across the nation.

    In their own response dated Saturday, June 10, another group tagged ‘Youths of the Oduduwa Republic’ issued an unsigned “Lagos Declaration”, stating that any mention of ‘Biafra’ on what they consider ‘their soil’ would henceforth earn the Igbos eviction from Oduduwa Republic”, comprising the six states of the South-west. In-between, a self-styled region of Niger Delta emerged with its own ultimatum by way of ‘The Rondel Covenant’, in which it gave “all northern oil block owners three months notice from October 1, to leave the Niger Delta region or face unpredictable adverse consequences”, and citing the immediate apprehension of those behind the ‘Kaduna Declaration’ as minimum demand for negotiation.

    On its part, the Middle Belt Forum completely dissociated itself from the ‘Kaduna Declaration’ a day after it was made, declaring that it was ready to accommodate south-easterners if they were forced out of the core North; even as the Urohobo nation, in a statement signed by the senator representing Delta Central Senatorial District, and another group calling itself the Ufedo Foundation, representing the Igala Kingdom in Kogi State, categorically rejected their purported unilateral inclusion in the map of Biafra. The connecting line in the choreographed ultimatums and counter ultimatums is that they were all made by self-acclaimed youth groups, claiming to be tired of what they perceive as a forced union that incidentally came into being long before their respective members were ever conceived, and a vast majority of who did not experience the horrors of the Nigerian civil war fought between 1967 and 1970.

    While one may not also have personally witnessed war first hand, having been born during the course of that war, one is aware of its horrors fairly well enough to caution that we be very careful about what we may be wishing upon ourselves. This is because part of the job I did in the past required that I participate in election observation missions to other countries and other similar external engagements, and I can vividly recall the chilling experiences I had while on a number of such missions to some post-conflict societies in West Africa and other parts of the world.

    During a visit to observe the 2012 elections Sierra Leone, I came across a middle-aged amputee begging for alms in front of a major supermarket adjacent to the Nigerian High Commission office in Freetown, who was said to be doing fairly well before the brutal civil war from 1991 to 2002, which left between 50,000 and 300,000 people dead and another 2.5 million displaced. A staff at the High Commission told us he was reliably informed the man was the very first to be amputated by the deadly Revolutionary United Front (RUF) forces, as part of their utterly repulsive campaign to discourage people from voting in elections. In a chilling CNN footage I watched a few months afterwards on life after the war, a brave young man informed the reporter he now lives on the same street with the same person that severed his two hands from the elbow, whom he encountered everyday but had simply chosen to accept his fate, so as not to reopen fresh wounds.

    On another visit to Liberia a year earlier to observe their own general elections, a very likeable person I met, who turned out to be a Magistrate Court judge, offered to take us out on the eve of their elections. Our outing was going fine under the glittering Monrovia night sky until I brought up the issue of their country’s brutal civil war, when his mood suddenly changed. After what seemed an eternity of silence, he was close to tears as he pleaded that I drop the topic; his reason being that he had personally witnessed the butchering of his own family members and very close friends during the conflict. He went on to state that because of the horrors he had experienced, he could no longer watch a movie where a single gunshot was being fired.

    During yet another discussion with the Rwandan Ambassador to the US on the sidelines of the Chinua Achebe Colloquium at Brown University, Providence, Rhodes Island, in February 2011, he calmly disclosed how easily I could have fallen victim on account of my tall and slim physical frame and facial features, which closely resemble those of one of the sides in the conflict that engulfed the East African nation in 1994. This encounter comes to mind whenever I come across anyone listening to the audio or viewing video clips in which the IPOB leader describes Nigeria as a zoo and its inhabitants as animals – an eerie reminder of that infamous Rwandan local radio broadcast inciting the Hutus to violence in a “final war” against the Tutsis, who were derogatively referred to as cockroaches.

    A close review of the fallouts of that infamous ‘Kaduna Declaration’ reveals two broad categories of reactions. On the one hand are those who tend to wholeheartedly support the ultimatum, on account of what they perceive to be an endless barrage of insults being directed at them by the targets of the eviction order; this set of people seem unaware of the legendary Mahatma Gandhi’s admonition that “an eye for an eye makes the whole world blind”. On the one hand are others totally against it, and who are calling for restraint; this set seem to subscribe to the British economist, Ernst Friedrich “Fritz” Schumacher’s admonition that “any intelligent fool can make things bigger, more complex, and more violent. It takes a touch of genius – and a lot of courage to move in the opposite direction”. In-between lies a third group that appear to be in the majority: people who view it as nothing more than a timely warning to those they regard as very pompous, and who believe the world revolves around them, who think without them, others cannot survive.

