The Nation Newspaper

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  • Making the most of a unique model

    It was the popular author and human resources executive, Albert Low, who said, “Instead of suppressing conflicts, specific channels should be created to make these conflicts explicit, and specific methods should be set up by which the conflict is resolved.”

    This quote succinctly describes the raison d’etre of the Joint Negotiating council (JNC) whose existence and modalities of its functioning constitute a unique model for attaining and maintaining industrial peace and harmony in Lagos State.

    The harmonious relationship between the administration of Governor Akinwunmi Ambode of Lagos State and the various trade unions in the Lagos State Public Service is an eloquent testimony to the relevance, importance, competence and strategic indispensability of the Joint Negotiating Council (JNC).

    In order to sustain the existing atmosphere of industrial harmony in Lagos State and in order to transform such harmony into even greater productivity, there are certain values that we must continue to live by.  One of these values is the value of being proactive. This calls for all stakeholders to be dedicated to preparing for, intervening in, or controlling an expected occurrence or situation, especially a negative or difficult one. The JNC must continue to exhibit this value by identifying and bringing to the attention of the appropriate bodies, all matters that may degenerate or fester into unmanageable crisis.

    Another value is the value of committing to a perpetual regimen of training and re-training of skills. In today’s world in particular, high premium is placed on the possession of soft skills. These are the skills that are not taught in formal schools but are essential to real life success and productivity. For a long time, it was considered impossible to learn soft skills. Now, the good news is that, like any skill, soft skills can be learned. And there is better news. The better news is that boosting soft skills not only gives officers a leg up on a new job or a promotion, but these skills also have obvious applications in all areas of a person’s life, both professional and personal and ultimately contribute to the efficiency and effectiveness of organisations which we are currently enjoying under the able leadership of Governor Ambode.

    Success in the world today necessarily calls for people who play well with others and can effectively work as part of a team. According to Lyne Sarikas, the MBA Career Center Director at Northeastern University, “That means sometimes being a leader, sometimes being a good follower, monitoring the progress, meeting deadlines and working with others across the organization to achieve a common goal.” Let us always remember that the government and the JNC are ultimately on the same team.

    Because the world is fast changing and issues are becoming more complex, the people in charge of important organizations must be able to observe and critically assess the impact and consequence of developments as they arise and, sometimes, even before they arise. Larry Buhl pointed out that it is not enough to be able to collect data and manipulate it; one must also be able to analyse and interpret it. What story does the data tell? What questions are raised? Are there different ways to interpret the data?  Thus, instead of making demands simpliciter, today’s realities call for parties to jointly consider the implications of, and modalities for implementing, the demands.

    We must also bear in mind that the delivery of value to citizens is the fundamental objective of any democratically-elected government. In today’s world, however, the delivered value must be delivered par excellence. This is chiefly because citizens have become sophisticated and exposed to the standards of governance in other climes such that their expectations have been conditioned to demand and insist on compliance with global best practices at all levels of governance. Meeting these expectations is the central challenge for governments in the developing world.

    Thankfully in Lagos State, we have a government that has boldly embraced this challenge and is, in fact, executing a reasoned-out plan to transform governance and its processes in such a way that the ever-changing and complex expectations of citizens can be admirably met. With firm focus on delivering value to the people, Governor Ambode has since recognised that one of the most effective ways to ensure that officers of the Lagos State Public Service are positioned to deliver value is to invest in improving their skills and knowledge. To this end, a number of trainings have been approved and delivered to ensure that officers of the service are positioned to favourably compete with officers from other states and able to meet the challenges of today’s world across the globe.

    Most of these trainings have focused on the development of work ethics, soft skills and leadership essentials that will improve productivity. Soft skills have everything to do with one’s attitude. Attitude is so important that most other coveted attributes flow from it. Shawn Ashmore says your “style is a reflection of your attitude and your personality.” Hans Selye opined that “adopting the right attitude can convert a negative stress into a positive one.” Maya Angelou, the famous poet wrote that, “if you don’t like something, change it. If you can’t change it, change your attitude.” Similarly, Lou Holtz observed that, ‘virtually nothing is impossible in this world if you just put your mind to it and maintain a positive attitude.” Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States of America (USA) said, “Nothing can stop the man with the right mental attitude from achieving his goal and nothing on earth can help the man with the wrong mental attitude.”

    The administration has also embarked on projects that have both tangential and direct benefits on all officers of the Lagos State Public Service and the State at large. These include: The maintenance and opening up of new roads in  the state; implementation of the ‘Light Up Lagos’ Project; continuing implementation of the ‘Housing for All’ programme in the rent-to-own project; acceleration of the ‘Eko Atlantic City’ project; building and rehabilitation of pedestrian bridges at Berger Bus stop, Ojota and at many other locations; expansion of Bus Stops and provision of additional buses for the Bus Rapid Transport initiative and qualification for recognition as one of the 100 resilient cities in the world. This award was earned as a result of Governor Akinwunmi Ambode’s innovative leadership, investments in infrastructural development and widening influence.

    I am sure you all will agree with me that in the 50 years of the existence of Lagos State, and most especially, in the last 18 years, giant strides have been made and worthy accomplishments attained. We have every reason to roll out the drums and celebrate the exemplary leadership that Lagos State has offered to other states in Nigeria and other cities in Africa. The occasion of the 50th anniversary of the creation of the state is also an opportunity to celebrate the sterling contributions of all our leaders. We must be challenged and encouraged by the sacrifices and accomplishments of those who have shepherded the affairs of this state as political leaders and those who have served as public servants.

     

    • Dr. Oke is Lagos Commissioner for Establishments, Training and Pensions.

  • Edo: Paradigm for prosperity

    A new economic and political reality is rapidly emerging in Edo State. The people have incontestably proved that citizens’ action, peoples’ power and determination are the most durable and powerful catalysts for societal change.  Edo electorate was unquestionably far-sighted in their decision to ensure the fatal termination of the aspiration of the PDP in the September 28,  2016 governorship election. It is perceivable that the voters still bear bleeding wounds from the squandered decade of opportunities and progress under the previous directionless, clueless and ‘do nothing’ PDP government –the memory of the prominent but ignominious role of, Ize Iyamu, as the former Chief of Staff and subsequently Secretary to the State Government under ex-Governor Lucky Igbinedion remains indelibly repugnant to considerable size of Edo people. Thus in resoundingly rejecting Ize-Iyamu as the 2016 PDP governorship candidate, the people wanted to edify a new chronicle  for Edo State in the spring years of the 21st Century. Edo people wanted a responsive and responsible government and therefore embraced the vision and phenomenon  that was advanced by Godwin Obaseki of APC. One could say by every metric of progress that Governor Obaseki has duly reciprocated the trust that was invested in him by the people-he has responded with gusto and dedication to the call of service without any loss of time.

