Category: Comments

  • That Lagos may be clean

    One striking feature of a capital city in any developed country is cleanliness. Most of the capital cities are very clean and this announces to visitors that they are in a capital city. No heap of refuse, no abandoned broken down vehicles, no abandoned bloated dead bodies on the road and no suicide beggars competing with moving vehicles and almost threatening to harm a motorist who fails to give out alms.

    Unfortunately, this could not be said of Lagos which used to be the nation’s capital and which remains the capital of Lagos State that international visitors must see on arrival in Nigeria after landing at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport.

    Other international capital cities such as London, Washington, Oslo, Dublin, Paris etc. are a beauty to behold because of their sparkling clean environment. The question then remains, how did these capital cities attain their cleanliness? The answer is simply that governments in those countries pay attention to personal hygiene and have a very effective waste disposal system right from individual households.

    While the efforts of the past and present administrations in Lagos State to keep Lagos clean in accordance with internal best practices in waste disposal should not be lost, much still needed to be done to attain the level of cleanliness as obtained in other developed capital cities across the world. There is no gain saying the fact that the Ambode administration in Lagos State has made giant strides in achieving the Lagos of our dream, in terms of a cleaner megacity that is not only environmentally clean, but a commercial hub that offers prosperity to everyone. It is in this sense that the Cleaner Lagos Initiative (CLI) was established as an extensive and sustainable waste management system for Lagos.

    This new waste management regime, (CLI) will create about 45,000 new jobs. The new waste management policy apart from creating the enabling environment for the private sector to harness international best practices, will also address the existing challenges in solid waste management in the state. The CLI will engage about 25,000 community sanitation workers who will work as street sweepers and they will reside in their wards so that they won’t have to spend so much money on transport to and from work.

    Besides, they will be well-trained with an attractive welfare package. The sanitation workers will be well-kitted with decent uniforms, gloves, boots, pickers, brushes, carts as well as mobile phones with which to communicate with the control centre and they will be well remunerated. This is no doubt a mass employment scheme that would take many unemployed youths off the street and with the propensity to generate additional indirect 500,000 jobs from its value chain. This will also be a boost on the economy of Lagos State.

    CLI is well tailored towards maximizing the state’s potential in solid waste management that would provide permanent solution to waste recycling, recovery and waste reduction challenges that have dimmed the shine of the state for decades, and offer innovative approach to liquid waste management, drainage management and waste water treatment in the State.

    It is therefore obvious that this new sanitation policy if properly executed, will most likely achieve in one year, what the cancelled monthly environmental sanitation could not achieve in the last 30 years. The new sanitation workers will take cleaning as a serious business such that residents would only take care of their abodes and surroundings as a complementary service. It is going to be a departure from the cancelled monthly environmental sanitation which many Lagosians saw as forced labour.

    The Cleaner Lagos Initiative scheme was informed by the need to correct the flaws in existing waste management system and to introduce modern technology into the management of solid waste. A new law to back the current waste management regime is in the offing and this will allow big time players in the waste management sector to do business with the government.

    Residents will still pay what they are paying presently to Private Sector Partnership (PSP) on waste management with the new name of (Public Utility Levy) part of which goes into an Environment Trust Fund.  The difference is that they will get more value for their money in terms of effective waste management system that would ensure government’s objective of a cleaner Lagos. The scope of the Lagos Waste Management Authority (LAWMA) shall be expanded to enable it enforce, regulate and generate revenue from the waste management process while the new policy will protect the environment, human health and social living standards of Lagos residents.

    Also, the need for the new initiative is a confirmation that the current waste management system has failed due to many obstacles which goes to show that it is high time the government re-strategised to ensure a cleaner Lagos which make the new environmental sanitation policy a welcome idea.

    The new sanitation policy will address the current problem of irregular waste collection which leads to irregular and poor payments, bin placement, transfer loading stations, and other supporting infrastructure that have been ignored while undue attention has been placed on waste collection only. In addition, LAWMA in its role as regulator/operator is overwhelmed by the responsibilities of having to coordinate the activities of 350 individual companies and still carry out its own collection services. The billing system is unduly complicated due to the differences and inconsistencies in charges and collection routes, therefore leaving the billing system open to manipulation and fraud while many individual operators have failed to fulfil their obligations on the trucks.

    One cheering news is that the current poor waste management situation shall be addressed holistically using modern technology. For example,  apart from the transformation of the existing Transfer Loading Station (TLS) and the introduction of no less than 25 Material Revolving Facility (MRF) where wastes will be sorted, 600 new compactor vehicles will be acquired, and waste dumpsites will be closed and replaced with engineered sanitary landfill sites.

    The planned shutdown of dumpsites such as the Ojota and Solus dumpsites which has become an eyesore and a threat to health of residents of those areas is a big relief. Dumpsites are dangerous to health and the environment. The leachate and gas to be recovered from the proposed sanitary landfills will be put to good use.

    In the plan, Olusosun dumpsite will be regenerated and turned into a park, where intercity buses will end their journey and would no longer be allowed to enter into the city. Passengers will from there take taxis and intra-city buses to their destinations in town. Emphasis will henceforth be on zero-dumping, recycling and generation of power from wastes. To achieve this, government will carry out a re-certification of all the 350 PSP operators, re-license them and audit the state of their compactors and there will be a control room where the tracked compactors shall be monitored.

    It also pertinent at this juncture to allay the fears of the present PSP operators that government has no intention of sending them away, but will only re-certify their vehicles and make them comply with the new rules and regulation towards ensuring cleaner Lagos befitting the status of a mega city. This should be supported by all without prejudice.

    The restructuring will benefit PSPs because the new environmental policies and laws will not only protect the citizens and the environment, but all waste management operators who painstakingly invest their resources into helping with the clean-up of Lagos.

    The investment in the waste management will ensure that all commercial entities have a valid contract with a registered operator; these contracts will prove to be a valuable component for any serious-minded operator with sustainable plans for growth.

    The restructuring will make new provisions that protect the interests of existing investments by requiring all commercial entities to have a valid and enforceable contract with a registered operator.

    It is also heart-warming to know that five new power stations, one in each division in the state, will be built to generate power from wastes, and the numerous dumpsites dotting parts of the state will soon be a thing of the past.

    Going by what the Ambode administration has done so far since its assumption of office over a year ago, Lagosians have confidence in the ability of the government to deliver on promises like it did in a couple of other areas like infrastructure and security. If Lagos must truly attain its status of a mega city, it must be as clean as any of the capital cities earlier mentioned and that is why the Clean Lagos Initiative is the appropriate Special Purpose Vehicle towards achieving this. Let all stakeholders support this bold move. Lagos must be clean!

     

    • Akintunde, a policy analyst wrote from Karimu, Surulere, Lagos.