    Whether the underlying motive for this latest separatist tension is commercial or political in nature, the important consideration now is that we all be very careful how we go about it, as the prognosis of an all-out confrontation is very grim, going by the ugly outcome of similar conflicts in far smaller African nations.

     

    • Usman writes from usmanabd@gmail.com

  • The Evans circus

    The Inspector-General’s Intelligence Response Team (IRT) arrested Chukwudidumeme Onuamadike (referred to as Evans) on June 11, in Lagos four years after declaring him wanted for kidnapping. The elusive crime lord has allegedly confessed to masterminding a number of high profile crimes and his love of luxury and style of operation has created a myth around his personality. The media, for self-serving purposes, have reinforced this myth through blanket and tactless publication of information regarding the suspect’s operations. This regrettable circus, tacitly aided by the authorities raise fundamental questions about the Nigerian value system and the strategic understanding of Nigerian criminal justice system actors of their roles.

    I have nothing but iconic regard for the officers and men of the Nigeria Police Anti- Robbery units- SARS, FSARS and the IRT, in spite of the negative perception of these units because of their modus operandi. Juxtaposing the enormous operational handicaps (funding, capacity, interference, weaponry and public hostility) that these units confront with and public expectations (which expects Abba Kyari and his men to perform crime solving miracles), one can only come to the conclusion that it takes extreme courage and an uncommon dedication to duty to achieve the positive results that these men have posted in recent times. However the ‘Evans spectacle’ that the media has created with the implicit support of the police authorities undermines the Nigerian criminal justice system and exposes police operatives to unnecessary risks.

    One of the primary principles of any democratic criminal justice system is the independence of roles and cooperation of components; this presupposes that the processes of arrest, trial and punishment are handled by different agencies. And each component must restrict its operation to its constitutionally sanctioned space. The police duty in functioning democracies excludes the power of trial and conviction. While questions have been asked about the compatibility of the current criminal justice regime with the indigenous value systems of the Nigerian people, the current criminal regime in Nigeria guarantees the rights of the accused persons, irrespective of the crime he or she is charged with. Section 36(5) of the Constitution explicitly makes everyone charged with an offence ‘innocent until proven guilty’; Section 34(1) entitles every Nigerian to respect and dignity of his or her person; and ultimately our constitutional order prohibits the turning of an accused person to a ‘ human trophy’.

    The Nigeria police’s unconventional celebrations of the arrest of Evans and the management of the case since his arrest highlights some of the worsening flaws in the Nigerian criminal justice system and raise some unsettling questions. Is it an exercise in public relations or an image laundering exercise? Is it a direct message to other deviants in the society that the police are out to get them? Is it a deliberate strategy to influence the outcome of the trial of Evans if he ever makes it to trial, by pressurizing the judge to convict irrespective of the weight of evidence adduced? Is it an attempt to distract the drama loving Nigerian public from their woes? Or a subtle indictment of the judiciary which is widely perceived as corrupt and incapable of convicting high profile criminals? Or is it just an expression of low self-esteem or low expectation by the Nigeria Police?

    Or can it be said that the police has finally succumbed to the oddities in the Nigerian polity? (After all a Nigerian politician sees nothing awkward in celebrating a handshake with former president Obama?)

    The public mismanagement of Evan’s arrest, especially the publication of seemingly classified operational undermines security and jeopardizes ongoing police operations. It would not be strange if kidnappers henceforth insist on million dollar ransoms and hold hostages for years, decentralize operations and move operational base to Ghana or find ways around electronic tracking. Is it recklessness, sheer incompetence or transcendental sense of invincibility that has made the Nigeria police allow the exposure of the identify of officers involved in the arrest? Online videos of officers celebrating the arrest, of policemen posing with the suspect expose officers and their families to unquantifiable risk and that is why security agencies across the world jealously protect the identity of operatives.

    The police is the most visible symbol of state power and the primary institution of social control in the hands of the managers of public safety and consciousness in Nigeria. Policing is too consequential to be treated without utmost care. To deliberately or negligently expose operatives to danger or to prioritize private interest above strategic security needs is to threaten the security of the citizenry

    The media mystification of Evans inadvertently glamorizes crime and instructs Nigeria’s poor and desperate youth population on the fortune that can be made from crime. In a land of limited opportunities where millions are permanently stuck in generational poverty, glamorizing Evans is a siren song that so many youth will find irresistible. The subliminal message is simple – form gangs, get guns, kidnap the rich and their families, demand ransom in millions of dollar and live the dream life that the society has refused to give you. After all, it is the age of get-rich-or-die-trying, for the youth death is a far country.