    In fact, Governor Obaseki commenced the construction of tracks for the actualization of the electoral promises on which he campaigned immediately following his inauguration in November.  It was evident from some of the initial executive decision of the governor that his (Obaseki) professional experience in the world of finance and economics, political background and premium of character were crucial capacitors  for the activation of the engine of prosperity in Edo State. These were some of the real and intangible capital that the governor brought along with him to Dennis Osadebey House from inception.   There was an unmistakable cohesive theme in the paradigm of societal advancement that was projected by the governor from the genesis of the administration; Obaseki seem to have embodied a vision of vibrant development that was nurtured in the tried and tested understanding of micro policies simultaneously secured within formidable macro foundations. Unlike the unconscionable era of PDP impunity, the citizenry is watching a healthy political process of governance with inclusive and transparent intentions and institutions. This is a new arena where profound ideas and major policy initiatives are adopted only after the question, qui bono, for whose benefit, has been selflessly examined and honestly answered.

    Hence for instance, it was not surprising that the administration’s 2017 overall economic plan reads like a study in contemporary classics of stimulating a besieged, quasi autonomous economy in a developing world. Obaseki’s entire agenda is thoughtfully enhanced with metrics for gauging progress-the blueprints for Edo’s progress is highly commendable for its people-centered feature in its overall outcome. There are clearly measured short, mid and long term timelines in the comprehensive Obaseki’s budgetary guidelines for 2017. Among other remarkable features in the document were the six key pillars, or the hexagonal engine of prosperity –the six areas included institutional revolution, new township developments, environmental revolution, social welfare revolution, infrastructure revolution and economic revolution. In the past few months, all the six engines of Obaseki’s governing visions are being simultaneously activated and synchronized for the cherished and anticipated goals. Indeed, since the unfolding of the fiscal plan of action, Obaseki has engendered the vital momentum to accelerate the scientific maturation of the fruits of political and economic democracy for the benefit of Edo humanity.

    The government has remained faithfully active in pursing the implementation of its cherished agenda despite the continuing obstruction and obstacles being erected by the PDP through endless electoral litigations. Fortunately the people of Edo State are realistically enthusiastic and responding positively to the administration as the sociology of solidarity between the governor and the citizenry flourished remarkably even through the proceeding at the election tribunal.

    From job creation to infrastructural development and reforming education to agricultural revolution, Obaseki is widening the horizon of opportunities for the evolvement of a more prosperous Edo State; the governor is systematically laying today’s foundation for the architecture of the future- the rainbow of a rapidly rising economic power house in the South-South of Nigeria is becoming endearingly apparent.

    Quite remarkably, along with various other angles within the orbit of the hexagon of prosperity, the governor continues to courageously pursue the agenda of job creation-this was an idea that Obaseki’s political opponent said was impossible during the campaign. Thus far, the strategic layout in variety of the participatory technical forums initiated by the governor shows a secured road map towards achieving the objective of creating 150,000 jobs within Obaseki’s first term. Every impartial assessment indicate that the envisaged  clusters of public/private  agricultural and agribusiness  enterprises of the government  will generate about 60-thousand good decent paying jobs- this is the conservative statistical estimate from this single sector alone. The contemplation that was endowed by Obaseki in the agricultural policy arena is emblematic of the technocratic quality and visionary leadership of the governor in all areas of policy initiatives.

    Understandably, the skeptics and opponents of the governor during the campaign are lacking even the rudimentary capacity to even fathom such job generating potentials-their forte in politics has never included growing the economy and expanding the base for the welfare of the people. The cruel fate of ravenous pillage suffered by such profit-making and employment generating agencies like Bendel Brewery, Bendel Line and Okpilla Cement Factory under the PDP administration is an irreversible indictment in the annals of our history.

    Edo State is being steadily awakened from stupor and from what was previously described as a vegetating civil service state-the geo-political entity is rapidly rising to become a vibrant and formidable agribusiness, industrial and mid-level technological skills exporting region in West Africa. The aggregate potentials of the Gelege seaport blueprint, the rejuvenation of Benin Technical College, the maximization and commercialization of the areas of comparative advantages in agriculture and progressive reforms in education are indestructible foundations for a more prosperous Edo State. A new and historic journey has begun in the geographical heart of Nigeria,this is an opportunity that must not be squandered through diversionary and frivolous electoral litigations of the opposing PDP.

     

    • Adams, a political commentator writes from Benin City, Edo State.