     

  • Rethinking green energy

    One of the great challenges haunting the present administration and indeed all past administrations is and has always been the subject of Nigeria’s power deficiency. In Nigeria, power is erratic, unstable and outages are more than frequent. With an installation capacity of over 7,000MW (or 12,000MW depending on who you ask), Nigeria barely manages to generate, on average, a dismal 3,800MW of electricity to meet the needs of its growing population. Over the years, several issues have been cited as major causes of Nigeria’s paltry power generation capacity and output, including pipeline vandalism, corruption, lack of adequate infrastructure, mismanagement and incompetence.
    Just weeks ago, Nigeria’s power generation output dropped from around 3,959mw to 2,662mw. The sudden drop was attributed to low water levels at the hydro power stations and lack of gas due to pipeline attacks. And with a population of over 180 million people, Nigeria is only able to connect 40% of its citizens to the power grid. Lack of adequate electricity affects all strata of the economy, costing Nigeria billions per annum, while crippling the industrial, agricultural, & service sectors. This along with lack of adequate security, water and transportation is costing Nigerians an arm and a leg with devastating consequences for the road ahead.
    Why have we as a people not solved this problem? Are we created differently from our western or far eastern counterparts? Surely all men are created equal, and if so, those saddled with the responsibility of solving these issues over the years have no excuse. Our natural resources are abundant, technology is obtainable, and adequate man power is available. Why are we still in this quagmire? By comparison, South Africa has a generation capacity of 52,811MW; Egypt 30,000MW; Canada 130,000MW and the United States, 1.17 million MW. Despite their output, these countries are determined and projected to increase their generation capacity with set targets and innovative ideas to meet rising energy demands yet to come.
    Along with the electricity conundrum, Nigeria also faces a serious waste problem. Waste is a harbinger of various environmental impacts such as air, water, soil and pollution. Along with numerous risks to life and health, the desecration and decay of local communities and cities ruins the aesthetic quality and natural beauty of each state and, consequently, our country. Our answer over the years has been dumping our waste in open heaps and landfills, attracting vermin, disease and infection. Despite our pitfalls and mishaps, there is a solution to solving such foundational problems to the framework of our great nation. The answer lies in an effective and efficient waste-to-energy programme. By enacting a sufficient waste management initiative for Nigeria, we can create renewable energy that will help fuel economic development while adding value back to our natural ecosystem and biosphere. Investing in waste to energy conversion will not only help reduce our waste management issues, it will also help alleviate the electricity problem by providing an alternative/reliable source of energy.
    With evidential benefits abound, waste to energy conversion policies in Nigeria should be pursued aggressively. The advantages for a country struggling with excessive waste and rampant power outages are enormous. Although funding a huge project such as a waste to energy incineration plant can be taxing for state governments, the federal government can render assistance by commissioning large scale projects; that along with private sector participation can help see such programmes through to fruition.
    Currently, the two major power sources being used in Nigeria today are natural gas (70%) & hydro power (30%). With hydro power, disturbances and disruptions are usually blamed on low water levels, while thermal power (natural gas) mishaps remain the result of pipeline vandalism. Converting waste to energy on the other hand has none of the above stated weaknesses, and doubles as a waste disposal agent. Making sure Nigeria’s waste is put to good use, thus cleaning and lighting up the nation concurrently.
    In Sweden, less than 1% trash ends up in landfills. This is due in part to the 32 waste-to-energy plants that have been setup across the country. These plants incinerate over two million tons of trash annually; almost 50% of the waste produced by the country (the other 50% is recycled). Waste-to-energy plants in Sweden provide close to a million homes with heating and electricity, and thus, are responsible for reducing the amount of trash that ends up in landfills, as well as helping to reduce Sweden’s reliance on fossil fuels. The waste-to-energy project in Sweden is made more effective by the government’s insistence on the segregation of waste in both households and commercial institutions prior to incineration. Waste is a relatively cheap fuel and Sweden has, over time, developed a large capacity and skill in efficient and profitable waste treatment and management; so much so that Sweden imports 700,000 tonnes of waste from other countries yearly.
    Besides incineration (combustion), other viable waste-to energy/bioenergy methods include: anaerobic digestion (biogas) and gasification (syngas). Both methods can be used on a much smaller scale to power local communities, industries and hamlets around the country. The private sector should be encouraged in areas such as this. The more people/organisations involved in the generation of power, the closer we are to powering the whole nation.
    According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), bioenergy is the single largest renewable energy source today, providing 10% of the world with a primary energy supply. It also plays a crucial role in many developing countries where it provides energy for cooking. Apart from bioenergy, solar, wind, hydro, geothermal, and tidal energy are all forms of viable renewable energy sources. Diversification is important and Nigeria’s dependency on thermal energy is costing us dearly.
    There is no set pattern or formula for energy expansion. We can and should add to our current energy mix and capacity with great devotion. The United States for instance relies on; natural gas (33%), coal (33%), nuclear (20%), and renewables (including bioenergy, hydro & solar) (13%), as energy sources respectively. The key is focusing on certain areas and working vigorously to achieve set goals. Sweden (bioenergy), Kenya (geothermal), Morocco & Rwanda (solar), and Denmark (wind) are all major players in renewable energy. We must think ahead as a nation by investing in the future, embracing change and employing innovation into our resource bank to construct a brighter tomorrow.
    For too long, Nigerians have suffered the consequences of inadequate electricity, starkly diminishing efficiency in the workplace and at home. We must light the way to better understanding and planning for courses of action that meet the needs of our country. It is often said that only light can push out darkness, and in the same vein, only action can cure grief. Through waste-to-energy investment, we will light up the streets, roads, homes and minds of our nation, transforming our economy, and in time, our position on the global stage.