    Strangely, the poor management of Evans has sired some peculiar Nigerian oddity- the free/forgive Evans movement. Whether these persons are motivated by pure mischief, self-interest or understandable anger at the impunity of the political class is immaterial; what shocks is the brazen validation of violent crimes by a section of the Nigerian population. This would have been avoided it the police authorities managed the arrest with more circumspection.  And even then, the question should be asked– what are our values as Nigerians?

    The Police mishandling of Evans’ arrest points towards a definite conclusion- a criminal justice system that is deeply flawed and in dire need of holistic reform. An effective criminal justice system is one of the key pillars on which the rule of law is built.  A country that gets its criminal justice system right has effectively addressed a great part of its governance concerns because of the centrality of the criminal justice system to order and stability.

     

    • Osasona is a Research Associate at the Centre for Public Policy Alternatives, Lagos.

  • Curbing quackery among healthcare providers in Lagos

    Quackery is one of the greatest menaces facing healthcare delivery globally.  By definition, a quack is a person who pretends, professionally or publicly, to have skills, knowledge, or qualifications he or she does not possess. By extension, quackery connotes establishing or running a healthcare facility without qualified or certified personnel; or operating beyond the limits or scope of one’s specialization or expertise. In the field of healthcare delivery involving diagnosis, management and prevention of health issues, quackery can have unimaginable and damaging consequences for the populace.

    The havoc wrecked by quacks range from wrong diagnosis, misadministration of drugs and other interventions, and mismanagement of patients;  sometimes leading to extreme and irreversible damage, impairment and even loss of life. A case was recorded of a young lady who had the arm of her baby pulled off during labour by a quack midwife operating in a one room apartment in Ikorodu area of Lagos State. Of course the baby died and the mother has to live with not only the loss but the psychological effect of the incident and probable complications. Also on record is the case of a man who claimed to have studied Medicine in the Dominican Republic, but could not collect his certificate for financial reasons. He said he had his “training” under one Dr. Godwin Kanu, a retired consultant traumatologist and orthopaedist, for 14 years after his return to the country and since then had been practicing medicine. This “doctor” must have performed surgical operations on several innocent and unsuspecting citizens. Of course, many resulted in complications that had to be managed at other hospitals that later raised an alarm to prevent further debauchery by this human slab masquerading as a hospital. Security operatives recently arrested one Martins Okpeh, a 44-year-old secondary school certificate holder, for pretending to be a medical doctor for nine years. In addition, one Cosmos Daramola, who ran a health facility in Badagry, named Darcos Hospital, with a forged certificate from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife was equally arrested and prosecuted. Also, a Community Health Extension Worker (CHEW) working with Safeway Hospital, Ajah forged a nursing certificate and is presently undergoing prosecution.

    In addressing the issue of quackery and assuring the people of quality healthcare delivery both in the private and public sector, the Lagos State government established the Health Facility Monitoring and Accreditation Agency (HEFAMAA) in 2006. This is part of the efforts which emanated from the Health Reform Agenda which is backed by law. The main aim of this reform agenda is to improve the performance of the health system. A vital component of this process is the regulation of the private sector of healthcare delivery being a major provider of service to over 60% of the population. HEFAMAA is charged with the responsibility of monitoring both private and public health facilities to ensure registration and accreditation of all health facilities in Lagos State. It sets required minimum standards for operations of health facilities both in public and private health sector. The agency also accredits, inspects, monitors and licenses all health facilities. It also evaluates performance based on set standards by at least a monitoring visit to every facility twice a year. Among other things, HEFAMAA collates all necessary information on registered health facilities in the state, advice the health commissioner on all matters relating to the registration, inspection and supervision of private and public hospitals in the state. More importantly, HEFAMAA enforces compliance with the provisions of the law and ensures the authenticity of credentials of personnel and ascertain the appropriateness of medical equipment and instruments used in facilities. It is noteworthy that HEFAMAA is empowered to sanction erring facility by sealing such facilities, imposing fines or initiating arrest and prosecution.