  • Nigeria’s ICT sector and the economy

    When one looks around Nigeria today, it is very difficult not to notice the pace of change brought about by the ever-evolving Information and Communications Technology (ICT) sector.  The growth of the ICT sector has developed so rapidly that it has literally changed the way we think about socio-economic development.
    In regards to ICT, Nigeria’s numbers are staggering.  Nigeria ranks number one in internet usage in Africa and eighth in the world.   Nigeria’s telecom sector is one of the largest in Africa, and is driven almost entirely by mobile technology.  Internet usage has increased rapidly in Nigeria over the past 10 years.
    ICT has opened up access to information on the world-wide web and citizens are better informed about matters of particular importance and interest to them.  The potential to transform lives and the nation’s economy through IT is well known by lawmakers and the IT/telecommunications sector.
    It would be a remarkable achievement if the public and private sector could work more closely together to address youth entrepreneurship and employment through ICT. To realize this vision, a plan for training, incubating, financing and implementation is needed. Youth engagement throughout the design and implementation process is critical for success.
    To promote the empowerment of young Nigerians to engage in the development process, leaders should seek to contribute to youth employment through entrepreneurship and capacity development in Nigeria. ICT should be recognized as both an input, and output of innovation. The emergence of technology hubs across the country, as well as the growing efforts by young Nigerian ”techpreneurs” in developing mobile applications to solve health, education, financial inclusion, agriculture, and other socio-economic challenges all point to evidence of ICTs as outputs of the innovation and entrepreneurship processes.
    Young people usually lack substantial mainstream support in terms of funding for the sustainable implementation and replication of their initiatives. Techpreneurs should receive support that fosters the adoption and diffusion of mobile applications, while simultaneously allowing them to continue growing their ventures. Currently, there is growing evidence that although individual techpreneurs are winning awards and being celebrated outside the country, the adoption and diffusion of home-grown mobile applications need to be further supported and promoted.
    Additionally, there are important infrastructure issues that pose barriers to ICT growth and internet penetration.  Service, quality, network congestion, lack of investment in infrastructure high broadband prices, the recession and lack of economic growth.
    Social factors impacting rapid growth include mass illiteracy rates with computers, the high cost of computers and internet services and goverment policies.
    It should be the intention of government to look to create an enabling environment and incentives for internet service providers to provide affordable rates and increased access to rural areas.  In today’s knowledge based economy, government cannot afford to have people left behind.
    In other parts of Africa and the Global South, important technical strides have been made in using mobile phones and other ICT instruments to help rural farmers purchase agricultural inputs and receive fair prices for their produce from remote locations.
    Perhaps one of the greatest innovations is in the health sector.  Telemedicine and e-health programmes have improved the lives of thousands of men, women and children.  Patients no longer have to travel major distances to receive preventive care and diagnosis.  The savings in terms of time and money are priceless.  Imagine receiving top rated health care in hundreds of miles away from the facility is truly amazing.
    The Federal Government has announced on several occasions its desire to grow the economy and create jobs through ICT.  The Ministry of Trade and Industry, the Ministry of Communication have been very vocal and focused in this area. The National Assembly is playing its part as well.  After partnering with the private sector on the “Ease of Doing Business” priority economic agenda, a new partnership has emerged on ICT.  The Nigeria ICT Policy Working Group is a partnership between the Office of the Senate President, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki and the Africa Business Center of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
    The purpose of the Working Group is to assemble government, the Nigerian ICT private sector, international investors development partners to work over several months to review the impediments to the growth of the ICT sector, infrastructure development, spread of broadband and government policies and offer recommendations for action by the Federal Government and National Assembly.
    The Working Group has the potential to deliver real socio-economic benefits to the people of Nigeria and the interest it has already garnered leads many to believe that Nigeria is on the verge of a robust, post-petroleum revival.

    •Clack writes from Abuja.

  • Politicisation of Nigerian Foreign Service

    Many serious pundits of Nigeria’s foreign policy have expressed concern about a perceived waning of the country’s profile and standing in world affairs. Some have even gone as far as to derisively allege that for some time now, we have delivered considerably less than we are capable of, despite our claims to being a nation of significance and influence, not only in our region but, indeed, beyond.
    Not quite a few have attributed this unfortunate state of affairs to a basket of issues, one of which, in their view, is the increasing slippage in staff quality and capability in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), which is the constitutionally acknowledged and pre-eminent institution charged with the responsibility of managing our foreign policy and the overall conduct of our diplomacy. They contend that the healthy respect that the ministry had earned from policy leaders on account of proven track record of professionalism and competence that its staff had garnered from its early days has, of recent, suffered terribly.
    Again, many see the present staff challenge at two layers with each compounding the other. The first is the unbridled recruitment, often outside the established guidelines of cadet diplomatic officers at the entry points of Salary Grade Levels 08 and 09 with scant regard for the personnel needs and structure of the ministry. The 1980s were especially notorious for this unfortunate phenomenon. Even more disruptive to the orderly development and staff progression of the ministry are the most recent efforts by the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC), to transfer, en masse, staff from Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) and parachute them into both the middle and policy making echelons (SGL 13 – 16) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    Yes, it is true that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is part of the Nigerian Civil Service and the larger Nigerian bureaucracy. But, it is equally true that the Nigerian Foreign Service, which is what the ministry is, is part of the community of the Foreign Services of the world, universally locked into each other, with internationally agreed Conventions and Protocols guiding and circumscribing acceptable conduct and practices. Let it be clearly understood that it is virtually unheard of for a Foreign Service anywhere to recruit diplomatic staff at the senior to Director grade level for the very cogent reason that at that stage, a good diplomat would have already acquired considerable expertise in the delicate art of negotiation and dialogue, honed his trade in all its aspects and developed his network of contacts with colleagues all over the world.
    The Foreign Service in any country is treated as a unique and professional service and this explains why recruitment into it is carefully done. In addition to academic qualification, potential recruits must have a pleasant personality, be able to communicate well and have flair for diplomatic service. The ability to speak additional foreign languages is always an added bonus. This explains why it has separate Rules and Regulations and unwritten norms and conventions. In short, it has a universal character. Therefore, the Nigerian Foreign Service was not supposed to be an all-comers job; nor was it intended to be a platform for political patronage. Rather, it was meant to be from inception, a compact, manageable and result oriented Service.
    One is naturally concerned about the present direction of affairs and wishes to caution that Nigeria should not be an unholy exception to this universal rule. In this regard, it recalls the vision that our Foreign Service, at its establishment, was expected to exemplify the best global traditions and be able to hold its own anytime. It was into this young Service but with already fully established norms of management and operations that 12 pioneer career Foreign Service officers were carefully selected and recruited in 1957 from all the three regions of the country. The solid foundation that this band of men subsequently laid for the Nigerian Foreign Service through their extraordinary zeal and commitment to the national cause remains exemplary. Later generations of Foreign Service Officers have continued to walk in the trails and paths that they charted, even though the acknowledgment and honours that they richly deserved for their valiant exertions on behalf of the country are still largely in abeyance.
    Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria (ARCAN) has noted with disappointment that from March 3 to April 14, the FCSC placed an advertisement for recruitment and transfer of new staff to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from SGL 13 to 16 to fill vacancies for non-existent “Succession Gap” needs of the ministry. We find this rather curious and surprising because the commission cannot feign ignorance that a committee set up in 2015 by former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan and chaired by the then Vice President, Arc Mohammed Namadi Sambo, and of which the FCSC Chairman, Deaconess Joan Ayo, was a member, had conclusively proven that there was no ‘succession gap’ in the ministry to be filled from outside. Other members of the Vice President’s committee included the former Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF), the then Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Principal Secretary to former President Jonathan. ARCAN’s own Ad-hoc Committee set up to look into this problem of ‘succession gap’ came to the same conclusion as that of the former Vice President’s committee.
    ARCAN knows that President Jonathan agreed with the committee that the ministry’s staffing needs could and should be addressed through the normal promotion or advancement exercise with adequate manpower planning. He, therefore, approved that officers be allowed to fill vacancies in the ministry through normal promotion or advancement, guided by extant regulations. The President also directed the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the chairman of the FCSC and the Head of Service of the Federation to give effect to his directive. As far as we can tell, this presidential order has not been reversed.
    Indeed, ARCAN is aware that the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Aminu Wali, had in a very comprehensive letter to the FCSC Chairman on this subject matter in 2014, cogently argued the case against transfers into the ministry. In spite of this, the chairman, Deaconess Joan Ayo, appears unrelenting and has not stopped transferring officers into the ministry. One wonders what her motives could be.
    ARCAN, like all well meaning stakeholders and concerned citizens, therefore hardly needs to state that the present regrettable actions by the FCSC to flood the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with unwanted and unsuitable personnel must be reconsidered and stopped.
    We firmly hold the view that all the issues in contention can be effectively dealt with in a drastically restructured Ministry of Foreign Affairs within the framework of a totally separate Foreign Service with a separate Foreign Service Commission that will be responsible for the recruitment, discipline, promotion and other matters pertaining to the smooth and efficacious operations of the Ministry.
    While we await the early achievement of this objective we request and urge that, as an interim measure, a Special Unit should be created within the FCSC to be manned by persons with Foreign Service background and experts in international relations which will handle all matters relating to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We recall here that this unit was approved during the administrations of both President Babangida and President Obasanjo. We believe that the nation’s foreign policy will benefit immensely if this long outstanding Federal Executive Council decision were to be immediately given effect. We, therefore, appeal to the government to direct the relevant government institutions to immediately implement this extant decision and create the Unit for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the FCSC.
    The country must have a well thought out and self-regenerating staff policy for the Foreign Service. We feel that we must evolve and adopt a policy that facilitates the recruitment and retention in the service intellectually strong and smart young men and women who have the potential to grow and blossom into versatile, skilled, capable and wise diplomats, able to vigorously and adroitly protect and advance our national interests on the world stage. And we feel there must be an untainted structure and guidelines not open to manipulation that support the earnest engagements of our diplomats.

