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  • The Nigerian I admire most

    When I was young, I told my father that I wanted to emigrate and go work for the Queen of England. In any capacity; I admired her that much. I reckoned then that I would work my way up the ropes and emerge as her Chief of Staff or something equivalent and give my best service to that Iconic lady.

    For now though, I have an ambition to write a book or a compilation on a man I have tremendous respect and admiration for, in fact one of my national heroes.

    I will start with this tribute to ABUBAKAR DANGIWA UMAR, retired Colonel and former Governor of Kaduna State.

    Abubakar Umar is the son of the Wazirin Gwandu, a former school teacher and administrator who rose to become a member of the House of Representatives. His father was also a Commissioner of Works in the then Northwestern State.

    I place Umar as one of those born on the ‘right side of the track’ – they were able to rise to whatever they aspired to by dint of hard work and focus – quite unlike today.

    After leaving the Nigerian Defense Academy in Kaduna, Umar had his career cut out for him and thence enlisted in the Nigerian Army. He attended the US army Administration School in Indiana as well as the Royal Armoury School in Kentucky, USA. He rose through the ranks and even served as the ADC to the Deputy Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters during Nigeria’s military rule. He took over from Usman Muazu and became Military Governor of Kaduna State between August 1985 and June 1988 under the Babangida administration.

    His tenure as governor witnessed the breakout of a terrible religious crisis with religious killings just as it is today in Kaduna – he was unable to solve that problem then. That will only show though that he was not perfect but he was on his life’s path, moving towards greatness.

    After his time as Governor, Umar, a lover of education left for Harvard University. He had already taken a degree at Bayero University, Kano.

    In 1993, still serving in the army, Umar was totally against the annulment of the June 12 elections which the late Bashorun MKO Abiola is believed to have won. He made his position known, even tried to seek ways to have MKO minstalled. For this Umar was briefly detained on suspicion of conspiracy. Upon his release, he resigned his commission… and then the real star was born.

    He left the army as a colonel after glorious service to the nation.

    But just like the Bible says that the glory of the latter house shall be greater than the glory of the former house – So it was that AFTER his military career the name Abubakar Umar became a household one in Nigeria imprinted indelibly on every thinking mind.

    It is nearly fifty years now since he first joined the Nigeria army. So many others might have joined at the same time as he but those who are not yet dead have long faded into oblivion. But long will this voice be heard: he speaks for the people!

    He is known as a social critic, but I see him as one of our greatest, sadly, one of a shrinking breed.

    His love for country, his love for his fellow man is clear, is real, is selfless, is deep. Forthright and fearless, with the impending change to democracy from military rule, Umar formed a political party – Movement for Unity and Progress.

    Shortly after IBB left office, came another military Head, Gen Sani Abacha whose emergence put paid to the transition to civil rule programme. Abacha also unveiled his own agenda – to transmute to a democratic president while still in office!

    Umar was said to be a vocal critic of the plan and of that administration. He joined the G-18, a group of anti Abacha politicians of the time.

    A military man daring the top dog is risky business. One who could take on two – that is a person of valour.

    I hereby humbly declare Abubakar Umar along with Chief Don Etiebiet as the Pillars of our on-going democracy. Etiebiet was the only Nigeria of over One hundred million who dared to contest the presidency with Abacha at a time all national parties had “adopted” Abacha as their “sole candidate.” Etiebiet paid dearly for this. He was locked away, chained hand and foot to the ground. Because of his bravery any Nigerian can now come out and contest for the highest office in the land with the electorate thus ensured of having a choice to be made.

    So Umar became the nation’s watchdog of sorts. He has not slept on Nigeria for one night, neither has he compromised or sold out unlike so many of our politicians, too many to mention.

    Umar sounded it out that the Obasanjo administration was not sincere in its fight against corruption. That was over a decade ago – the results are with us today.

    He also brought every slumbering Nigerian to the awareness of the reality of OBJ’s third term agenda – which he opposed till it ran aground.

    A tell – it – like – it – is person, he had observed the Rip – Them – Off  system of the foreign telecom companies in Nigeria and was disturbed by the helplessness of citizens who were really being stung. He phoned the head of the editorial board of Thisday Mr Segun Adeniyi to put it out there.

    Not done, in 2016 Umar instituted a case against MTN for its illegal deductions from mobile phone users! That man Umar spoke for every single Nigeria who has an MTN line.

    He also had cause to warn previous governments over their unpopular economic policies which he said would create social unrest. We are suffering today because of our leaders refuse to listen. In the midst of the dark cloud of uncertainty of the Yar’Adua presidency, Umar boldly asked the ailing president to resign.

    Once that voice rings out from Kaduna, a solution to a national malaise is again in the offing. He remains a powerful force for progress, and a believer in engagement and dialogue. He is like a soothing balm to a country’s pangs.

    Abubakar Umar is really a blessing to a nation, and I am so glad that God made him a blessing to mine.

    …And I am wishing a Happy Easter to you my Reader!

     

  • Bamaiyi’s lies: In defence of Osinbajo and Justice Ade Alabi

    Savouring his court-ordered freedom after spending about eight years at Kirikiri prison, Lagos for alleged complicity in the attempted assassination of Alex Ibru, then publisher of Guardian newspaper, a former Chief of Army Staff, Lt- General Ishaya Bamaiyi, has come out with his book.

    The book, titled “Vindication of a General” ought to have been aptly titled “Lies of a General”.

    The book, which purports to be his own story, detailing his travails during his trial, is unfortunately riddled with falsehood and gross misrepresentation of facts as far as the incident regarding his false allegation against the first presiding judge, Ade Alabi was concerned.

    Bamaiyi was charged along with Major Hamza, Al-Mustapha, former Lagos police Commissioner, James Danbaba, CSP Rabo Lawal and Col. Baba Yakubu, over the attempted murder of Mr Ibru.

    As the trial got underway, the defendants tried all tricks in the book to delay and scuttle their trial and one of the strategies was to accuse the presiding Judge, who incidentally was the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Ade Alabi, of demanding a bribe of $10 million (not N10 million as stated by Bamaiyi in his book), to enable him grant bail to the defendants.

    First, the defendants made the allegation in the open court, ostensibly to annoy the judge and eventually to get the case transfered to another judge who would then start the case de novo.

    The case was being prosecuted by the Lagos State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, who was ostensibly incensed over this spurious allegation.

    The defendants, thereafter petitioned the National Judicial Council (NJC) which investigated the allegation and exculpated the judge, having found that the allegation was spurious and baseless.

    To underline his ignorance, Bamaiyi, in trying to pooh-pooh the NJC’s investigation, claimed in his book that the judge “refused to enter the dock” during the investigation. If the retired General had availed knowledgeable people, versed in law the privilege of going through his poorly written manuscript, they would have told him that NJC administrative panel is not a criminal court where a defendant facing criminal charges enters the dock. They would also have advised him against the defamatory statements he made in the book concerning the judge and Osinbajo.

    According to Bamaiyi, “Specifically, that prof. Osinbajo brought what he said was the panel report during one of the motions. Unfortunately, pages one through to twenty-nine of the report were not produced”. He went on to allege that the NJC protected the judge, while he similarly alleged that Osinbajo and the presiding judge were invited to Abuja and directed to convict the defendants within six months. He went on with his cocktail of lies of how the judge allegedly demanded a bribe of N10 million.

    As someone who was a witness during the trial and conversant with the facts, l say without any equivocation that nothing could have been farther from the truth.