  • Kudos to Southwest leaders

    Not long ago, Yoruba leaders in the then Action Congress (AC) gathered at the instance of AC governors to discuss the issue of social, political and regional cooperation among South-west states. The idea, I believed, was to make the South-west a power block for social, political, economic, industrial, scientific and technological developments, similar to the noticeable developments in the Old Western Region under the leadership of Obafemi Awolowo. Now, its revival for the new Southwest is timely, especially at a time when the political and economic ships of Nigeria are sinking fast. It is from this vantage point of view that the recent wake-up call by Southwest leaders who are “demanding for more action out of little action from the Federal Government” is worthy of special notice.
    According to The Nation, January 13, front page and page 6, the Southwest All Progressive Congress (APC) leaders held a crucial meeting in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital on January 12, and resolved to (1) unite and press for more dividends of democracy for the region and, (2) defend the legacies of the zone (region) as the centrepiece of the progressive political ideology which gave birth to a new federal government during the 2015 general elections.
    According to Chief Bisi Akande who chaired the meeting, “We met principally to discuss all the things that may be affecting South-west, and we have come out with a resolution to show that in Southwest APC there is unity of purpose and that the leadership is one… We have resolved on all the issues that may be affecting governance of this country, and the influence we should exercise as a group in the interest and progress of this country”. Now, what I want our Southwest leaders to do in order to keep the zone as the most developed and prosperous region of Nigeria, like the old Western Region under Chief Awolowo, are the following:
    Continue to imagine there is no oil in Nigeria by thinking less about oil revenue from the federal government and begin to harness their human and other natural (mineral) resources for sustainable and enduring development of the region, not minding the fact that Ondo and Lagos are oil producing states.
    Forget oil and go back to the era of agriculture as the mainstay of the economy. In this connection, important suggestions could be made. First, begin an aggressive clearing of lands for mechanized farming in each state. People may not know that in the USA, agriculture is like our own oil as the greatest source of their national wealth, followed by machinery. Many of us who once lived in the US and Canada saw that there is hardly any land that is allowed to remain fallow, from Detroit to Chicago and to California in the USA, for example, and from Toronto to Nova Scotia, or the famous prairies of Canada – Manitoba, Winnipeg to British Columbia – covering more than 3,000 miles from Toronto, many of which are harnessed for cultivation of wheat and other agricultural products. What you see as you travel along the prairies are farmlands everywhere, unlike in Nigeria where the land between one city and the other is just bush and bush all the way, with little or no farm lands to be seen.
    In the case of South-west, there exists an abundance of fallow and fertile lands all over the place. You travel from Ile-Ife to Ibadan and from there to Abeokuta or from Ile-Ife to Ado-Ekiti, all you see are lands which are pitiably lying fallow but nevertheless dotted with crops like palm trees that were never planted by human beings but were merely dropped by animals in transit, simply because the lands are so fertile that any seed dropped on them would germinate and grow even though they were not planted by human beings. Nowadays, people’s interest is how to sell some of these massive lands for building of houses that may never be occupied because of their inappropriate locations in isolated bush areas that ought to have been developed for farming.
    On this matter, what I want our South-west leaders to do is to make a concerted effort to see that each governor turns the lands that lie fallow in their territories to productive enterprise through large scale mechanized farming. There is a special need to breed cattle, swine, goats, sheep and rams for local consumption as well as for export. There is abundant land for grazing in the South-west. Let every state acquire lands for cattle ranches where cattle would be raised, fed and sold to people of the state and other states while the remaining could be exported, thus putting an end to importation of cows from the North and Niger Republic. From these ranches, cows would be well fed to produce sufficient milk, beef and sausages for local consumption and for exports. In the breeding and rearing of cattle, attempts should be made to import big and healthy bulls and cows from abroad for the purpose of cross breeding so that the beef and dairy products like fresh milk, cheese and butter to be produced from the high breed cows would meet international standard for export.
    For mechanized farming, the South-west have no problem of high level manpower in the areas of agriculture, agricultural engineering and agricultural economics as well as its back up with graduates in mechanical engineering, soil science and soil engineering, electronic/electrical engineering, graduates in veterinary medicine, microbiology and other experts associated with mechanized farming, food production, food storage and preservation so that the agricultural products that are at present available only in seasons should be made available all the year round. All of this would create thousands, if not millions, of employment while the states’ economy would be boosted tremendously by incomes from agricultural products. And for the states, there would be abundance of food supply for all, and general prosperity to the bargain. For the purpose of planting crops all the year round, attempt should be made to fashion out a superb irrigation system that would be second to none in West Africa and probably beyond. In order to put all this into maximum effect, assistance and cooperation/partnership should be sought from the US farmers, and especially the Israelis who have turned their desert into lands of immense agricultural production. The African Development Bank (AFDB) and other financial agencies might also be brought in for their cooperation and assistance.
    As of now, let the mainstay of economy of South-west be agriculture. With food security, all other securities would also naturally fall into place. The South-west should never surrender its leadership in education, healthcare, industries and cooperative investments and other commercial enterprises as started by Awolowo whose insight led to the Oodua Investment Group of Companies which should now be expanded to an Octopus in the region through further cooperation and strong will amongst the governors.

    •Professor Makinde, FNAL is DG/CEO, Awolowo Centre for Philosophy, Ideology and Good Governance, Osogbo, Osun State.