    Commissioner for Health Lagos State Dr Jide Idris recently had cause to frown at the way health care providers train auxiliary assistants in their clinics and noted that many of them have been recruiting auxiliary nurses and unqualified personnel thereby endangering the lives of innocent people who unknowingly patronize these health facilities. He explained that the ugly trend has now degenerated to a state where some of the so-called the trained auxiliary nurses and unqualified assistants now go out and establish their own outfits claiming to be professionals and in turn breed other quacks. He stressed that such a trend could lead to a long chain of terrible consequences for the health sector if not decisively addressed.

    The Commissioner also cautioned registered health facilities who practice beyond the scope or schedule for which they are registered. He noted that a situation where a health facility which is registered as a Maternity Home engages in activities beyond the schedule of a maternity home is not acceptable.  While accepting that the private sector accounts for a high percentage of health care providers in Lagos State, he guaranteed that citizens can be confident that the government is closely monitoring the health care providers to ensure that only certified professionals are allowed to operate in the state.  He also restated that the commitment of the Ambode-led administration in ensuring a healthier and happier Lagos is unequivocal and indisputable and hence no stone is being left unturned in fulfilling the mandate of qualitative healthcare to the people.

    While citing poverty as one of the reasons people knowingly patronize quacks, Idris says the issue of out of pocket expenditure is being addressed through the Lagos State health insurance scheme to protect not only the poor but also to ensure all citizens can access or seek medical help without financial constraints. . According to him, the scheme which is mandatory for all residents of the state assures everyone who registers and pays his or her premium the right to patronize a fully accredited health facility whether private or public that is captured in the scheme.

    On the question of the ease with which qualified health care providers can be accredited or registered, Idris disclosed that the state government is seriously considering outsourcing some of the regulatory functions of HEFAMAA for increased efficiency. He also revealed that soon registration can be done electronically via a website that will be created for such and related purposes.

    To fully eradicate quackery, members of the public are enjoined not to patronize any hospital, convalescence home, maternity home, clinic, diagnostic centre or laboratory not accredited by HEFAMAA. Endorsed facilities can be known by the HEFAMAA logo placed conspicuously at the frontage. To further assist government in the pursuit of its aims in this regard, citizens are encouraged to exercise their rights by sending in written or verbal complaints to the agency. Reports or petitions on unethical practices or unwholesome clinical procedures can be made to the Office of Health Facility Monitoring and Accreditation Agency (HEFAMAA) at the Lagos State Government Secretariat in Alausa, Ikeja. These complaints or observations will be investigated and dealt with appropriately by the agency.

    The battle against quackery is one in which every well-meaning Nigerian must enlist. The next victim may be anyone or someone dear. Taking the bold step of notifying the appropriate authority may make a lot of difference between life and death.

     

    • Salako is Director, Public Affairs, Lagos State Ministry of Health.

  • That Oyo State may prosper

    When the 80-year-old mother of Ramdulari Devi first heard that her son had been elected the Prime Minister of India, her reaction was: “I expect Lal Bahadur to ensure that the country prospers even if he has to sacrifice his life for it” (J. Maurus, 2004).

    Similarly, the Governor of Oyo State, Senator Abiola Ajumobi, has said repeatedly that when he was contesting for the governorship of the state, he told God to make his election to the post possible only if he would do well by the people of the state. If God knew he was not going do well in the post, Ajimobi said he told God not to allow him clinch the coveted seat.

    During Ajimobi’s first coming, his focus was security and infrastructure. The first task as he saw it was to restore peace and security to the state, particularly to Ibadan, the state capital, which had acquired the notoriety of a garrison town where life was not only unsafe, but short and brutish with the daily deadly battles between the various factions of the transport unions for supremacy.

    In less than six months of taking office, Governor Ajimobi was able to restore peace by sending strong signals to trouble makers that they would no longer find a safe haven in Oyo State, and this enabled government to proceed with its infrastructural development plan which included the construction of roads along Eleyele-Magazine Road-Dugbe axis, Jericho-Aleshinloye, Eleyele-Sabo etc. But the road infrastructural development was not confined only to Ibadan Metropolis; for the first time in the history of the state, simultaneous construction and expansion of some roads to four and six lanes commenced in Iseyin, Oyo and Ogbomoso townships.

    One of the challenges faced by the Ajimobi-led administration when it came on board in 2011 was the issue of flooding, especially within Ibadan metropolis. The torrential rains of that year flooded many neighbourhoods and swept away many roads and bridges cutting off many communities. The government promptly went into action by reconstructing the bridges and building alternative roads. A clear case in point was the Apete Bridge in Ido Local Government of the state capital which was washed away by the floods, thus cutting off a large swathe of communities up to Akufo.