    Bamaiyi should have known the additional steps taken by his lawyer, Mike Okoye during the trial, in repeating this allegation of bribery and how he recanted and apologised to the judge.

    Mike Okoye had addressed a press conference, where he repeated the allegation of Bamaiyi but in his own case, he alleged it was $10million and not N10 million as stated by Bamaiyi. These spurious allegations were published by the press and Mr Okoye was subsequently charged to court for criminal contempt.

    He was charged before Justice Bode Rhodes-Vivour (now Justice of the Supreme court).

    In court, Okoye recanted and apologised to the judge.

    Below is the full text of the ruling by Justice Bode Rhodes- Vivour in the Mike Okoye Contempt case.

    In the High Court of Lagos state

    Holden in the General Division, Lagos

    On Friday 8th Day of March, 2002

    Before the Hon. Justice Bode Rhodes-Vivour

    Suit No.LCD/9/2002

    Between The State

    And

    Mike Okoye

     

    RULING

    Mr. Mike Okoye, a legal practitioner was charged on an information with the following offences:-

    Count 1

    Statement of Offence

    Contempt of Court Contrary to section 133 (4) of the

    Criminal Code Cap 32 Vol.2 Laws of Lagos State 1994.

    Particulars of Offence

    Mike Okoye (M) on or about the first day of January 2002 at Lagos in the Lagos Judicial Division did cause the scandalizing of the court with utterances and statements spoken and made in news item  of “THISDAY” Newpaper of 7/1/2002 and concerning the Honourable Mr Justice A. Ade Alabi in the public capacity, to wit, qua the presiding trial judge seized  of the conduct of charge No. LCD/108/99: The State vs. Lt. Gen. R. Ishaya  Bamaiyi and 4 others.

    Count 2

    Statement of offence

    Contempt of court contrary to section133 (4) of the Criminal Code Cap 32 Vol. 2 Laws of Lagos State 1994.             Particular of Offence:

    Mike Okoye (M) on or about the 4th  day of     January 2002 at Lagos state in the Lagos Judicial Division, did cause the scandalizing of the court with utterances and statements spoken, published and made in a news item on the back page of  Daily Times newspaper of 7/1/2002 and concerning the Honorable Mr. Justice A. Alabi  in his public capacity to wit, qua the presiding trial Judge seized of the conduct of the charge number LCD/108/99: The State vs Lt. Gen R. Ishaya Bamaiyi and 4 others.

    He pleaded not guilty to both counts , and immediately proceeded to read out a prepared text to the court. The operative part reads thus:

    “I apologize to the Bench and the Hon. Justice Ade Alabi for any injury he may have suffered from his unwarranted and unnecessary publications. I am aware that the publication has the effect of bringing to disrepute, office, integrity and position of Hon. Justice Alabi but l would want to disabuse the minds of the public of this impression and state that these allegations of corruption leveled against Hon. Justice Ade Alabi are not true to the best of my knowledge”.

    Thereafter, the Lagos State Solicitor General applied to withdraw the charge on behalf of the Hon. Attorney General and the Commissioner of Justice. This is what he had to say:”I wish the  court understands the attitude of Office of the Attorney-General to prosecute or otherwise. Because Mr. Okoye has apologized and because more fundamentally, he has admitted that the allegations are not true, it is our view that the mischief/damage which this proceedings were filed to correct, to wit: maintenance of the institution and it’s officers,  I would, considering the plea of the accused person, be willing on behalf of the Attorney-General to withdraw the charge.”

    After listening to

    1. Mr. Femi Falana,  counsel for Mr. Mike Okoye
    2. Mr T.E.Williams representing Chief F.R.A Williams
    3. Mr Dabiri, Chairman, Nigeria Bar Association, Lagos Branch
    4. Mr. L.Yusuf, Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association, Ikeja Branch

    5.Mr O.O. Salu, representing  Mrs. Ayo Obe of the Civil Liberties Orgnisation.

    I adjourned this suit till today. I adjourned for a ruling and not to seek appropriate directives as reported in the Guardian Newspaper of 2/3/2002. See proceedings of 1/3/2002.

    It is about time that when a reporter is not clear as to what a judge said, he would do well to seek an explanation from  the registrar  of court, rather than credit the judge with what was never said.

    The Honorable Justice Ade Alabi is the trial judge in suit  No.LCD/108/99.  The accused persons are Lt. General Bamaiyi, the former Chief of Army Staff, Major H. Al- Mustapha, Chief Security Officer to the former military

    Head of state,  Rabo lawal, a Chief Superintendent of police, Mr  James Danbaba,  a one time Lagos  Commissioner of police and Col. T. Baba Yakubu, ex-administrator  of Zamfara State. They are charged with attempting to kill the Guardian Publisher, Mr. Alex Ibru.

    During the trial, which is still in progress, Major Al-Mustapha accused the trial judge of demanding bribes from him. Mr. Mike Okoye who at the time represented one of the accused persons, held a press conference and told newsmen that he could prove the trial judge demanded for $10 million from the accused person. The Daily Times and THISDAY Newspapers of Monday 7th day of January 2002, gave wide coverage to Mr. Okoye’s wild, unguarded and unfounded statements which to me, amount to the most despicable assault on the Bench. Mr. Mike Okoye’s conduct constitutes an intolerable attack on the Bench and the well being of society. A crime of monumental proportions. Such dare devilry must be checked, otherwise the foundations of the judiciary may very well crumble.

    The Honourable Attorney-General quickly rose to the occasion, filing this information.

    One can imagine the days, weeks of grinding hell, an awful strain these unguarded and untrue accusations caused his Lordship , a judge  no doubt with transparent integrity and manifest probity, whose tireless energy and unquenchable enthusiasm are too clear for all to see.

    Okoye said openly in court that his statement with the press are not true. The need to proceed with a trial with be pointless since the statement fundamentally addresses the issue and the trial will not do the same.

    It is not the practice of courts to question the Attorney-General when he decides to withdraw a charge . He can not be questioned by anyone and owes no one an explanation for prosecuting or deciding against prosecution.It is clear that the offensive publications were given very wide coverage by the press and other electronic devices.

    Petitions were addressed to the Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary, accusing the highly respected Jurist of taking bribes. It becomes imperative that a retraction is given similar wide publication.

    1. Mr Okoye shall cause to be published, the entire statement he made to this  court on 1/3/2002 in the following Newspapers:

    (a)    The Daily Times

    (b)    THISDAY

    (c)    The punch

    (d)    The Guardian and

    (e)    THE Tribune

    1.   This ruling and the proceedings in the suit shall be forwarded to

    (a)The  Body of Benchers

    (b)The Privileges  Committee and the

    (c)And the Disciplinary Committee of the Bar.

    1. The matter would be further adjourned to Friday, the 15th day of March  2002,  for compliance.
    2. Rhodes-Vivour

    Judge

    8/3/ 2002

    Appearance

    Mrs. B.B. Ayodele,  T.K. Shitta-Bey with her for Lagos state;

    O.Okorojie, I. Okoli, L. Okoroafor, A. Ebohon with him holding F. Falana’s

    Brief for the accused person;

    T.E. Williams, M. Giwa Amu with him for Chief F.R.A.

    Williams SAN as friend of the court

    Bode Kowe holds brief of L. Yusuf, friend of the court.

    B.Rhodes-Vivour. J

    Based on this ruling, it would amount to sheer mischief for General Bamaiyi to make such defamatory statements against Hon. Justice Ade Alabi and Prof. Osinbajo on the so-called bribery.

    Instead of belching out despicable lies against innocent people, Bamaiyi should rather use this time of respite for sober reflection on the controversial roles he played during the General Sani Abacha junta.