  • PMB on Onnoghen

    PMB on Onnoghen

    If President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) refuses to nominate Justice Walter Onnoghen, the only candidate recommended by the National Judicial Council (NJC), for the office of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), to the Senate; then he acts ultra vires his powers, as provided in section 231(1) of the 1999 constitution, as amended. The responsibility of the President in the words of the constitution is unequivocal, and it amounts to a disservice to the principles of interpretation of statutes, for his advisers to impute inferences and nuances not provided for.
    Section 231(1) states: “The appointment of a person to the office of Chief Justice of Nigeria shall be made by the President on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council subject to confirmation of such appointment by the Senate” (emphasis mine). Clearly the part in italics is mandatory. So, the NJC cannot abdicate the function to recommend a candidate, while the President cannot refuse to send a nominee to the Senate, after the recommendation. With respect, any contrary action is ultra vires the constitutional powers.
    Notably, the Senate has discretionary powers to confirm or reject a nominee. The constitution uses the word: “subject to confirmation of such appointment by the Senate”. So, while the recommending authority (NJC) in determining who to nominate, has discretionary powers, within the ambit of the statutory provisions; the constitutional instruction given to the President is merely administrative, and he can only exercise a form of discretion, where the recommending authority gives him more than one name.
    Whereas in Justice Onnoghen’s case, the recommending authority, the NJC, recommends to the President not more than one name, he is no better than ‘a robot’ (as has been rhetorically asked by some commentators), and he must (the word shall) send the name of such a recommended person to the Senate for the confirmation process. Those arguing that the President cannot be a mere ‘rubber stamp’ with regards to section 231(1), are merely overwhelmed by the general humongous powers of an executive president. They are unable to accept that such a powerful person can be issued a simple, humble and unassuming directive.
    Sub-section 2, re-emphasise a similar procedure for the appointment of a Justice of Supreme Court. In my humble view, any appointment outside the purview of the constitutional provisions is unlawful. Sub-section 3, gives a constitutional guideline that is applicable at the starting process. It says: “a person shall not be qualified to hold the office of Chief Justice of Nigeria or a Justice of the Supreme Court, unless he is qualified to practise as a legal practitioner in Nigeria and has been so qualified for a period of not less than fifteen years”.
    So, the NJC cannot recommend a person who has not met that constitutional requirement, neither can the President appoint a person not recommended by the NJC. To argue otherwise is to do grave violence to the express provisions of our grundnorm, from which every public official derive legitimacy. Of note, whether the President can boisterously, unconstitutionally and egregiously disregard the express provision of the constitution, either because he is prejudiced, or annoyed that people are talking about it, or even from sheer intransigence or misrepresentation by otherwise knowledgeable advisers, is another kettle of fish.
    I can only say to those who are making subtle threats that the President could feel offended that Nigerians are pressuring him to do the right thing to stop wasting their energy. Such a blackmail will not work. The President has to be told the truth, and then he can choose whether to obey the constitution or to abuse it; after all, his predecessors, particularly President Olusegun Obasanjo, ran roughshod over the constitution many times. The consequences however include, whether we want to admit it or not, the prevailing dysfunction of our society.
    So, the truth must be told, regardless of whose ox is gored. Perhaps it is fair to ask, could the President refuse to inaugurate the National Assembly where the person duly elected as the Senate President and head of the legislature is not acceptable to him? It will be disingenuous, as some protagonists are doing now with respect to the head of the judiciary, to argue that if he has the power to inaugurate the National Assembly, then he has power to refuse to inaugurate it, all in the name of vetting the process.
    For avoidance of doubt, the power of the President in section 231(1) is purely administrative; to impute otherwise, is to grant him adjudicatory powers, and thus turn him to an appeal tribunal, over the constitutional responsibilities of the NJC. Of course, if his advisers grant him such powers, then he will be caught by the doctrine of fair hearing, which implies that before he can reject Justice Onnoghen’s nomination, he must apply the necessary principles. In my view, the section do not contemplate such unwinding process, rather it is the Senate that is imbued with the power to accept or reject the nomination by NJC; and there, by practice, the nominee will be given opportunity to be heard.
    Those arguing that the President can unilaterally, for a reason or no reason at all, disregard the NJC’s nomination, have not asked themselves whether the head of personnel can refuse to pass to the management committee for confirmation, the name of personnel, who has been duly screened and found qualified for promotion by the promotion committee? Or have they forgotten that it is a citizen’s promotion that is at stake here, albeit one having statutory flavour, as held by the Supreme Court in Olaniyan vs University of Lagos (1985) 2 NWLR Pt. 9.
    As succinctly stated by Herring CJ, in Arthur Yates & Co Pty Ltd vs. Vegetable Seeds Committee, (1945) 72 CLR 137 at 166: “It is not the English view of the law that whatever is officially done is law…. On the contrary, the principle of English law is that what is done officially must be done in accordance with the law”. For even when a President has a discretionary power, he is guided. According to Lord Halsbury, L.C., in Sharp vs. Wakefield (1891) A. C. 173, “discretion means when it is said that something is to be done according to the rules of reason and justice, not according to private opinion…. According to law and not humour…. It is to be, not arbitrary, vague and fanciful, but legal and regular.”
    Should the President have reasons why the nominee of the NJC should not be confirmed by the Senate, he has all the privileges to present such information to the Senate, which is constitutionally empowered and constituted in such a manner as to fairly determine the fate of the nominee. While we are entitled to love and hold the President in very high esteem, we are not entitled to imbue him with unconstitutional powers or expect him to act arbitrarily, just because he can get away with such act.
    As canvased by Justice Goodwin Adolphus Karibi-Whyte, in a paper titled: “The Relevance of the Judiciary in the Polity in Historical Perspective”: “A constitution is incontestably a legal document and it is the fons et erigo of all rights within the polity.”

  • Obaseki and Edo’s economic revolution

    Obaseki and Edo’s economic revolution

    Since November 12, 2016 when Governor Godwin Obaseki formally assumed office, there has been an unprecedented infusion of energetic visions and systemic policy re-alignment in the affairs of Edo State. Irrespective of the partisan inclination of ardent political analysts, it is incontrovertible that the governor is focused on constructing a formidable architecture for socio-economic revolution. The mere notion of a vibrantly healthy and economically competitive Edo State in the heart of Nigeria- an idea which would have been declared hallucinatory in the PDP years, is now forming into a solid reality under Governor Obaseki.
    With characteristic gentleness and diligent focus, the governor has introduced a new brand of sensible activism into developmental economics and democratic statecraft. Edo populace is witnessing a political paradigm where the governor constantly and courageously articulates and synchronizes visions with missions, and he declares objectives and expected outcome with approximate precise metrics for assessments of accomplishments. Without equivocation, the governor has showed unparalleled fidelity to his major electoral pledges while keeping faith with his constituencies in other developing crucial fronts. Beginning with his conscientious work culture in Osadebey House to his breathless working visits to the various local government areas and foreign journeys, the governor is dutifully engaged in transmitting a set of quintessential message of the dawn of a new era of: job creation, agriculture and agri-business, industrial revolution and security for Edo State.
    No matter the angle of critical examination of his major actions since assuming office, there is a centrality of economic fusion for sustainable growth and development in these efforts. An encapsulated memo of these initiatives will include the governor’s assessment visit to the once vocational skills-incubation centre of Benin Technical College, the hosting of series of forums and workshops on agriculture and agri-businesses, his leadership role in framing the philosophical foundation of the 2017 budget, the launch of the technical committee for the development of Gelegele Seaport as well as the meetings and exchanges on technical and fiscal cooperation with the Chinese and Japanese among other potential global partners. Each and every part of the administration’s endeavour qualitatively improves the economic synthesis as envisaged by the governor- all the consequential factors for a buoyant economic equation are being perfectly aligned. There’s indeed a philosophical coherence and progressive consistency to the utterances and actions of the governor. It could be said that within a short span of about 60 days in office, Obaseki has thoughtfully and boldly commenced the establishment of new foundations for the emergence of a vibrant economic power house.
    To read some of the detailed economic thoughts and action plan of the governor is to relish in the inspirational profile of a new crop of Nigeria’s global pragmatic leadership. For instance, on the matter of revitalizing Benin Technical College, Obaseki aims at elevating the school to the height of producing internationally certified Edo citizens as part of the much-valued mid-level skilled employees at home and in West African nations. Thus, Edo State will become a cherished location in the world market of scarce vocational skills. Equally remarkable is the span of the Governor Obaseki’s decision to create agricultural hubs around some selected crops in which the state has comparative advantage, his programme of increasing the value chain for the selected crops and government-assisted rapid process of land acquisition for farming and linkage of farmers with relevant industrialists, are equally profound. This initiative could significantly and beneficially alter and modernize the structure of agriculture in the state, cause a boost in employment in the sector while stimulating foreign investments for farming and agri-businesses. For Obaseki, the issue of economic diversification is far beyond mere slogans; rather the governor considers urgent alternatives to the current precarious oil-dependent structure as a fiscal and historical imperative for the survival of the Nigerian polity. Without a doubt, Obaseki’s commitment to a well-planned and efficiently-executed Green Revolution and flourish of agri-business is unrivalled in contemporary history.
    In general, the velocity of the governor’s economic activities and the horizon on which he’s focused are by no means surprising taking into consideration his professional background in the world of finance. Beginning with his declarations at his swearing-in- ceremony to the thoughtfully established philosophical pillars of the 2017 budget in tandem with series of other on-going initiatives, the state is undoubtedly en route to a leap forward in various spheres of development. The budget which was appropriately titled ‘’ The Road to Prosperity’’ offered a clear projection of six key areas of broad policy objectives accompanied with calibrated milestones of quick wins, as well as medium and long term goals. The six pillars which span Economic, Infrastructure, Social Welfare, Institutional, Environmental revolutions and New Township Development are inextricably foundational for an evolving economic giant.
    Within and beyond the altitude of these aspirations, the governor has vowed that the state will attain new heights of more respectable locations among Nigerian states and in further geographical arena- to paraphrase Obaseki from his recent statements: the dawn of Edo’s economic revolution is now, the only limitations to the zenith of Edo’s aspirations is the obstacles that the people create for themselves. There is an endearing earnestness and patent honesty in Obaseki’s devotion to public service. It is therefore noteworthy that the confident strides of the governor on the terrain of history are steadily being consolidated.
    Unfortunately, the specie of bold and imaginative vision being cultivated by Obaseki may appear illusory and unattainable to those who raided the collective patrimony of the state during the wilderness years of 1999-2007. It is the same gang that is now actively seeking surreptitious avenues to negate the legitimacy of the peoples mandate so overwhelmingly expressed on September 28, 2016 – there’s nothing altruistic, democratic or legal in the distracting drama that the defeated PDP factional cabal is currently attempting to create using the otherwise hallowed halls of justice. Obaseki’s drive for a new Edo economy will remain a mystery to the PDP plundering crew that neither had the inclination nor the capacity for job creation.
    But for the larger Edo citizenry, there is credible enthusiasm for the actualization of the governor’s agenda in a way to securely advance Edo’s journey on the road of accelerated progress. The voters opted for the pledge of 200,000 jobs, for an unprecedented era of industrial and agricultural revolution and a season of increased productivity and wealth for the shared prosperity of all Edo State community. The soundness of the administration’s economic policies is indisputably emblazoned with the imprimatur of a committed public servant, the foresightedness of a global finance technocrat and the precision of a scientific economic planner. Governor Obaseki is indeed exhibiting some of the very endearing qualities for which the mass majority of the Edo electorate polled in his favour. The new economic map of Edo State is being steadily unveiled and the momentum towards epochal horizons of accomplishments for the people is now unstoppable, the incubation of Edo’s economic renaissance by Governor Obaseki could become a storied aspect of the first half of the 21st Century.