    •Ambassador Dahiru, OFR, sent this piece on behalf of Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria (ARCAN).

  • Adjudging themselves innocent

    One of the fundamental principle or maxim of natural justice, is the common law rule: nemo judex in causa sua, which literally means that: no one should be a judge in his own cause. The underlying philosophy behind the maxim is the avoidance of bias for no one, however altruistic, would be fair minded, if he/she is allowed to judge his/her own cause or judge a cause that he/she has an interest in, and if I may add, particularly if a guilty verdict, would result in a punishment.
    So, to forestall a kangaroo arrangement where interested persons especially the influential members of the society who have offended the law could organise themselves or one of their own to declare themselves or their compatriot innocent, section 36(1) of the 1999 constitution provides: “In the determination of his civil rights and obligation, … a person shall be entitled to fair hearing within a reasonable time by a court or other tribunal established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality.”
    In the perception of the ordinary man in the street, recent events in Nigeria gives the impression that this fundamental maxim of our constitutional democracy do not apply to the rich and privileged. A piece sent to my WhatsApp a few weeks ago give credence to the above postulation and there is substantial despondence among the ordinary people that the privileged do not submit themselves to public account.
    According to the message, the executive through an internal process exculpated the now suspended Secretary to the Federal Government (SGF), Babachir Lawal, over the grass cutting contract scandal as well as the Chief of Staff to the President, Abba Kyari, over the MTN bribery scandal. On its part, the Senate through its committee, and further at plenary, exonerated the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, over the import duty scandal, and finally, the judiciary, in turn discharged and acquitted Justice Adeniyi Ademola, over the charges of corruption.
    This public perception, of the promotion of the rule of bias, in place of the rule of natural justice, was again reiterated, after President Muhammadu Buhari, decided to set up an administrative board, to investigate the allegations against the SGF, and also the Director General of the Nigeria Intelligence Agency (NIA), Mr Ayo Oke, over the 43 million US dollars, plus, seized by the EFCC, in an apartment belonging to Oke’s wife.
    The challenge as far as public perception is concerned, is whether the board of enquiry, made up of the vice president, the same federal attorney general who had earlier acquitted the SGF, and the National Security Adviser (NSA), alleged to be in the know about the money, which the DG claims belong to the NIA, meets the underlying philosophical requirement of “a court or other tribunal established by law and constituted in such manner as to secure its independence and impartiality”, which the ordinary Nigerians are subjected to.
    Long ago, in Day v Savage (1614), 80 ER 235 at 237, the English court, laid down the general rule, thus: “Even an act of parliament made against natural equity, as to make a man a judge in his own cause is void in itself.” Here in Nigeria, in Ex parte Olakunri: Olakunri v Oba Ogunoye, (1985) 1 NWLR pt 4, 652 SC at 668, Nnamani JSC, framed it, this way: “As regards bias or likelihood of bias, the common law has disqualified an adjudicator from adjudicating whenever circumstances point to real likelihood that he will have a bias by which means ‘an operative prejudice’, whether conscious or unconscious”.
    The challenge whether the administrative board, empanelled by the President to ‘try’ one of their own, meets the basic requirement of non-bias, is significant. While an independent administrative body can be properly constituted, the common believe is that the one headed by the vice president, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, will have to battle the baggage, of the two other members.
    Considering that the honourable AGF, has earlier examined the accusation against the SGF, and found him free of any wrongdoing with regards to the same set of facts, a different verdict by a board of which he is a member, will suffer two assaults. First the AGF will be accused of a subsisting bias by the public if he finds as he did before, and if he finds against the SGF, this time, the SGF could accuse him of changing under undue influence.
    How the President thought that the AGF can, fairly sit on appeal, against his earlier findings, is strange. On the part of NSA, the charge of potential bias also hangs over his head considering that he is the direct supervisor of Mr Oke, who reportedly claimed to have briefed him about the fund stashed away in the Ikoyi flat, for alleged convert operations. So, an accusation against the NSA that he is an interested party, in a matter that he is adjudicating, is potent.
    Of course, the Senate finding that their President has no query to answer with regards to the allegations of import duty fraud, can only be of tainted value to the members of the red chamber. Beyond being a basis to determine the confidence of members of the Senate, in Saraki’s leadership, their findings cannot substitute the findings of the Nigerian Customs, empowered by statute, to deal with such matters, under the Customs and Exercise Act.
    Despite public outrage, Justice Ademola’s trial meets the procedural requirement, envisaged by sections 6(6) and 36, of the 1999 constitution, as amended, with regards to the doctrine of fair hearing and the rule against bias. Of course, some Nigerians consider the verdict, a travesty of justice and a clear manifestation of bias, in the judge’s favour, understandably, by his colleague. For this group, the presiding judge was prejudiced against the state’s interest, and they urge the state and its agents, to appeal the judgment.
    The erudite postulation by Oputa JSC, in LPDC v Fawehinmi, (1985) 2 NWLR, pt. 7 at p.387, should be a true guide. There, he said: “The purity of the administration of justice is so jealously guarded, that if there are any circumstances so affecting a person or body of persons, called upon to determine the rights of fellow human beings, as to be calculated to create in the mind of a reasonable man a suspicion of those person’s impartiality those circumstances in themselves and by themselves alone, are sufficient to disqualify the person or persons from adjudicating.”
    As the laws and cases cited, show, the rule against bias, appears to have been disregarded by the President, in handling the cases against Mr Oke and the SGF; and also by the Senate, in dealing with the allegations of infraction by their president, Bukola Saraki, against the provisions of the Customs and Exercise Act.