    More importantly, it would also be interesting for the former Chief of Army Staff to explain how he came about the $4.8million dollars that was swindled off him while in Kirikiri prison, Lagos, for which Fred Ajudua is currently standing trial.

    Ajudua, has been charged to an Ikeja High court by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for allegedly defrauding Bamaiyi of $4.8 million, having approached the former Army Chief while at Kirikiri prison that he could help him secure his freedom.

    Already, a court registrar, Ronke Rosulu, an alleged accomplice of Ajudua in the fraud saga, is currently serving a 10 – year imprisonment, having been convicted by Justice Lateef Lawal -Akapo over her role in the fraud saga.

    It may be necessary for the EFCC to ask Bamaiyi to come and explain how he came about such amount of money, even during his incarceration.

    • Akinnola is the Director, Media Law Centre

  • Senator Sheriff and 2006 sectarian riot

    I tried as much as possible not to comment on or discuss this issue anytime it came across my way because I was not only involved, but the subject is emotive. But the more I tried to avoid it, the more it kept coming in recurring decimal fashion. The February 18, 2006 sectarian riot now designated the Black Saturday in Borno refused to go for its sad memories of destruction, barbarism and man’s inhumanity to man. The day the South African Sharpeville massacre re-echoed in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital. Indeed, the day the dark cloud of smoke accompanied by dead silence hung over the city, thus violating the serenity and Borno philosophy of “Home of Peace and Hospitality”. It was the day hell was let loose and Satan ran mad wreaking havoc on people and property. Talking of the dark cloud of silence that hung on Maiduguri on the black Saturday reminds one of the visit of Pope Benedict VI in May 2006 to Auschwitz.

    This place (Auschwitz) was a concentration camp in Poland during the Second World War where millions of Jews were gassed to death by the Nazis in Germany. In an emotion-laden speech, Pope Benedict declared: “To speak in this place of horror where unprecedented mass crimes were committed against God and man is almost impossible……. in a place like this, words fail, in the end, there can only be a dead silence, a silence which is itself a heartfelt cry to God: why Lord did you remain silent? How could you tolerate all this? How many questions arise in this place! Constantly, the question comes up: where was God in those days? Why was he silent? How could he permit this endless slaughter, this triumph of evil”. The reaction of the Pope is indeed a tailor-made for Maiduguri Black Saturday, a day the man’s modicum of sense was overrun by instincts and emotions and thereafter ran berserk.

    In the holocaust that followed over fifty churches were set ablaze, several souls lost in brutality, private and public buildings, commercial houses, shops and restaurants razed down within a matter of hours with no single appearance of a policeman to abate the crime. It was a grand conspiracy, carefully thought, carefully planned, carefully mapped out, carefully directed and meticulously executed. The action was spontaneous and exact in all the areas affected. It was a well calculated and rehearsed plan whose execution was precise and straight on targets with mostly Christians the victims. The perpetrators of this dastardly act held the innocent Christians victims in response to a cartoon drawn by a Danish man said to have blasphemed Prophet Mohammed.

    This day of heinous crime against the Christian world by the so-called Muslim fundamentalists or hoodlums was brought back once more to memories of the people by Bishop Naga Williams Mohammed, the current Chairman of the Borno State chapter of the Christians’ Association of Nigeria (CAN) in a press interview penultimate Saturday in Maiduguri. In the interview titled: “Boko Haram: What Christians faced under Sheriff, Shettima”, Bishop Naga said: “If you go back to fairly recent history, our first major problem was in February 2006, when a Danish man whom I heard was not even a Christian drew a caricature of Prophet Mohammed. Unfortunately, there was a protest here in Maiduguri and Christians received the repercussions. A total of 56 churches were destroyed. What struck most is that there was no compensation from the then government.” Bishop Naga pointed out that the then governor in person of Senator Ali Modu Sheriff reneged on the promises he made to Christians after the crisis.

    He further stated that though he was a member of the Administrative Committee set up by Sheriff only N150,000 was given to each pastor whose entire church was destroyed. Bishop Naga pointed out that the administration of Governor Kashim Shettima has been of tremendous assistance to the state CAN as well as the generality of Christians since the Boko Haram saga. He explained that the sum of N205 million has been given to a committee set up by the state government to rebuild some of the churches burnt down by the insurgents.

    The CAN chairman said that the Gwoza Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the Maiduguri camp were given N20 million, while the governor directed the Borno State Management Agency to be supplying food directly to the IDPs under the Christian leadership. In addition, the governor gave N5 million to bring back the Christians who fled to Cameroon. Similarly the governor gave another N5 million to bring back to Nigeria non-indigenes who also fled to the country . As I pointed earlier, I tried to refrain from commenting on this subject because I was a victim and morally one cannot be a judge in his own cause. As a victim, I lost my property made up of 22 rooms and a bungalow of three bedrooms located at the Bolori layout.

    It was in the bungalow a family lost six lives. Besides, I was the chairman of the Association of the Individual Victims made up of the landlords, tenants and traders. I will only mention the facts of the case which are not in contention. It is a fact that Ambassador Ahmed Jidda committee set up by Sheriff’s administration on the crisis recommended the sum of N1.5 billion to be paid as compensation to the affected victims. It is a fact that Sheriff as governor pledged to pay but reneged. It is a fact that prominent Nigerians, including the Sultan of Sokoto Sa’ad Abubakar and the then CAN National Chairman, Cardinal John Onaiyekan, intervened but to no avail. One striking aspect of the press interview by Bishop Naga is the revelation that only N150,000 was given to each pastor whose entire church was destroyed. What is this supposed to mean? Until justice is done, the memory of the Black Saturday of February 18, 2006, will not go. •Victor Izekor, a journalist and public affairs analyst, writes@gmail.com

  • Ize-Iyamu: Nightmare of a cuckoo job

    WHILE reading the papers, I came across a story insinuating that Donald Trump may be working for the Chinese and not the Russians, as everyone seems to think. The report read: “The big story everyone is chasing at the international scene is whether President Donald Trump is a Russian stooge. Wrong. That is all a smoke screen. Trump is actually a Chinese agent. He is clearly out to make China great again”. Then it occurred to me, just before the Election Petition Tribunal sitting in Edo State over the September 28th, 2016 governorship polls terminated the voyage embarked upon by one of the known owners of the name Pastor Ize-Iyamu has the trappings of labour that may end up benefitting the labourer’s rival. I call it the cuckoo job. The idea of the cuckoo job is borne out of how Cuckoos go and plant their eggs in other birds’ (take a pigeon for instance) nests and let the other birds hatch the cuckoo eggs, which will eventually grow bigger than the other birds and kick them out. It is a dirty job, but that is the law of the jungle.

    The smarter ones outwit the gullible ones and even when the unwise ones think they are working for themselves, the real big guns come out and brush them outside. The cuckoo job may be playing out in Nigeria now, and the funny thing is that it should not have been a cuckoo job, but the pigeons here are the ones that, unasked, undertook this cuckoo job. Ize-Iyamu is of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Like Trump, he may not know, but he may have been working for his rival, Mr. Matthew Iduoriyekemwen, the candidate of the National Chairman of the PDP, Alhaji Ali Modu Sheriff. He is of a faction of the PDP that is losing the battle at the national level and if the PDP conflict is settled properly, it will turn out that Mr Iduoriyekemwen is the real PDP candidate for the Edo election. There was even a crisis as to which faction should present the candidate for the party.