    •Adams, a political analyst, writes from Benin City, Edo State.

  • Education: Between exclusive and concurrent list

    The theoretical and practical basis of the Nigerian federalism have for sometimes now been subject of severe and wide criticism. This is because the 1999 constitution which forms its framework has not only breached Kenneth Wheare’s rigid cast or formulations of federalism; it has also failed to even meet some degree of deviations other federalists have condoned. In construction, Nigerian federalism as at today is of course a centralizing one as the 1999 constitution portends and as the federal authority behaves occasionally. Indeed, it is because of the numerous perceived hiatus in the constitution which portray the country more as a unitary state that different socio-political groups have resorted to strident agitation for a sovereign national conference or constitutional re-engineering to address and redress the matter of appropriate structuring of the polity into a true federation in which more political powers and fiscal autonomy will be devolved in favour of the federating units.
    Not a few Nigerians were therefore flummoxed by a recent statement credited to the Honourable Minister of State for Education Professor Anthony Anwukah, (Published in the Nigerian Tribune of Thursday, January 19, page 34), calling for the removal of education from the concurrent legislative list to exclusive legislative list which is suggestive of the trinity of erosion of state powers; consolidation of Nigeria’s centralising federalism and accretion of federal power to control the states. In the context of Nigerian federalism, exclusive legislative list is the list on which matters over which only the federal authority can legislate are enumerated. This is contained in Part I of the Second Schedule of the 1999 constitution. There are 68 of such matters. Concurrent list on the other hand implies the list that bears the matters over which both the federal and state authorities can exercise legislative authority. It is also contained in Part 2 of the Second Schedule of the 1999 constitution. There are 30 of such subject matters. Furthermore, Section 7 of the constitution empowers the states Houses of Assembly to legislate on any other matter not included in the exclusive legislative list. In other words and impliedly, residual power lies with the states. Although, the Honourable Minister made the statement in an informal setting, at the send-off party organized in honour of the immediate past Executive Secretary of the National Universities commission (NUC) Professor Julius Okojie, his further pronouncement ex-cathedra, that he would get stakeholders to buy into the idea calls for caution. His words: “we have lots of problems facing education sector in this country. Over the last two weeks, I have been pondering on a particular idea, whether as a country, we can continue putting education on the concurrent list. It is coming to a stage where we have to brace up to the fact that education is a federal project and can no longer be left to the whims and caprices of the state. Like army and others that are federal projects, this country will brace up to the fact that education must be centrally run by the federal government and no longer run by the various states”. He concluded his off-the-cuff speech by saying that: “I am going to discuss this idea further with stakeholders. Education must cease to be on the concurrent list and be a concern to the people.”
    The questions that readily come to the fore are these: what are these problems with our education to which only the federal government has gotten the magic wand to solve? Are educational institutions being run by the federal government not facing huge problems today? How many federal universities for example are world class? Are the hands of the federal government not too full already? Does the present arrangement foreclose people’s involvement in education? What did the minister mean by whims and caprices of the states? Did he mean that state freedom amounts to arbitrariness? Are states educational systems not guided by national policy on education? Which level of education does the minister want ceded to the federal authority?
    Whatever answers the minister may have to these posers, the truth is that, in the face of the prevailing strident agitation for devolution of more powers to the states, this idea is objectionable more so for the following other reasons. One and as adumbrated earlier, it is a further erosion of the powers of the states. Two, adding education to the long list of the subjects of the federal authority will of course make governance too wieldy for the federal government and breed further neglect at the state level. For instance, today there are numerous federal roads located in all the states of the federation yawning for attention. Certainly, should education be left for the federal government only, it will suffer the same fate. Third, it will not allow for the reflection of the cultural values of each state in their educational systems. This will arise out of the uniformity such an arrangement will attempt to impose on all the states. This uniformity may in fact engender instability. For instance, imposing a uniform mode of dressing on schools nation-wide may create chaos. Apart from this, in all the known federations, education is either placed within the purview of the federating units only or on the concurrent list of both the federal and state authorities. For instance in Russia, education and matters of upbringing rest with the federating units; in Germany, the federal and the states exercise power over education in a concurrent order that is similar to what Nigeria currently has in place; in India, Canada, Australia and the United States, the federating units or states exercise power over education while the central authority just provides the necessary policy framework. If because of our social peculiarities, we are not bold yet to relinquish the control over education to the states completely, it seems that at this threshold of our national development and search for national integration, education should at worse remain a concurrent subject.
    The advantages it has afforded us so far are obvious. Among others, it has made the running of the educational institutions less financially burdensome for one level of government; it has given room for equalisation of opportunities for the educationally less developed states without unnecessarily holding down the educationally more developed states; it has created more room for better supervision and immediate attention to our schools; and of course it is one of the few subjects that the states handle and make Nigerians still feel that they are operating a federal system of government. The idea the minister is nursing therefore should not be allowed to grow wings. For it will amount to elimination without substitution. Already, Nigeria is a state walking in the shadow of death on account of its warped practice of federalism, and it is being chased by shadow states: Republic of Biafra, Arewa Republic, Oduduwa Republic and Gworza caliphate among others. Any move like the honourable minister’s idea, that can escalate this central-fugal tendency should therefore be carefully avoided.