    Because the government was bent on building not only a better bridge in Apete, but also upgrading the road leading to Apete from Ijokodo, it constructed another road from Ajibode to Apete within months to alleviate the problems of the people of the area, a road which serves them well even after the completion of the Apete main bridge and road.

    The 2011 experience with floods in Ibadan led the government to device an early warning system and flood control methods that have minimized floods to the barest minimum in the state. Thus during the last rainy season when floods swept through other cities in the country, Ibadan was spared because at the approach of the rains, all the water ways were dredged and solid bridges provided for communities prone to floods. Construction of roads and bridges is still going on in flood prone areas.

    Since the beginning of this year, the Oyo State government has embarked yet again on the massive construction of roads across the state which when combined with past efforts will truly change the face of Ibadan to the status of a mega city and modernize other cities in the state. Some of these roads reconstruction for which contracts have been awarded since January and for which the contractors have mobilized to site include Idi-Ape-Iwo Road Interchange which would be expanded from the present four lanes to six lanes, Bus Stop-Old Ife Road-Alakia Road, Eleyele-Ologuneru Road up to Ido junction, Beere-OritaMerin, Agbeni-Ogunpa and The Oke-Ogun Polytechnic-Ibaruba Road in Saki. All these roads are to be expanded into four lanes to enhance not only the aesthetics of the towns and ease transportation, but to also enhance commercial viability of the areas.

    Perhaps, the most far reaching reform of Governor Ajimobi’s government is in the education sector where he has taken on the herculean task improving the standards of education in the state. In the last few years, the state, which was renowned for its academic excellence, hosting the very first university in Nigeria and the largest concentration of research institutes in Africa, has been lagging behind in the Senior School Certificate and the National Examination Council examinations sometimes taking the 34th position out of 36 states. This situation, the governor found unacceptable, and in his words had said: “We must improve education in the state”.

    Some people, he said, had wondered why he was putting himself to so much trouble about education in the state, especially considering the crisis the reform generated initially. Ajimobi’s answer to that was that posterity would not judge us well if we were in a position to do something and we refused to do so. Lack of proper supervision has been identified as one the banes of education in the state, and to enhance close monitoring of each school, the government has introduced a Governing Board for each school made up members from the communities where the schools are situated. The rationale for this is that each community is to take ownership of the schools in their area. The government would still continue to pay teachers’ salaries, provide infrastructure and other teaching aids, but members of the community and old boys whose children attend these schools must supervise the running of these schools for effectiveness. We are already seeing results as the state came second in the last NECO exams whose results were released earlier this year.

    In the State Executive Council meetings, Governor Ajimobi charged members to come up with iconic projects that would improve things in the state for the better and return the state to the leadership position for which the state has been destined. One of such iconic projects is the Polaris-Pacesetter Free Trade Zone. Polaris is a multi-billion dollar Chinese conglomerate which wants to set up manufacturing companies in conjunction with Oyo State in the free trade zone. More than 100 companies are expected to be set up on the 1000 hectares of land for the project to provide employment and business opportunities to our teeming population not only in the state, but all over the country as people migrate to places where there are jobs.

    Ajimobi has often been dubbed by critics as tyrannical, unbending, dictatorial and undiplomatic. Some even said he is not a listening governor. The critics may have a point, but as John Emerich Edward Dalberg, the 1st Baron of Acton said: “Great men are almost always bad men… There is no worse heresy than that the office sacrifices the holder of it” (Geddes and Grosset, 1994). Why did the Baron say great men were almost always bad men? Because in the pursuit of great deeds like Ajimobi is doing, a lot of changes would have to be wrought as it could no longer be business as usual. And people would resist change as human beings are naturally averse to change.

    Though Ajimobi demands excellence from those who work with him and does not compromise standards, though he is a slave driver as he himself is a workaholic, oftentimes working into the wee hours of the morning tirelessly, yet he is a man full of the milk of human kindness and a man who listens to criticism as can be seen in his recent moves wherein he went to town on different occasions to brief the ordinary man on the street about his various projects, especially the new road projects, appealing to them for understanding and apologizing to them for the inconveniences the construction projects would cause them. His only desire is to see that Oyo State prospers.

     

    • Ganiyu is Oyo State Commissioner for Special Duties.