    Ize-Iyamu, with his party, challenged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for declaring Godwin Obaseki of All Progressives Congress (APC) as winner of the governorship election but the matter has been resolved in favour of APC and Governor Godwin Obaseki. According to the tribunal, Obaseki emerged winner after he polled more than 319,483 votes to defeat Mr. Ize- Iyamu, his closest rival, who scored over 250,000 votes, a result the PDP candidate claimed was greatly influenced by rigging and other such unjust things. Getting some of the defendants before the Justice Ahmed Badamasi-led three-member tribunal sitting in Benin was not an easy task for the petitioners, as stories abound of how the Tribunal summons had to be served by hanging them on gates and fences, as the known offices and homes of the defendants had been abandoned. Ize-Iyamu and his party have not found it funny, as they have no doubt expended resources, financial and otherwise to prove their case.

    Many witnesses have been called to testify, and truckloads of electoral materials were inspected. Still, they lost. After fighting another man’s battle. According to Pastor Ize-Iyamu’s prayers, he was asking the Tribunal to declare him winner of the election and expel Mr Obaseki from the seat of governance. Therefore, if he slumbers at night and dreams, he should have it at the back of his mind that a potential nightmare he may have is that after this initial fumble, he would take his petition to the Court of Appeal, and then the PDP may just emerge the ruling party in Edo State. However, in this black dream, a victory for the party at the Tribunal would not necessarily mean Dan Orbih and Ize-Iyamu have won the war. In fact, their battles would have only just begun.

    The crisis in his party would throw up another round of contest to determine the real owner of the secured votes. It would be a fine conundrum for both Orbih and Ize- Iyamu, who, it was reported, were comically asked to stand up to mutually recognise each other at the court. The faction of the party led by Senator Ahmed Makarfi nominated Ize-Iyamu. Another faction, led by the National Chairman of the party, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, nominated Matthew Iduoriyekwemwen. The latter faction seems to be the legitimately recognised faction, going by the internal battle raging in the PDP. As things presently stand, Sen Sheriff is the authentic national chairman of the party. On February 17, 2017, an Appeal Court sitting in Port-Harcourt ruled that Sen. Sheriff is the legitimate chairman of the party. A threeman panel of justices delivered the judgment. The lead Judge, B. A. Sanga, in his judgment, said that due process was not followed in the decision by the PDP convention to dissolve the Sherrif-led chairmanship and should be disregarded. Unsatisfied with the judgement, the Makarfi faction has appealed to the Supreme Court.

    The apex court is yet to fix a date to rule on the appeal. A number of organs in the party are earnestly waiting for that ruling to know the next step for the party. Now, what fate befalls Ize-Iyamu if the apex court rules in favour of Sheriff? And if he decides to go to the appeal court, he may have to contend with Iduoriyekwemwen, who may come after him to claim the PDP votes in the September 28, 2016 governorship election in the state. From previous petitions and judicial proclamations, the courts have hitherto ruled that the votes in any election belong to the party, and not the individual per say, hence Iduoriyekwemwen may be tempted to claim the party’s votes. However, since this is a nightmare, it may never play out. We should deduce therefore that if PDP and Pastor Ize-Iyamu pursue this matter any further, then they are fighting it on behalf of the Sheriff faction of the PDP. The only other explanation is that, like the pigeon, he has not studied the issues or connected the dots between them. •Oviosun is Lagos-based public affairs analyst

  • Odyssey of an exceptional educator, democracy hero

    IN the annals of Nigerian educational system, the 70s and 80s were significant periods that paved way to critical reconstruction and massive participation in education at all levels. The objectives of secondary education, in tandem with the National Policy on Education laid huge emphasis on the calibre of teachers, the curriculum content and teaching methodology. Pa Chief Gabriel Edward Kolawole Fakehinde, an astute and exceptional educator was part of the implementation of the reforms. His philosophy was hinged on producing out outstanding students with the right values. He began his teaching voyage after taking over ‘History subject’ from an expatriate and demystified it as the easiest to obtain a distinction at the West African Examination Council (WAEC). He was as well supervising the school time table, drama, cultural group, quiz and excursions. These groups won laurels for the school.

    The drama group came first in the whole of Western region in the play titled: Keep our Secrets Secret. Mayflower school excursions brought into limelight the Ikogosi Warm Spring, the Ipole Waterfalls and the Erin-odo Waterfalls. As an astute writer, committed to helping his students with simplified approaches, History the Pivot of all Knowledge, 1967 1968, Three Rules for Success and Happiness 1970, The Techniques of Studying, were articles published in the in the school journal Winslow. He was transferred in September 1975 to New Church Grammar School, Owo. He was there for only three months before he was transferred in December 1975 as an acting Principal Grade III to assist the Principal, Baptist College, Iwo. When Ondo State was created in 1976, he was transferred to Aramoko District Grammar School, Aramoko. It was here his promotion to Principal Grade III was confirmed, in August 1977, and was transferred to Ijan-Ekiti, on community request to be the Pioneer Principal of Ijanmodu Community Grammar School Ijan- Ekiti. There, he put into practice all that he learnt and imbibed at Mayflower School, Ikenne. Pa Kola made his new school very popular and approved for writing WAEC Examination with all science subjects.

    The principal that succeeded him, Mr. Ige, now His Royal Majesty of Egbe Kingdom was asked to under study his administration for two weeks before taking over. He was then transferred to Annunciation School, Ikere- Ekiti in September 1984. Pa Kola brought to bare improved academic standard and the tone of discipline in his new school. He was appointed the Pioneer Supervisor NCE Primary Sandwich Programme, Ondo State College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti in 1985, Annunciation School was made the centre. In December, 1987, he was transferred to African Church Comprehensive High School, Ikere-Ekiti from Annunciation School, Ikere-Ekiti. The grading of schools done that year classified African Church Comprehensive High School as Grade One and Annunciation School as Grade Two. Therefore, he was moved across the road to African Church Comprehensive High School, being a Class One Principal. In November 1992, he was promoted to Principal Grade Level 16 (Special) which was the peak of teaching Profession in Public Schools at that time.

    He retired on 6th September, 1993 after thirty-five years of meritorious service. Pa Fakeinde was a man of great insight, hindsight and foresight, who brought to bare his academic vision in all the schools he headed, before retiring. He was a leader who was particularly passionate about building from scratch and making something out of nothing. He took great delight in turning impossibilities to realities and revamping a hopeless situation to the pride of the society. In all the schools he headed, Pa Kola built new or rebuilt broken fences; built blocks of three classrooms; built school sports arena and similar facilities that repositioned the schools for national greatness. He was exceptionally good in this. The academic laurels he won are testimonies to this fact. Although, Pa Kola left active teaching after putting in 35 years, he was not retired in its true sense. After his formal retirement, the same College of Education employed him as a consultant on contract appointment.

    This he did from January 1995 to December 1999.During his tenure, the College Staff School had more pupils admitted to the Federal Government Colleges than ever before. The school was awarded Certificate of Merit by National Mathematical centre, Abuja in 1977, and 1998 having three winners in the National Competitive Examination in Mathematics conducted by the centre for the year 1996 and 1997 respectively. Away from his investment in education, Pa Fakeinde, like the usual fashion of few iconic patriots of the Nigerian democracy, the quest for people-oriented governance was not a thing of dispassionate penchant for emerging trend, but a personally charged conviction that political and socio-economic freedom was pivotal to inclusive development. Such conviction was particularly difficult and perhaps fatal to sustain during the military era, howbeit, true patriots like him saw through their belief.