    •Dr. Adebisi writes from Federal College of Agriculture, Akure, Ondo State.

  • Softly, softly

    It is trite to say that the present times are hard for the average Nigerian. With huge shortfalls in revenue to the national economy occasioned by dislocations in the global economy, Nigeria’s street economy has gone utterly off the hinge. Actually, never in living memory have living conditions been as harsh they are at the moment for the ordinary citizen. Among other indicators of the morass, finances are tight and constricting for most business operators, while energy shortages have sent productivity levels down in a sustained tailspin. Isn’t that the whole point of the recession? And yet, policy measures plied by the Muhammadu Buhari administration have achieved too little in containing the strong headwinds of rouge inflation in living costs that has left many citizens gasping for existential air.
    In the 20 months that it has been in office, the present administration has spent a disproportionate quantum of time blaming the economic woes on the failings of its predecessors. But the bottom-line for many citizens is how do we exit the mire. And so, with the country’s fortunes not looking any brighter, civic temper in the polity is getting restive – especially as the administration is yet to come up with a clearly defined policy blueprint to take us out of the woods.
    That was the motivation cited by Afro-Pop songster, 2Face Idibia, for calling a protest march billed to hold this morning (February 6) in Lagos, with plans for an allied march led by civil society activists to hold simultaneously in Abuja. In mobilising supporters for the marches, 2Face said early last week in a video on his Facebook account that racked up more than 21,000 views after just an hour: “The need for urgent solutions to the challenges facing Nigerians has become very clear. Things are not getting better for the majority; we are still where we are – poor and desperate. I will no longer be quiet.”
    Indications at the weekend were that the proposed marches would be jackbooted by the Police. Even though the ace artiste had clarified that the action would be used to voice public displeasure over the non-abatement of economic hardships in a “peaceful and articulate manner,” the Police in Lagos said they would not let it hold. According to Lagos State Police Commissioner Fatai Owoseni, the Command was not disposed to allowing the demonstration because there could be security breaches.
    The Police chief cited intelligence reports indicating that criminals might hijack the march, and also argued that no matter how good the organisers’ intention, hoodlums would always find a way to harass, rob and attack innocent members of the public who may wish to go about their lawful chores. “Information reaching us revealed that some hoodlums are planning to hijack the peaceful protest. And as such, we won’t allow it to hold in Lagos. We know that 2Face does not have the capacity to contain such a crowd and we will not fold our hands and watch things go out of hand,” he said.
    Owoseni had earlier indicated the only difficulty to be that there was no formal application by protest organisers notifying security agencies of their plan. Speaking at a press conference, he insinuated that the march could be facilitated if a permit was formally sought. “The Civil Society said that they do not need Police permission to carry out any peaceful protest, but they should also be aware that there might be those who share an opposing view. This set of persons may want to disrupt the peaceful demonstration and would want to attack demonstrators. This is why we advise individuals or group of persons who may wish to embark on civil demonstration to inform the Police so that adequate security arrangement would be provided,” he had said.
    As it turned out, the Police chief’s latter stance was a definite ‘No-No!’ to any thought of civil demonstration. On the other hand, the march organisers dug in on their constitutional right to free expression. Thus, unless there was some pullback by either side after I dropped this piece at the weekend, the atmosphere is perfectly wired for a flare-up between civil protesters and the security services today. The implications of this for the safety of persons involved can only be warily contemplated and wished away. And though partisans have meddled in to make political capital from the likely encounter, you could vouch that partisanship was wholly off-radar concerning the real issues at stake in this march.
    It is a shame that we are again at this juncture, barely two weeks after a violent confrontation between supporters of the separatist Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and security agents in Port Harcourt. Security jackbooting of civil protests is a distressing index of democracy deficit, and it is as well a typical act from the authoritarian playbook. I had cause to argue in my column last week that peaceful rallying is a legitimate form of expression we must live with if we make any pretension to being a democracy in this country. That point is being reaffirmed here. And the scenario painting also applies: just what would security agents lose if they passively accompany the 2Face marchers on their procession, only to intervene and contain incidents of violence if ever such occur?
    Truth is: the Nigerian economy sucks and there is every reason not to stay quiet if one could muster a voice. It should be consoling though that the government isn’t exactly playing blind, as it hazards intervention measures to tackle basic challenges. Only last week, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) raised an inter-ministerial panel that it said would address the high costs of food items. Speaking to journalists after the FEC meeting presided over by Acting President Yemi Osinbajo, Information and Culture Minister Lai Mohammed had said: “Council resolved to set up a task force on food security. Government is quite concerned about the rising cost of food items and the fact that more often than not, even when these products are available, they are sold at very exorbitant prices.”
    It is moot whether the government needs a task force to bring down food prices, or whether it really could do that by direct intervention rather than holistic policy framework, unless it is doubling down on the command-and-control approach that analysts have argued would not do to redirect Nigeria from the doldrums. The minister hinted though that the proposed intervention is ancillary in nature; it “could be in the area of subsidy in transportation,” he had said.
    I would argue that Nigeria’s problem is not all about government policy shortfalls, but also the inherently predatory nature of the street economy. Not only are producers and service providers downloading spiralling overhead costs to end-users, middlemen prey on, and profiteer from others down the business chain, such that costs end up avoidably prohibitive to the end-user. This mindset is roughly illustrated in a scenario that trended lately on the social media, which goes thus:
    Headmaster: How much would passport photograph cost our pupils?
    Photographer: N100 per child.
    Headmaster: They are 500 in number, so we are paying N50 per child.
    Photographer: Deal, since they are many.
    Headmaster: (to Class teacher) Inform the pupils to bring N150 each for their passport tomorrow.
    Class teacher: (to Pupils) You are all to come with N200 each for your passport tomorrow.
    Pupil: (to Mother) Mummy, we were asked by the school to bring N300 for passport.
    Mother: (to Father) Your son was asked to come to school with N500 passport fee tomorrow.
    Father: Ha! This government makes things exorbitant by the day, even education. They are so wicked!
    Ours is, of course, a free market economy, but I dare say we can do with less preying upon one another. Even as we hold the government to its fundamental responsibility for sound economic management, the country would be better served if we all tread softly, softly.