  • Let Biafran people go!

    Let Biafran people go!

    Thank God a judge has now seen fit to grant bail to Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, who is said to have been described by his lawyer as the “leader of a nation”! Let us hope that this new prophet can now be left in peace to lead his fellow Biafrans to much deserved freedom from the hellish confines of the oppressive Nigerian nation…
    Thankfully, the process will be swift, since apparently has very deep pockets and unparalled access to top political leaders in Anambra, Imo, Ebonyi, Enugu and Abia states.
    But who could Nnamdi Kanu actually be, and what hidden factors may be said to lie behind his on-going crusade to bring a Biafra nation into existence?
    A very interesting question indeed!
    There are a number of clues for us to ponder:
    First of all, the person who goes by the name Nnamdi Kanu appears to have suddenly emerged from nowhere, as if by magic!
    Secondly, since this gentleman suddenly burst into prominence, the original leader of the agitation for the “actualization” of Biafra (a certain Ralph Uwazurike) has been crying all over the place that the new Biafran independence movements headed by Nnamdi Kanu and his cohorts are fake organisations that are being funded by some unnamed “politicians”….
    A three page spread published in the “Sunday Sun” of December 12, 2015 (pages 48-51) threw some very interesting light on what Ralph Uwazurike has been up to with MASSOB, as well as on who the mysterious Nnamdi Kanu actually is.
    In the interview, Uwazurike complained bitterly that Nnamdi Kanu was originally an unemployed youth whom he hired to supervise the activities of Radio Biafra in London due to the fact that Nnamdi Kanu had legitimate residence status in the United Kingdom…
    If indeed Nnamdi Kanu is who Ralph Uwazurike says he is, how did he suddenly become endowed with the tremendous level of funding that appears to have been required to rent large crowds for unruly demonstrations all over the Eastern states, as well as in Delta and Rivers State?
    How come he was able to fund a secret radio station within the confines of Nigeria, as well as allegedly purchase considerable quantities of sophisticated weapons in preparation for an armed uprising?
    Hopefully, the answer to these and many more questions may become known when and if Nnamdi Kanu and his alleged co-conspirators are eventually put on trial.
    Turning now to the possibly remedy that might help quell the ongoing agitation for the birth of a Biafra nation, there have been a number of calls in the recent past for some kind of “dialogue” with Nnamdi Kanu and his followers.
    This kind of advice is obviously misplaced, notwithstanding the rather bizarre utterances of Bishop Kukah, who once described Nnamdi Kanu as “the most popular politician in Nigeria today”!
    If there can be no “negotiation” or “dialogue” with Nnamdi Kanu and his supporters, is there any means of diffusing the present unrest, short of engaging in a shooting war with the neo-Biafran agitators?
    Obviously, the best solution would be for the Federal Government to publicly announce that it is prepared to grant a Biafran homeland to all ndigbo who wish to abandon the choice properties and flourishing business enterprises that they have acquired by dint of back-breaking labour and intense sacrifice over many decades in Lagos, Abuja, Benin, Jos, Maiduguri etc and return to Nnewi or wherever else they may choose to relocate to in a newly independent Biafran enclave…
    Naturally, the returnees would be unable to carry buildings or other major physical assets with them, so they would be limited to whatever they might be able to fit into a few suitcases and “Ghana must go bags”, with assistance from Eze Ayodele Fayose 1, the newly crowned paramount ruler of Ihiala…
    Obviously also, the new Biafran nation would be a landlocked enclave with no access to oil, since no rational indigenes of Akwa Ibom, Cross Rivers, Bayelsa and Rivers state can be expected to associate themselves with the highly illogical caper of the newly proclaimed Biafran nation, a factor that happens to have been one of the underlying causes of the collapse of the original Biafra under the leadership of the late Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu…
    Furthermore, once they have returned to Arochwukwu, Umuahia Ibeku, Aba-Ngwa etc, the citizens of the newly independent “Biafra” should be required to produce passports and legitimate visas each time they wish to visit any part of whatever is left of the dismembered Nigerian nation for business or pleasure, with strict customs controls to regulate the movement of goods and foodstuffs between the new Biafra and every other part of Fair enough?
    Interestingly enough, as any diligent student of Nigerian history is aware, there is nothing like “Igbo people” because igbo happens to be a language and not an ethnic group, just in the same way as Yoruba is a language, and not a tribe!
    It so happens that most of the diverse folks who speak the igbo language (ngwa, ohaffia, wawa, owerri) etc. never actually interacted with each other on a regular basis during the pre-colonial era. In fact, some of the dialects that are spoken in certain parts of ala igbo are virtually incomprehensible in other igbo-speaking lands…
    Ironically therefore, the often repeated complaint that Nigeria is an artificial creation of British colonialism would also apply to any Biafran state that is formed out of an amalgamation of erstwhile antagonistic igbo-speaking peoples, the more so as there are now many traditional “kings” all over ala igbo, some of whom can be observed to be reigning under bizarre appellations like “Eze Donatus Ahamba 1 of Njikoka” or “Eze Jonathan Ndigbo 1 of Bende local community”…
    And who will be elected President of the new Biafran republic whose birth Nnamdi Kanu is supposed to midwife? Will it be Nnamdi Kanu himself, with Bishop Kukah as his honorary running mate?
    Will it be Pius Anyim Pius, the highly respected former senator who is said to have acquired tremendous administrative experience in his years of diligent labour as Secretary to the Federal Government during the glorious rule of Dr. Ebele Goodluck Jonathan, especially during the process of setting up a vast real estate scheme known as Centenary city in the vicinity of Abuja?
    Will it be ‘handsome bobo’ Jim Nwobodo, who is well known for his sterling endeavours in setting up the now-rested Savannah Bank?
    Or will it be the beautiful Deziani Allison-Madueke, who qualifies to stand for election as President of Biafra by virtue of being married to an indigene of ala igbo?
    Or could it be a certain Princess Stella, who is alleged to be currently seeking immunity from possible prosecution for over-beautifying a number of Nigerian airports by sitting tight in the midst of many birds of similar feathers in the rowdy market palace known as the Nigerian Senate?