    The mention of him may not reverberate like democracy synonyms and post-independence activists as Tai Solarin, Wole Soyinka, Dele Giwa, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, GaniFawenhinmi or Ken Saro-Wiwa, his exploits were largely a gratis movement for emancipation. During the heat of military dictatorship between the late 70s and early 80s when the Daily Times championed the Media sphere, Pa Fakehinde in toeing the path of his mentor Tai Solarin, engaged the soldier boys in a media tussle. The media trial was so fierce that the military regime pledged to shut any media house that published articles from Tai Solarins desk; a social activist who then had published a statement challenging General Gowon regimes delay in returning power to a civilian government.

    When the media eventually succumbed to warnings to gate-keep for the military, Pa Fakeinde was instrumental in the circulation of Tai Solarin’s articles in handbills. After printing in an unknown destination, he and his mentor distributed the news materials to higher institutions such as University of Ibadan, Yaba College of Technology and among others. He would usually sneak the publication to these institutions from where the students shared to anxious readers. Other times, both men spread the publication en masse to various locations in the southwest, particularly Lagos, then capital of Nigeria for distribution. Spreading the message was a common goal that the military could not block. As a young activist, Pa Fakeinde was a devotee of the Obafemi Awolowo’s struggle for democracy and was so loyal to the course that the former Premier of Western Nigeria confided in him.

    But unfortunately, the yearly Democracy Day passes with neither his reverence nor his mentors; an omission of vital information in history recording. Additionally, the Ekiti Judiciary Commission appointed Pa Fakeinde on contract, as a Customary Court Judge from April 2001 to September, 2004. Pa Fakeinde belonged to many organizations which including: Church of Nigeria Anglican communion, Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT), Nigeria Association History Teachers, All Nigeria Conference of Principals of Secondary schools (ANCOPSS), Rotary International, Egbe Omo Usi-Ekiti to mention but a few. Born on September 29, 1936, he died on December 22, 2016 but his story leaves salient lessons of patriotism. Whether recognised or not citizens should drive collective good in the various cadres of their profession. •Ayetoto sent this piece from Lagos

  • Emmanuel: Charting a cause of unity for Akwa Ibom

    Recently, Governor Udom Emmanuel fulfilled yet another electioneering promise to the people of Akwa Ibom State when he hosted past governors and deputy governors in the state at government house in Uyo. Those in attendance were the second elected governor of the state, Obong Victor Attah; his deputies Obong Chris Ekpenyong and Sir Michael Udofia and the immediate past deputy governor Noble Lady Valerie Obot, as well as the first elected deputy governor, Sir Etim Okpoyo. For Obong Victor Attah, it was a return to government house publicly for the first time, 10 years after he left office, a memorable experience for a man who once superintended the state for eight uninterrupted years.

    For Governor Emmanuel, it was a victory for his sincerity and steadfastness in providing a melting point for all stakeholders to share in the task of repositioning the state for greater days. The governor, it could be noted, came into power with a five point agenda of which economic and political inclusion stood out.

    In less than two years as the Chief Executive of the state, he has redefined leadership to the admiration of all and sundry by throwing open the doors to the government house for all Akwa Ibom people irrespective of political affiliations. For the entire world, this is a study of politics without bitterness, politics of sportsmanship, politics of no winner no vanquish, the philosophy of Governor Emmanuel, where the interest of the people form the fulcrum of leadership.

    Earlier this year, the governor had played host to Engr. Ben Ukpong, the former deputy governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, where he congratulated him on his emergence as a commissioner in the National Population Commission.

    The recent meeting may not come as a surprise to many considering that they are senior citizens on one hand and secondly, Emmanuel has shown character and sincerity in his unity agenda for the state. This was noticed during the visit of Mr Umana Okon Umana his former opponent and governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress in the 2015 general elections. It was an opportunity for the governor who introduced his vision to explore and harness the rich coastal heritage of the state, by developing the Ibom deep seaport, industrial city and jetty projects, to enhance marine transportation in the state. This prompted Mr Umana, Managing Director of the Oil and Gas Trade Zone to agree to partner the state government to actualize some of these visions.

    Even the most ardent political philosophers have been stunned by the governor’s enterprising team spirit, as they had perhaps thought that the governor will keep all perceived political opponents at bay especially considering the dogged fight they had put up in respect of the coveted seat.  Malice could be obtained from any other leader, but not Governor Emmanuel who has shown magnanimity in victory and clearly demonstrated a willingness to provide a pedestal for the cross fertilization of ideas from all and sundry.

    Apart from meetings with different stakeholders in the Akwa Ibom project, he has also demonstrated his belief in political inclusiveness by way of project execution in the state. Today there is no section of the state that has not been visited with life-touching projects, irrespective of their stance in the last general elections. His administration has also taken it upon itself to complete some projects that could not be completed by past administrations in the state.

    For instance, the 10th anniversary hotel project initiated by the administration of late Navy Captain Joseph Adeusi in 1997, had since been completed and now serves as the State Secretariat Annex. Similarly,  the popular Etebi-Enwang Road connecting Mbo with Esit Eket local government, and the Uyo –Ikot Ekpene road initiated by the immediate past administration of Obong Godswill Akpabio in addition to many other projects which are receiving maximum attention from the government. His concern is how to develop the state quickly and this cannot be done in isolation of key stakeholders across the state. In treating the business of government as a continuum, Governor Emmanuel thinks of the benefits that would come to generations of Akwa Ibom young people, as opposed to political gladiators who are most concerned about the next elections. It is not of Emmanuel’s concern who takes the credit, as long as the programmes or projects are in line with his avowed pledge to provide wealth, jobs and alleviate poverty. He has stepped further to throw open his doors to run an all-inclusive governance, in line with his Dakkada philosophy that everyone should rise above all elements of divisiveness such as ethnicity, politics, gender, and other forms of human and natural impediments.

    Social commentators who have been observing the current trend in the leadership of the state, have variously admitted that this will go a long way to closing unnecessary cracks in the unity of all sections of the state. First, supporters of each of the past leader will now be encouraged by the smooth communication and will have little or no option than to also jump into the large and comfortable umbrella of unity in the state.

    Getting closer to the seat of authority also enables the former leaders as opinion moulders, the access to first-hand information on the progress and developments currently being witnessed in the state under the Udom  Emmanuel-led administration. With the bridging of the communication lacuna, it is also easy for their undiluted suggestions to get to the ears of the listening governor, which cements their positions as active stakeholders in the Akwa Ibom project. This also places on them the responsibility of suing for peace from everyone in the state, and clamouring support for the present government to succeed.

    It is common scene nowadays to see the governor embracing and exchanging pleasantries with all his indigenous predecessors at government functions in the state, be it the recent burial of the Oku Ibom Ibibio 111, the Pan Niger Delta Forum assemblage in Uyo, or other states functions at the state government house. It is not difficult to induce from the expressions on the faces of theses political stakeholders that Akwa Ibom is in for better days as the synergy between the past and the present signals a converged for a better, united Akwa Ibom envisaged over a century ago by our forebears.

    Indeed, Governor Udom Emmanual is leaving no stone unturned in fulfilling his promises to the people. He has kept faith in the area of infrastructure consolidation and expansion, as well as economic and political inclusion.