  • Fearful Trumpet

    U.S. President’s immigration ban portends a world that may fall apart

    French philosopher Jean Paul Sartre once said that “hell is other people.” The United States President, Donald J. Trump, has defined people who are not white, Christian and American as hell. Immigrants who are targets of his new immigration policy see him as hell, too. It is a case of antipodal but ironically intersecting hells, one hell calling the other by the same name.

    In line with his uproarious campaign promise, President Trump slammed a new immigration policy that banned citizens of seven countries for 120 days. The White House said the ban, which it also does not call a ban, was to allow America perform what it calls “extreme vetting” of citizens from those countries that include Somalia, Iran, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan and Yemen.

    Two African countries were singled out. But we know that since the September 11 tragedy characterised by planes burning humans and bringing down the iconic Twin Towers in New York in a photo-finish bloodbath, America has stepped up its security. Somalia and Sudan though have had zero incidents of violence on American soil. So are the other five countries.

    Yet, countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt headlined the major characters in the 911 inferno. Speculations are high that Trump shielded both countries because his investments prosper there. He has entered the crossfire for intermingling American interest with his pecuniary ambition. It is an act of conflict of interest that his biography has thrived on, not only during the campaigns but also since he won the elections.

    Since the policy was unearthed, some Nigerians have wondered what would happen to them. Nigeria is not yet affected, but because of Trump’s promise to swing his bigotry at undocumented aliens, many families are still fretting over their future. How that will unfold depends on the impulses of a man who has shown extreme intolerance for other people. The Clinton campaign showed a greater liberalism towards undocumented immigrants, but Trump is eyeing their criminal records. In the final analysis, it is hoped that he would not harm those who have lived above crime in their American sojourn.

    The chaos that attended the first few 24 hours of the policy shows the Trump administration is running its policies from the hip. The most powerful country with deep entanglements across the world, whether in culture and business, should ponder before action. Some top high-tech companies like Google say their staff are affected.

    It was bad enough that he touched off rage at the airports of international entry into the US from John F. Kennedy Airport to Dulles International Airport. Most of these people already had visas and had been vetted, in some cases for more than two years before they were granted open doors into the United States.

    It led to protests and emotional tumult at the airports in the country and sustained rallies calling the action racist and patently bigoted against Islam. But it shows that elections, as President Obama often said, have consequences. Candidate Trump had promised he would do it and he is. This makes nonsense of the claim that Trump’s supporters took him seriously but not literally and his opponents took him literally but not seriously. Clearly, if we look at what he is doing with Obamacare and his recent telephone tiff with the Mexican President in which he called off his state visit, he has left no doubt that he intends to keep his election promises.

    For a man who has been accused of playing loose with facts, he has shown remarkable integrity with his promises. This makes him all the more dangerous given the breadth and depth of his goals. The plan to build the wall against Mexican immigrants and his economic protectionist goals are resonating ominously as dangers to an interconnected world and prosperity.

    Some judges have played up the legal irrationality of Trump’s decision by stopping them and allowing the visa bearers entry in the country. It shows that, in spite of Mr. Trump’s tendency to authoritarian fiat, institutional checks abound in the system to hold him back.

     We must note that the American government gives room for presidential discretion and it can be exploited by a bully as Trump seems determined to do. But his supporters are emboldened by these hidebound decisions and they are cheering him on.

    His ultra-conservative Neil Gorsuch as replacement for the late Justice Antonin Scalia shows the direction of extreme right that the administration is pursuing. The Republican Congress, made of men who once resisted his brand of rabble-rousing demagoguery, has been browbeaten by his success in the polls with a cagy surrender to what it sees to a new politics that guarantees them their career survival.

    The first few weeks of Trump’s peremptory “reign” only betokens what many have predicted: an uncertain world. The great irony is that the United States has been for over a century the guarantor of world peace, virtue and harmony. Under Trump, it threatens to be the undertaker.

     

  • My New Year package for Buhari

    New issues engage the attention of Nigerians today more than the need for the rebranding of their country, what has become known as “restructuring”. Not even the debilitating economic condition and the acute security problem are of much concern to Nigerians as the imperative of an urgent departure from the existing format. The reason is simple: Nigerians believe, and I think they are right, that nearly all the problems confronting their country today is nothing but a symptom of the present flawed structure that has failed every test in the last 56 years.

    The thinking among majority of well-meaning Nigerians is that only a fundamental rearrangement in the terms of engagement between the different geo-political blocs, vis-a-vis the federal establishment and its apparatuses, can resolve any of the issues faced by their country, whether economic, political, religious, security  even cultural. Unfortunately, some of those who currently find themselves at the helm of affairs of the country think otherwise. Not only do they claim that there is nothing wrong with the present structure, they also tend to sanction those who talk about restructuring or brand them enemies of the country.

    But unknown to the current leadership, Nigerians feel more alienated from it than they had ever been. The perception is that the current leadership is working at cross purposes with the generality of Nigerians who feel their country cannot make further progress under the existing structure. But alas, it appears the current leadership sees the status quo as sacrosanct.

    Of course, the latter seems to be having its way but my hunch is that in no distant time, the table may turn; the people will ultimately triumph in their quest for change. My honest advice, therefore, is that it is now time to listen to the people, otherwise it may not have the opportunity of being part of    change which the people very much desire and are, indeed, determined to have. Here, I find appropriate the views expressed by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar last year at a public lecture in Kaduna where he stated as follows: “The question is whether it will happen around a conference table, in a direction influenced by us and whether we will be an equal partner in the process. Or will it happen in a more unpredictable arena and in a manner over which we will have little influence.

    Some of us may recall the tragedy of December 17, 2010. At the age of twenty-six, a fruit-and-vegetable seller, Tarek al-Tayeb Mohammed Bouazizi, decided to pour petrol on his body and set fire to himself in broad daylight. That act of ‘bravery’ triggered the Arab-Spring. Bouazizi’s death inspired the citizens at large to take to the streets and overthrow the dictatorial leadership of Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali.

    On Sunday September 18, 2016, while overseas, I got a Whatsapp picture and message from a friend of mine who witnessed a similar incident in Owerri in my home state, Imo. At about 9.00am, a young man of about 26 climbed the stone hedge fountain on old warehouse junction by Assumpta Avenue and started raining abuses on the government of Rochas Okorocha and shortly took a dive and committed suicide on the spot in protest against what he termed harsh economic policies of the government.