  • Jonathan’s blues

    It is indeed curious President Muhammadu Buhari has re-nominated for Senate screening and confirmation, 82 year old Sylvanus Adiewere Nsofor (rtd) as a non career ambassador. In a letter to that effect dated March 29, the President was silent on the reasons for Nsofor’s re-nomination.

    When the nominee appeared before the Senate on March 23, he was rejected due to his refusal to respond appropriately to questions posed to him during the screening exercise by members of the committee on foreign affairs. The committee chairman, Senator Monsurat Sunmonu had then said Nsofor was not rejected because of his age even as he walked in looking frail and was supported as he was not able to walk on his own.

    According to him, “his responses to issues raised were either not answered or devoid of details and mostly satirical. When we asked him to recite the National Anthem, he said we should have sent him a syllabus”. A member of the committee asked him if he knew about IT. He asked what is IT and I told him Information Technology and he said “it’s for your age and not mine”. Also when asked if he was not too old, he said we should go and ask Mugabe who is still working.

    For this inability to respond to questions in the appropriate manner for reasons best known to him, the Senate refused to approve his nomination for the ambassadorial position. Now that the President has re-nominated him, what assurances are there that he will not again ask to be sent a syllabus when asked to recite the National Anthem, refer them to Mugabe when issues are raised about his age and tell the committee that information technology is for their age and not his?

    Even if a new set of questions are asked him by committee members, what guarantee is there his responses will not toe the same evasive pattern? This poser has been raised to underscore the inappropriateness of his re-nomination by the President. From all indications, Nsofor is neither prepared for the job nor is his age best suited for it. At 82, and given the committees’ characterization of his appearance, it is obvious he has no business with that job. Perhaps, he knows that too well and that may have accounted for the manner he responded to questions posed to him by members. A nominee who felt so confident to tell the Senate committee members that information technology is for their age and not his has no business taking up appointment either as a career or non-career ambassador.

    But more importantly, at 82, it is ridiculous that somebody is still considering the retired judge for such appointment. There are other ways of helping him if someone is interested in his welfare rather that make a mockery of that sensitive office. The situation is even more disconcerting when it is recognized that such appointments are made on representative basis.

    Imo State which he is being appointed to represent has a surfeit of high level, energetic and well-qualified manpower for such positions. It is a slap on the collective psyche of people of that state that a retired 82 year old judge is the person found fit and proper to fill its slot at the ambassadorial level. What a shame!

    So the issue is not just about his inability or refusal to address questions posed to him in the appropriate manner. Even if he was able to answer the questions to the satisfaction of the committee members, his age cannot possibly permit his approval for that position. The Senate should not hesitate to reject him on account of old age even if he now answers questions to their satisfaction.

    President Buhari should be asked to nominate a more suitable candidate from Imo State for that position. We cannot continue recycling people who have served out their terms in their chosen fields in the face of the spiraling unemployment challenges that pose the greatest challenge to order, peace and stability in this country.

    The re-nomination of Justice Nsofor is a sad reminder to the controversy generated by the re-nomination of the acting chairman of the EFCC Ibrahim Magu who was equally rejected for non-satisfactory performance during screening in addition to the damning report on his credibility to lead the anti-graft war. Since the second rejection, we have been made to believe that a proper interpretation of the constitution shows clearly that the President does not really need the approval of the Senate to appoint the EFCC chairman.

    Yet, in the past, that tradition had been followed without any adverse consequence. We are not looking at the overall intendment of the act setting up such bodies in stipulating that their heads should be approved by the Senate. We now show scant interest in the principles of separation of powers, checks and balances and their overall capacity to check abuse of power which corrupts absolutely.

    In a bid to find escape route, we had to scrutinize the constitution to find a way out. And our researches paid off in section 171 of the constitution which they said empowers the President not to seek Senate approval for Magu’s appointment. We are now only interested in working from the answer so long that answer enables us achieve a predetermined end. That is the interpretation of the legal opinion offered by Femi Falana and copiously adopted by the Vice President Prof. Yemi Osinbajo that the EFCC chairman does not need Senate confirmation.

    But, Magu’s name had been sent to the same Senate on two consecutive times and rejected. Had he been confirmed, perhaps nobody would have cared to search the constitution to seek and explore loopholes. Given the above, it could be safely concluded that the whole idea is to have Magu on the EFCC seat by all means. But the interpretation of that part of the constitution by Falana and its adoption by Osinbajo is still not the end of it all. The final resolution of the matter lies with our courts.

    It is true that when any law clashes with the constitution, the latter takes precedence. But that is not the only issue that will be taken into account when the matter comes before the courts. The courts will also consider issues of public interest, what stood to be gained or lost by subjecting such appointments to Senate confirmation. They may also consider the dangers inherent in having the executive solely appoint heads of such sensitive bodies on the overall assignment they have to prosecute.

    Besides, it has been argued that section 60 of the 1999 constitution (as amended) empowers the Senate and the House of Representatives to make rules to guide their activities. It is further being contended that section 60 is not inferior to section 171 and that the rule of the House is subsidiary legislation deriving its powers from the grand norm, which is the 1999 constitution.

    The above point underscores the contention that the interpretation proffered by Falana and adopted by Osinbajo is still largely provisional as it cannot be the final position on the matter. The issue should be challenged in the courts for us to get to know the true position.

    But then, should we undertake all this trouble just because Magu is involved? Must he stay in that office by all means? These are the issues to ponder especially given the valuable energy dissipated on this singular appointment. Even if he does not need Senate approval to retain his job, has he cleared himself of the damaging allegations against him by the DSS?

    This poser is germane given that Babachir Lawal, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF who was earlier cleared by the President together with Magu on the allegations made against him has now been suspended from duty and being investigated. If the government has seen reason even very belatedly to suspend Lawal, it needs to revisit the Magu saga instead of exploring loopholes in the constitution to retain him by all means.

     

  • Towards South-east economic integration

    Anambra State is already in full election swing at a time the four other governors in the South-east are also already oiling their electioneering machines ahead of the 2019 General Elections. With these being the state of affairs in Igboland, it will not be incorrect to assume that the recent buzz about a nascent South-east economic zone is already thawing.