     

    • Ndueso writes from Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

  • Suicide in season of anomy

    In societies with responsive and responsible leadership, the increasing rate of suicide is all that is needed to put things right. But here in Nigeria, the major concern of those at the helm of affairs is whatever threatens their hegemonic control of the national commonwealth. While suicide is not peculiar to Nigeria, the dimensions of suicide in Nigeria and the characterisation of those who have attempted or actually died of this reflects the mood of Nigeria. A society experiencing sudden changes in its social structure will alter the lives of her citizenry who may find it difficult to adjust to the new social reality. Put in other words, the country is hard and we live in anomy and what follows is anomic suicide. Emilie Durkheim, in his study on suicide noted that ‘what the rising rate of voluntary deaths denotes is not the brilliancy of our civilisation but a state of crisis and perturbation not to be prolonged with impunity’. By that he meant actionable policies, pragmatic enough to halt people from exiting the world ‘untimely’, must be formulated and social support mechanisms put in place. This is because Durkheim believes suicide to be a ‘pathological phenomenon becoming daily a greater menace’. Of course people now come to the public to voluntarily kill themselves. Because, suicide is mostly of social origin, understanding this and remedying it socially may be a timely intervention.

    Only a society with moral power (hardly true of the present Nigeria) can exercise control over the needs and aspirations of her members. In this season of crisis (recession, unemployment, loss of jobs, unpaid salaries, business collapse, botched relationship, poor/weak bonding, hunger etcetera), Nigeria lacks the moral power to regulate the needs and aspirations of her people who are experiencing unprecedented changes in their needs and values. This is why suicide is on the increase during this anomic season. Durkheim had categorised suicide into egoistic suicide (which occurs when man no longer find a basis for existence in life due to excessive withdrawal from the society and lofty but unaccomplished aspirations); altruistic suicide (insufficient individualism); and anomic suicide (which results from man’s norm-lessness and moral deregulation and its associated sufferings). The underlying deductions extractable from the narratives of those who left suicide notes or those rescued on their way-out-of mother earth as well as observations of those around them attest to the anomic state of things.

    History of kingdoms and their rulers are replete with suicide as voluntary action or imposed/induced. Kingdoms were ruled by warriors due to its functionality, a need for defence against external aggression. With such responsibility to protect their people, a conquered kingdom becomes a slave to the conqueror while the head of the ruler of the defeated kingdom is cut off as a means to humiliate and shame a supposed powerful entity. In the face of imminent capturing of self and defeat of his armies, a king may act ‘manly’ to demonstrate responsibility and bravery. This story is better told that he was met dead than he was captured, shamed around the kingdom and had his head severed. This is why the Yoruba saying – better to die than being shamed – aptly captures such suicide which is both altruistic and egoistic in character. The king may also be pressured to ‘open the calabash’ in other situations. The king could also save his community from impending danger by sacrificing his life for the community and thereby preserve his name and his people. Thus, suicide can be committed as a sign of bravery/sacrifice; an expression of guilt; acceptance of failure in responsibility and above all, to avoid shame. Voluntary killing does not end there; its unintended consequences are borne by the significant others who have to live with the stigma of having a suicide instinct in their family blood. For instance, people may prevent association of marriage between their children and family of a debtor who committed suicide unlike a warrior who sacrificed his life for his people to live. This however happened in relatively homogenous communities where collective conscience subsisted.

    Fast-forward to contemporary forms and dimensions of suicide. Different approaches had been adopted to achieve termination of their lives: from jumping into well/river, hanging self to the ceiling, poisoning, stabbing, electrocution and gunning. Suicide cases reported are also planned and well executed: people want to die covertly and spring surprises to attract sympathy or overtly such as those who went to the scene of suicide with their driver and kids. At the University of Ibadan, an undergraduate lady reportedly drank ‘Hypo’ because of a botched relationship. That phenomenon is now called “Hypo-love”. Why should we bother? That people attempted to and resorted to taking their own lives should trouble us. They point our attention to reasons underlying their decision; mostly the narratives of those who committed suicide and left notes (it is instructive that leaving note is a conscious state of feeling of responsibility by the person who committed suicide to those who will ask questions about the incident), narratives of the relatives and the narratives of those rescued from dying are vital data which must be used in designing interventions both by state and non-state actors.

    No human being can be happy unless his/her needs are sufficiently met including being accepted as a member of a group. In other words, if the needs fall short of expectations, human beings will only painfully function and respond to social reality. Human needs are insatiable and we compete on a social stage where all men are born equal but some are more equal than others. How will people with normative responsibilities not give up when governments owe salaries of eight months!. How shall people not give up when they have borrowed to get involved in MMM and the handlers decided to halt money circulation? Why will people not die in a country where the reality being experienced by the ruled is different from that which is experienced by the rulers? Why will people not die when society expects so much from them yet they are seen as less human or failures when unable to fulfil societal expectations? What is the worth of the life of ordinary Nigerians? What is their standard of living? How many thousands have been put out of jobs due to the ongoing recession? Who supports the vulnerable in Nigeria? We even steal from the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) yet we wonder what endeared people to the Boko Haram insurgents!

    A run-through of those who voluntarily killed themselves shows that a majority died of unmet aspirations, alienation (lacking love), economic brouhaha and the fear of disintegrative shaming. Economic tensions and crises increase the curve of suicide and relocate people into lower position than their previous status forcing them to reduce their requirements, retrain their needs and learn greater self-control. But people can’t take this ‘new imposed identity’ hence suicide. Only a person with revised aspirations values and needs survive social changes in their lives. We cannot continue to live as if we are not in recession; recession is not an evil spirit that we can kill with ‘die-by-fire’ type prayers in our churches. The government must heal the economy and formulate consistent policies that people can plan with. Inconsistent policies kill businesses and frustrate plans. The people need to see hope when their leaders speak and act and not otherwise. Several other social institutions have vital supportive roles to play. For instance, the churches and mosques must change their materialistic preaching to hope-preaching. They must identify the vulnerable, and assist the needy. Put together, these multifarious interventions will make people see their challenges as a passing phase which will make them better in future. If we take care of the social factors causing suicide, there will not be need for us to bother about depression. If there is any time that we need to be our brothers’ keeper, it is now.

     

    • Dr Tade, a sociologist wrote via dotad2003@yahoo.com

     

  • Trump and Obama’s shadow

    In a few days’ time, the Trump administration will mark its 100 days in office. To what extent President Donald Trump has so far been able to successfully focus on fulfilling his electoral promises to the American electorate is neither here nor there. One thing that is, however, clearly identifiable  and deeply entrenched in the Trump administration’s  style is Mr. Trump’s predilection towards demonizing his predecessor, Barrack Obama over every challenge that his administration has had to grapple with since its inauguration. This approach has become so recurring that it is almost becoming an obsession for President Trump.

    In the wake of recent horrific gas attack on civilians in Syria, the void in the Trump administration’s foreign policy became quite pronounced. Initially, the White House was unusually quiet in its reaction to the ugly incident. While the attack was swiftly and roundly condemned by leaders across the world, the US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, who was then on a visit to neighbouring Jordan disregarded questions from probing newshounds about the event, thereby maintaining his habitual quietness in the face of  troubling global occurrences.

    When the Trump administration eventually found its voice, it simply laid the blame on Barack Obama. In what now seems like a routine, President Trump used the attack, which killed dozens of people, including children, to score a cheap domestic political point against Barrack Obama when he described it as a direct “consequence” of Obama’s Syria policy. He said:  “These heinous actions by the Bashar al-Assad regime are a consequence of the last administration’s weakness and irresolution. President Obama said in 2012 that he would establish a ‘red line’ against the use of chemical weapons and then did nothing.”

    The response, no doubt, exemplified President Trump’s continuing sense of being in his predecessor’s shadow. Curiously, aside lambasting Obama, President Trump did not reveal what impact the attack would have on Washington’s approach to Russia and Iran who are major backers of Assad. It would be recollected that President Trump and his campaign team are being investigated to ascertain the extent of Russia’s involvement in the last American election.

    Till date and in-spite of his blame game, the Trump administration is yet to come out with an official position on Syria. Interestingly, prior to the Idlib attack, Paris had expressed deep worries over Washington’s inability to take a definite stand on Syria.  Indeed, after the gory Idlib event, French Foreign Minister, Jean -Marc Ayrault, vented his frustration at the confusing Trump’s Syria policy, arguing that the Idlib attack was carried out by Syria as a result of the Trump administration’s seeming non- committal stance towards Syria. He said: “It’s a test. That’s why France repeats the messages, notably to the Americans, to clarify their position.” Rather than blame his government’s failure on the previous administration, the Idlib massacre only goes to underscore a deep hole in the Trump administration’s weak approach to Assad’s barbarism.

    The same Obama bashing trend was taken to a rather ridiculous height when President Trump made unsubstantiated claims that Obama wiretapped him during the last election. This wild allegation which President Trump made on Twitter, as usual, has since been debunked by the chairman of a congressional committee investigating the affair. Indeed, Mr. Trump has been accused by former CIA Director, Leon Panetta of making the claim as a calculated diversionary ploy. He said: “They are trying to obfuscate and trying to cover up. They are trying to somehow raise other issues”.

    Similarly Republican and Democratic leaders of the House Intelligence Committee have affirmed that they had no concrete evidence backing President Trump’s claim that the Obama administration wiretapped him. Curiously, when President Trump alleged that Obama ordered a wiretap on his phones during the election, he didn’t turn to the federal intelligence agencies for proof.

    There is, perhaps, no other event that portrays President Trump’s obvious discomfort with Obama’s shadow other than his administration’s recent bungling of its controversial health care legislation. After the health bill hit the brick wall, President Trump blamed everyone but himself. Characteristically, President Trump figured out Obama as the key guy responsible for the premature death of his health bill.

    Ironically, President Trump’s Republican Party controls the majority in both the House of Representatives and Senate. That he could not push through his first major bill in a government where his party controls the legislative arm speaks volume of the amateurish character of the government he leads. While he lashed out at the Democrats for not supporting the bill, one doubts if the usually self-confident President Trump ever deemed it fit to approach members of the Democratic caucus in the two legislative houses for support. He was so sure that his party’s superior numerical strength in the two houses was enough to seal the deal.

    Ironically, there were reports that he didn’t even make any concrete overture to the particular Republican caucus that was strongly opposed to the bill. At the end, President Trump unwittingly acknowledged his administration’s incompetent handling of the wobbling bill when he said: “We have learnt some hard lessons about negotiations through all this”. Certainly, a larger chunk of the lesson learnt would be that he failed to appropriately canvas for the bill before it met its waterloo. To highlight his gross disdain for the shadow of Obama, President Trump said that Obamacare offers nothing good for the Americans and will simply “explode” by itself. What simply meant is that, if possible, his administration would undermine Obamacare.

    Funny enough, analysts have claimed that there seems to be no remarkable differences between Mr. Trump’s aborted health bill and the much vilified Obamacare. Interpretation: He wanted Obamacare out at all cost and by all means, but he had no superior replacement for it. Before now, one used to think that it is only in Africa that this sort of politics that tends to undermine or obliterate the achievements of a previous government out of sheer envy and malice. President Trump has simply proved that politics in his homestead could be as crude as it is in other climes.

    In a nutshell, it would do Mr. Trump and his administration not much of a good, if he continues to make chasing the shadow of Obama as a key policy of his administration. The earlier he realizes that the elections are over, the better for him.

     

    • Ogunbiyi is of the Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos.

  • Bring back Police Trust Fund

    Humans have a tendency to situate particular happenings into mental compartments, and the difference between these situations sometimes influences our behaviours more than the happenings themselves. Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus sometime ago opined that “mind-sets play strange tricks on us” and as a result, we see things the way our minds have instructed our eyes to see them. But to guarantee a better future, we must decide to first understand the present without prejudice. And towards such perspicacity, it is high time we became ambivalent in our perspective of the Nigeria Police Force.

    At this defining moment, an average police officer is rigidly perceived by most Nigerians to be crooked, while others view police officers more as a predicament, rather than the protectors of individual rights and upholders of law and order. As a consequence of this sad and saddening biography, the maxim “Police is your friend” is now used as fodder for jokes in places where people gather to laugh away their sorrows.

    There is however another side of NPF which is rarely talked about. We have hundreds of officers sacrificing their lives yearly on the line of duty so that we can live ours. Because of inadequate funding, we have a police force that is expected to do much with little, and in case of death or accident, have themselves or their dependants poorly or not compensated at all. NPF’s greatest achievements often go unsung. These biggest achievements are conflicts which do not make headlines because they didn’t happen. Thus, police successes in any way it might be viewed, are often immaterial as they have lower visibility than their failings.

    The 1999 Constitution emphasizes that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary preoccupation of the government. In performing this role, the government thereby delegated the duty of maintenance of internal security to the NPF. Hence, the NPF are by law saddled with the responsibility of the prevention and detection of crime, the preservation of peace and order and the enforcement of all laws and regulations. And with no apologies, they are expected to discharge these duties efficiently and effectively. The critical poser now is: can these duties be discharged efficiently and effectively without adequate funding? Truly, money can mean different things to different persons. Some say it is the root of all evil, others say it is the root of all good. One writer says about it: “There is trouble getting it, anxiety in keeping it, temptations in the use of it, guilt in the abuse of it, and perplexity in disposing of it”. But to me, money might not buy happiness in some cases but it can at least boast the morale and improve the operational efficiency of the NPF.

    In repositioning the NPF for the 21st century challenge of effective policing, the Police Trust Fund bill pending in the National Assembly since 2009 must be revisited and passed. The bill seeks to address the funding challenges of the Nigeria police in totality and on a sustainable basis. It seeks to tax corporate entities to complement the Federal Government in funding the police. The bill if passed would enable the police to be on first line charge, and would be funded by agreed percentages to be deducted from local and foreign businesses operating in the country. The funds would then be directly channelled to the state commands on quarterly basis.

    Until the Police Trust Fund (PTF) bill is passed, every attempt towards curbing corruption within the NPF would be a wild goose chase without a human face. How can bail be free in our police stations when of about 3000 police stations in the country, almost all operate without any overhead votes?  How can the police be non-partisan during elections when they depend on the mercy of state and local governments for resources for mobilization during elections? How can the police not use torture to garner confession when that is the only affordable option left? How can complainants not be required to ‘pay’ or bribe before arrests are made to settle cases when the police stations are under staffed, those available are overworked and overstressed, patrol vehicles are rickety or non-functional, and those that can at least move will need fuel?

    How can collecting a police report or making a statement not have a price tag when the police stations are lacking diaries, police registers, statement forms, file jackets, stationeries etc.? How can they not be willing to be personal guards to wealthy citizens, or tempted to sell justice to the highest bidder when their conditions of service is nothing to write home about? How can their unjustified blood lust and highhandedness be completely tackled when there is a dearth of professionalism brought about by inadequate training as a result of poor funding? Why would they not be likened to toothless bull dogs when they lack the necessary equipment and training to quell a riot talk more of an armed confrontation?