    I am convinced that it is important at this moment to raise strong conversations around this all important development agenda in such a way as to ensure that the governors and political leaders in the South-east realize the need to grow this agenda to an enduring platform, timeless in its ideals and non-political in its objectives.

    When the seed for the South East Economic Summit was sown in December of 2016, commendations went out to the governors in the region for sheathing political swords and looking at one prism for the all-important galvanization of ideas and resources for the development of a region most agree have largely been marginalized in national resource and infrastructure distribution in Nigeria.

    But given the peculiar entrepreneurial nature of the average Igboman, successfully pushing a regional economic union may not be a tough call for the leaders of the region. What is required is nothing else but a collective political will, driven by selfless desire to look beyond the artificial administrative boundaries with a view to building an economic ecosystem with mutually beneficial comparative advantages for the good of not just the South-east but for the rest of the country.

    This is chiefly why it has become unsettling that for some of us, that nothing much has been heard about the plans and propositions of an economic zone with clearly defined agenda, timelines, and targets. If the whole idea of a South-east economic zone is to gather governors and a few political leaders around a table to generate media sound bites, then nothing will be achieved and that is the concern here.

    By now, nearly five months after the initial economic and securities summit, we should have had a functional secretariat; a think-tank populated by economists and business leaders that are not in short supply in the region and, if you wish, several committee engaging the various communities of business people and interests in purposively functional steps towards the bigger picture of a unified economic zone.

    The main challenge the mainland Igbo faces is the magnification of the administrative divides occasioned by states creation. While creation of states was meant to ease administration and bring governance closer to the people, it seems that, unlike in other regions of the country, the imaginary lines and curves separating one state from the other have made Igbos grow further apart, even when they are more homogeneous than the peoples of other regions.

    In fact, the emotional proximity between a man from Ebonyi State and his brother from Anambra State, a distance of less than 150 kilometres is far wider than that between a man from Sokoto and his brother in Maiduguri, a distance of over 1000 kilometres.

    Even the Niger Delta region that has the most heterogeneous nationalities in Nigeria appears to have stronger emotional filial bonds than the average Igbo.

    This was why, when the Enugu State governor agreed to host the South East Economic and Political Summit, everyone was up in applause that the time for a project that will blight the artificial lines that has seen Igbos drifting apart has finally come.

    The beauty of the South-east zone is its interconnectedness with the rest of the country, especially in the business and commercial realms. While the huge market in Onitsha and Nnewi bestows on Anambra as the undisputed commercial capital of the South-east, Enugu State, in addition to being the political capital of the region, is also a major gateway to and from the North Central states of Kogi and Benue and by extension, the entire northern Nigeria. Ebonyi, Imo and Abia states are strongly connected to the at least three Niger Delta states.

    The average man from the South-south (including those in Edo and Delta) would rather do his business in Onitsha than travel the longer distance to Lagos. It is also cheaper (and safer) for nearly all the northern states (save for Kwara) to have their people do business in Aba, Abia State’s commercial centre than travel to Lagos.

    What this means is that the national commercial capital of Lagos will also benefit more by having bulk-breakers in the future commercial centres that could be envisioned and created out of the ongoing conversation on a South-east economic bloc. This would immediately mean a larger market for Lagos and lower cost of doing business (in logistics) for the many that would then not need to travel the often very risky long distances just to make few purchases of stocks in Lagos.

    We cannot discuss the South-east economy without giving ample space for agriculture. Enugu, Anambra and Ebonyi states are food baskets capable of feeding this country. The palm-oil potentials of Imo and Abia states are still waiting to be exploited and I will also take time to discuss this and other critical enablers in greater detail in future articles.

    It is important at this time for stakeholders to remind the governors of the South-eastern states that an economic zone for the region must go beyond immediate political capital. Any governor that wants to build signposts of achievements of immediate measurability should not invest in a project such as this. Success in this project is long term, with all the leaders agreeing on targets and propositions with identifiable comparative advantages identified and pursued.

    They must also be willing to commit long term resources, structured in such a way as to make it easy for future leaders to buy in and sustain the drive. For this to happen, there must be a deliberate effort to ensure those driving the project operate outside Government Houses and governors’ offices.

    And they must be professionals carefully selected from diverse fields of economics, commerce, manufacturing, logistics, health, hospitality, academia and the sciences. They must also be proven thinkers and contributors to national development, willing to give their time selflessly for the good of their people.

    Posterity will be kind to those who lay the foundation for this great future today.

     

    • Okuhu, a journalist and public commentator, lives in Lagos

  • Lamentations of Gowon

    The former Head of State could have done something instead of being merely distraught about the state of the nation

    One feels the pain of former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon (retd), but we think he has not been of much help either. He can be described as a good man, an officer and a gentleman. Several accounts of Nigeria’s crises of the ‘60s show him as the temperate, stabilising hand who could take credit for not allowing the fledgling nation to completely fall to pieces.

    He is recorded to have tried as much as possible to avert the July 1966 revenge coup that toppled the Aguiyi-Ironsi government, but he lost control of the ‘boys’. And in the ensuing civil war, while he was head of state and commander-in-chief, he could not control, much else discipline his war generals. Thus, some of them misbehaved and went beyond the ethic of war.

    His amnesty of “No victor, no vanquished” allowed for expedited integration of Nigerians after the war. But his three “Rs” promise of reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation ended up as mere slogan.

    In the same manner, during his post-war years and long reign as a military head of state, he watched as some of his military governors got out of hand and became very corrupt. He also reneged several times on his promise to conduct election and hand over power to a civilian government. In fact at the last count, he had postponed the transition indefinitely.

    He was in power for nine years and he never got round to it until his government was toppled in 1975. History records him as having put up a modest economic development in the immediate post-war years. But it was also the early 70s, era of oil boom when Nigeria suddenly became awash with petro-dollars.

    He faithfully executed Nigeria’s initial development plans and laid foundations for social and infrastructure development. He even built a couple of bridges and high rise buildings in the burgeoning capital city of Lagos.

    However, it is considered that he could have accomplished much more were he so inspired and of higher motivations. Bureaucracy burgeoned and corruption thrived under his watch. The import licence scams and ‘Cement Armada’ illustrated most graphically, the rot of that time.

    It was a season of petro-dollar bazaar and the wayward nation fled the farms which was the mainstay of her pre-oil boom economy. The country and her citizenry lived like prodigals, acquiring exotic foreign tastes while productivity declined drastically.

    Values held dear began to disappear; people wanted to get rich quick, ostentatious living was the order of the day. The government of the day and her people turned to revellers relishing their new-found affluence and national ethos was kept in abeyance.

    After Gowon was edged out of office, he returned to school in Britain and earned a PhD in Political Science. He was named in Dimka’s coup of 1976 which toppled Gen. Murtala Muhammed but he denied any involvement. Thereafter he lived a long, quiet life there, returning during the Second Republic after he was granted pardon.

    Since then, he has taken part mainly in social and religious activities, refraining from participating in active politics. Unlike his other contemporaries like Olusegun Obasanjo and even juniors like Theophilus Danjuma and Muhammadu Buhari, Gowon could be said to have remained sedate with regards to the political affairs of the country since his return 34 years ago.

    He had paid more attention to his non-denominational organisation, Nigeria Prays, preaching peace, forbearance and forgiveness across the country.

    We have delved into this elaborate background in the light of Gen. Gowon’s recent lamentation about the state of the nation. On a visit to Gov. Olu Akeredolu of Ondo State, the former Head of State had expressed regrets that Nigeria is still embroiled in tribal, political and religious crises 47 years after the end of the country’s civil war.

    He said: “It is unfortunate that some of these things are happening. After the civil war, I had hoped and prayed Nigeria would never again go through the experience that we have gone through and you can now know how disappointed one is that all these sorts of things are happening in the Northeast, Southern Kaduna and the militants of the South.”

    We also feel the pain of the benign general but we must note that all through history, change never happened by chance. People lead change and build nations. Providence ensconced General Gowon on a pedestal to impact greatly and positively on the affairs of this nation but he could only do so much.

    Commissioned an officer of the Nigerian Army at 21, he led the army, then the country at 32 years. In the last four decades, he can be said to have remained passive over the county’s affairs. He neither drove change nor did he as much as throw in a vehement voice in the fray in reprimand of successive leaders.

    We think that merely lamenting the ills amounts to an exercise in futility. He could have done more.

  • SOS – Save our children

    SOS – Save our children

    The herbalist had produced a vest he pronounced bulletproof. Then to test it, he had put it on his hapless young relative and fired deadly shots to the lads’ chest. Of course, the outcome was predictable…

    At the beginning of February, one Festus Akaninyene called his two young daughters to go with him down Uyanga bush path in the forest of Akamkpa in the central part of Cross River State. At night, on getting to where he reckoned would be really far out for them in their condition, he left them on the dark bush path and turned back home alone.

    Their condition? Just before leaving, he had called them and served them an unusual treat – some bottles of malt. The malt had tasted a little funny; no mind, it was from Daddy!

    However his sinister nocturnal movement, going out with his daughters at night then returning very late without the children had aroused some suspicion. On a tipoff, the police went down Uyanga bush path and found the younger daughter, a girl of about eight, dead. The eleven year old was in the throes of death but managed, with her last breathe to tell the cops all that had happened.

    Fifty three year old Festus was apprehended and confessed that he had laced the malt drinks he gave the girls with poison before leaving the children for dead. Even now it is just three months since, and the case is already cold.

    In 2016 the Enugu State Police Command announced that a herbalist Ekene Oluka had murdered his thirteen yea old kinsman, Obuneneme Oluka. The police were on the lookout for Oluka but with the absence of investigative journals like Newswatch on the scene, we have not heard whether or not he is still at large.

    The herbalist had produced a vest he pronounced bulletproof. Then to test it, he had put it on his hapless young relative and fired deadly shots to the lads’ chest. Of course, the outcome was predictable, the lad died instantly and the herbalist fled the area.

    Most of us saw the pitiable photos of an abandoned child ‘witch’ who was rescued from a rubbish dump in Uyo by a foreign charity worker. HIS OWN MOTHER had left him there claiming the infant was a witch until he was rescued after eight months outside in the streets, naked.

    These incidents are happening everywhere and their recurrence is a clear indication that the preventive measures are not working as deterrents.

    Indeed to their credit, some states notably Akwa Ibom and Lagos have domesticated the Child Rights Act. But the enforcement has not been adequate and children are being brutalized and killed at an alarming rate. This can be seen by the stream of media reports. More worrisome are the neighbourhood incidents that go unreported and for which justice is never done.

    These victims are minors; they are dependents. They are children who frequently are wards of their killers.

    Just last month a mother fed her infant son a drink of kerosene, killing him instantly. Her claim was that she had put kerosene in a beverage can, same way she puts water (whoever does that?), and had “mistakenly” given the boy, spitting and rejecting it, the kero drink.

    I can’t but wonder if the teenager with the herbalist had been coerced into the whole vest test; whether or not, on a minor or anyone, it was a dastardly deed.

    The mother of the poisoned daughters in Akamkpa had died and left them. I believe that their father was completely fed up with looking after them and so hatched a plan to kill them and leave their bodies far away from home to avoid suspicion.

    So: the kero killer mother, the human – guinea pig – tester herbalist, the malt-piosoning father – how many more will prey on innocent children before there is any action?

    We all saw the pitiable sight of a ten year old boy, chained hand and foot in a locked room for moths by his father, where he was starved for stealing a piece of meat. That one was in Ogun State where the Governor’s Wife, Mrs Funso Amosun took him into her care – but how many of such children can just one person handle?

    Some years ago a British TV channel aired a documentary on child witches (“Dispatches” Saving Africa’s Witch Children, Channel 4) which was a real exposé and featured Akwa Ibom. The then Governor’s wife Mrs Unoma Akpabio was galvanized into action. She set up a dedicated facility for children branded as witches, funded by the State Government but she administered it. She did that creditably and then handed the facility over to the current Governor’s wife. But then, Mrs Martha Emmanuel now has to cater for the welfare of the two hundred children currently in the place – that is a lot to handle!  My commendation here must also go to Anja Ringgren Loven, the charity worker who rescued the toddler from the refuse dump and literally brought him back from the dead, naming him Hope (Pictured, courtesy The Nation).

    Victimization, dehumanization, abuse, torture, heartless killing of minors: all these have gone on far too long unchecked. I want to suggest to the government at the federal level that there be an agency put in place just like The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, RSPCA. This new one would be replicated in all the states and there, even children whose lives are in clear danger, and who are able to escape their immediate environment, may be able to run in and have their lives saved.

    The Nigerian child has a right to life. And are these wicked parents and guardians going to be left to attack all children under their care and mercilessly kill their other children?

    The savage torture and slaughter of minors surely requires sterner stuff!

    So the other thing that is urgent here is the establishment of special courts for Harming/Murdering Minors. Those wicked elements of society, evil parents must be apprehended then tried at these special courts and possibly locked away for good. So they stop producing, then savaging children anymore.