    The NPF is ours and we must own it and hold them accountable in the discharge of their duties. And for them to meet up with the ever increasing security challenge of the 21st century, they must be funded via the PTF since statutory allocations so far have not helped the Force in meeting up with its obligations. In 2010, the force reportedly made a recurrent proposal of N45 billion, out of which it got only N16 billion. The trend remained unchained even in 2013 when it asked for N56 billion but got only N7 billion. In 2015, the force requested for N71 billion but got only N5 billion. According to IGP Idris, of the N16 billion in 2016 capital budget of the police, only N4 billion was released.

    An under-resourced police agency is incapable of effectively policing a country as large and populous as Nigeria not to talk of carrying out such functions in a humane and professional way. There is a need to grow the work force just like we have in places like China where the number of police is rising with a growth rate that is eight times more than the growth rate of its population. In Nigeria, the Force is already over stretched. There are about 370,000 police officers policing 182 million persons which fell far below the UN’s 1:400 police-population ratio. Apart from man-power, a 21st century police requires trainings in scene of crime documentation, fire arms handling and safety, restraint techniques, mediation and dispute resolution, interrogation procedures, human rights protection etc.

    They also deserve improvements in their conditions of service, remunerations and housing. They need to maintain a state-of-the art armouries; modern patrol vehicles equipped with circuit television monitors; communication devices such as effective hand held radios with long range radial frequency channels, and short or long range walkie-talkies, and emergency call mechanisms; lie detectors, voice-stress analyzers, Automated Field Reporting Systems (AFRS), Automated Fingerprint Identification Systems (AFIS) and gunshot location techniques; non-lethal weaponries such as chemical irritants, electric shock immobilizing techniques, rubber, plastic and wooden bullet guns, strobe and acoustical weaponry; various non-electric immobilizing devices; improved bullet-proof vests, body armours, and improved patrol car protection technology; office stationeries; etc. And since nothing is free in Freetown, these would cost money.

    It is imperative to highlight that police officers are part of the civil society. Apart from the numerous events which have confounded the certitudes of their performances over the years, they also have human problems. And since you cannot be a bat and be a fowl at the same time, lapses in their operational strategies originate among other things from the fact that they are not adequately remunerated and equipped to meet up with their responsibilities. In this 21st century, crimes are intelligently planned and executed with great sophistication. Therefore to prevent such modern day crimes, a highly motivated, equipped and trained workforce with sophisticated diligence is needed.

     

    • Iheanyi lives in Enugu.

  • Lessons from Julius Nwalimu Nyerere

    Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, Nigeria’s most captivating  columnist of the 1970s who rewrote history as editor of Sunday Times of that era, once returned from Julius Nyerere’s Tanzania and thrilled his compatriots with an account of the stoic exploits of this illustrious African leader. Just like his staid gait, Ogunsanwo said, Nyerere had no airs about him to suggest he was the president of Tanzania.

    This picture of an abstemious statesman sharply contradicted the Nigerian paradigm. Here, our leaders, even at the local government scene, would loot the public till to build personal empires, to satisfy their palatial palate. The predilection of our leaders for financial rape has always been there and Ogunsanwo was among a small circle of ethical journalists who railed against this evil. So the Tanzania experience had to excite this colourful columnist. Through his celebrated style of writing that nettled bad leaders and won applause from the public, Ogunsanwo said that if he placed the lifestyle of Nyerere side-by-side with what we had in Nigeria, the weight of the East African leader wouldn’t surpass the wealth of a level 9 officer in the Nigerian Civil Service. A shocked Ogunsanwo said something to the effect that the home of Nyerere had uninspiring furniture compared to what a middle level civil servant in Nigeria might offer. Nyerere’s was a study in Spartan decor.

    Years later in 1999 when the beloved Tanzania leader died at 77, New York Times correspondent Michael Kaufman wrote what has gone into the books as a most charitable essay by a Western reporter on an African president who mercilessly chided capitalism as a curse on humanity, thus confirming Ogunsanwo’s point. He admitted Nyerere’s “habits of modesty and ethics.”

    Kaufman wrote in the influential New York Times on October 15, 1999: “He (Nyerere) never received more than 8,000 dollars (about 8,000 naira then) a year as president. He appeared both abroad and at home wearing a grey or black safari shirt over his trousers and a white crocheted skull cap… In contrast to many African leaders who often raced their capitals in motorcades with phalanxes of motorcycle outriders, he moved around Dar es Salam (the old capital of Tanzania) in an old car with just his driver, who stopped for red lights… When he stepped down as president… he was only the third modern African leader to relinquish power voluntarily… He went neither to jail nor to exile but to a farm in Butiama, his home village near the shore of Lake Victoria.”

    Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born on April 13, 1922 in a settlement in the hills of  southeast of Lake Victoria. His father was 61 when he married his mother at 15. He went to Uganda’s famous Makerere University and the UK’s Edinburgh University where he earned the Master’s degree in History and Economics. He went into politics after a teaching tenure on his return from Scotland. He led Tanzania into independence from Britain in 1961, becoming the youngest of a group of Africa’s “triumphant” nationalists among them the legendary Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah whose country Ghana attained sovereignty in 1957.

    Tanzanians called Nyerere Nwalimu (Teacher), for he led a paternalistic life, an exemplary one that taught them to disavow the corrupting influence of cloying opulence and capitalism. Why should a leader not identify with the sufferings of his compatriots? Why would a leader be seen only through the prism of affluence and not through sacrificial service that should leave him no time to amass wealth or go into so-called business? Why would public office be a showroom of pomp, pageantry and perquisites? Why would you be richer after holding public office than before? A true leader ought to be poorer (lighter) after shedding weight, giving away part of you in order to serve!

    These considerations led Nyerere inexorably to the conclusion that Africa did not need the deadly grab-it-all spirit of capitalism and exploitation of man by fellow man. He came up with Ujamma (familyhood) socialism, which emphasized what he called “cooperative brotherhood”. Then came, in 1967, Arusha Declaration, named after a northern town where Nyerere unveiled the new deal to party leaders and faithful. The programme, a follow up to Ujamma “called for a commitment to self-reliance while establishing the leadership code, which obligated government and party officials to give up all sources of income for their salaries.”

    The enforcement of this law started right in the president’s household. His wife, Maria, was the head of a woman’s organisation running a poultry business. She abandoned it immediately, to give moral armament to this campaign against corruption and rabid love of power and money. He lived by this declaration he made in Ujamma : “In acquisitive societies, wealth tends to corrupt those who possess it. It tends to breed in them a desire to live more comfortably than their fellows, to dress better and in every way to outdo them.”

    On public buildings in Tanzania, Nyerere had these slogans inscribed in his war against ostentation, greed and corruption: Work is the foundation of progress. A poor country cannot rule itself if it relies on foreign help. We must run while others walk.

    He invested heavily in the education of his people such that under his rule literacy “rose phenomenally and 83 percent of Tanzania were able to read and write.” It was also in Nyerere’s time that Swahili became a recognized national language. He took an unbending stand on the struggle against apartheid rule in South Africa and on the fight for independence in Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia. It earned him much global respect.

    So what is Nwalimu teaching us as we mark his posthumous 95th birthday today? First, African leaders, as a result of their insatiable greed for power, money and office, are responsible for their citizens’ poverty, misery and death. Secondly, Africa wouldn’t need foreign aid if its leaders and elite don’t corner our wealth to feed their sickening sacerdotal taste. In addition, we should stop blaming Europe for Africa’s underdevelopment: it is African leaders and the elites who are under-developing the continent!

    Finally, change in the society does not begin with the citizen; it begins with my leader.

     

    • Ojewale is a journalist and writer in Ota, Ogun State.