    After reading that message, I couldn’t control tears any longer. How, I asked, did we get to this shameful situation? Incidents like these are dangerous signals. Our country, Nigeria, has become a patient in the intensive care unit. Is it not too late to continue to give her two tablets of aspirin and laxative as our leaders are doing? I think anything short of complete new treatment may be an exercise in futility.

    I want to state without any fear of contradictions, that the major cause of our problem in Nigeria is the current political structure. Consequently, I join other well-meaning Nigerians to express the view that we must re-examine now the political structure which concentrates power and responsibility at the center. This is not the political structure that our founding fathers negotiated at Independence. Over-concentration of power at the centre generates friction among the ethnic nationalities in Nigeria; it unleashes extreme competition for power and the advantages it confers; it breeds more suspicion and distrust among the peoples of Nigeria. It accentuates the things that divide us rather than what unites us. And above all, unitary government, as being practiced in Nigeria today, no longer works anywhere in the world. The evidence is that virtually everything “Federal” has failed or collapsed.

    I therefore call on President Muhammadu Buhari to take the bull by the horn to initiate and cause a fundamental change in the political structure of Nigeria. I am of the firm belief that that will be the most feasible legacy he can leave behind. Let the truth be told, his administration will achieve very little in terms of reviving the economy, routing insurgency or making the country more secure. The reason is not because he does not have the political will or the needed courage. Sure he does. The reason he will be unable to achieve much in any of these crucial areas is simply because he will not secure the needed people’s buy-in; simply because the majority of Nigerians have lost faith in the existing political structure, not necessarily in President Buhari.

    And for this reason, Nigerians are no longer willing to co-operate with whomsoever wants to continue to operate it the way it is. These days, it is not uncommon to hear close supporters of the president lamenting that Nigerians are not cooperating with him. But the fact is that what Nigerians are averse to is the system, not the president as a person.

    Mr. President should, therefore, switch off politics and switch on restructuring. I advise that the mindset that restructuring means going back to the recommendations of the 2014 national confab or dividing Nigeria should be jettisoned, to give way to a more pragmatic and eclectic assessment of the big dilemma Nigerians find themselves in currently. It is also not true that restructuring means a mere amendment of the constitution as some Nigerians, especially our legislators, believe. And contrary to the notion held in some quarters to the effect that Nigeria is not negotiable, the truth is that Nigeria is not only the easiest thing to renegotiate, its re-negotiation is as certain as tomorrow; unless we have made up our mind as a nation to remain in the current political wilderness and pitch economic darkness.

    One big problem I have with the knee–jerk reaction of some members of the elite to the issue of restructuring is the fact that restructuring, in the sense we talk about it now, is not a new thing in our country. Nigeria has been restructured severally. Beginning from 1963, Nigeria has witnessed fundamental changes in its political structure: From three regions to four; from four regions to twelve (12) states, to 19, to 21, to 31 states and then to the current thirty six (36) states. This, coupled with the numerous constitutional amendments, the existing six geo-political zones, were all part of an attempt to restructure.

    The big question, therefore, is, why did previous restructuring exercises fail to achieve the desired objectives, namely national unity, religious tolerance, security, economic prosperity, political stability etc? The answer is, for me, simple: they were at best imposed on the people, but essentially they were meant to placate aggrieved and greedy members of the ruling (both military and political) elite in the fierce struggle for the control of the oil resources of the country.

    The reason I am encouraged to join the proactive argument for restructuring is that I hardly see a better opportunity than now coming in the near future. And by this I mean the emergence and incumbency of a fellow as patriotic as Buhari. Each time I remember that Buhari had sought to be Nigeria’s democratically elected president three times earlier and only succeeded in the fourth attempt, I cannot but come up with the following posers: what did he make all those efforts for? To merely go by the appellation, President and Commander- in-Chief? To merely savor the glamour of office? To merely fly abroad to meet other world leaders? To crush insurgency or suppress Niger Delta militants? To further his ‘hatred’ of the Igbo? To jail corrupt politicians? It is endless.

    But I must confess with all sincerity that the answer I found to all the questions above is a big NO; because I believe that all the problems confronting our country now could still be handled by anyone else who didn’t need to show the level of zeal Buhari showed and as a result of  which  he got  an  unprecedented  support from Nigerians in 2015.So, something tells me that the Muhammadu Buhari presidency didn’t just chance on us. I do not want to sound fatalistic but I believe it is not for nothing that a fellow who once ruled as a Military Head of State thirty years later found himself as a democratically elected president. Yes, we saw it also in Olusegun Obasanjo but there is a big difference. Obasanjo was reluctant. Buhari was not. He worked for it, plotted for it, even wept for it.

  • Big man, get a big padlock and lock your daughters in, please!

    Many in Nigeria know of the enormous powers wielded by our First Ladies over the times. Like the day that Gen. Abacha died. His wife Maryam swung into action and moved out all the valuable properties in the villa, an operation she carried out with the precision of a General at war! On that day, Maryam packed plane loads of valuables, shuttling to and from Kano for hours.

    The woman turned Aso Rock into Aso Desert before she let the news out that Sanni had died!!! …Now this is just a teaser, an excerpt from my forthcoming book! For now though, the angle I am looking at is the effect that the news of the death of Head of State had on a particular happy family back then.

    There had been this Igbo lady, fleshy “old” by Nigerian standards, a singleton without known male suitors then.

    Suddenly, General Abacha in a palace coup seized power and declared himself Head of State. Since he could not run the affairs of state alone, ministers were appointed and – one of them haply, was this lady’s senior brother! What a great change of status! And immediately suitors started beating down her door, before she settled for one Igbo man. With the marriage rites concluded, contracts started rolling in for the man and happy was the couple.

    This was until that fateful day when it was confirmed that Abacha had died. What! No More Brother-in-Law Minister? No More Contracts?! No More… Believe me, the Marriage Ended Right There!

    And history has been repeating itself in different permutations but with the self same theme. Abacha himself who remained monogamous till the end saw nothing amiss about one of his ministers coming for a daughter’s hand, even into a polygamous setting! No, the marriage did not last. One of our former National Assembly members, Iyabo, used to be Iyabo Obasanjo Bello. Bello didn’t last.

    Another First Lady we have had, Turai Yar’Adua is one beautiful lady any day, and so indeed are all her daughters.

    But for the 3 that were given out in marriage THE SAME DAY – were they not younger and more beautiful the year before their father became President! Umaru Yar’Adua apparently had to fight through many suitors to one day give out 3 daughters in marriage and it only happened upon his becoming President. Even among the 3 daughters was a divorcee of long years standing. So how come all these men only appeared at that time?

    I JUST WONDER. Did something in anyway has ANYTHING to do with the current president’s older daughter’s wedding last year?

    It is well known that before his first wife died, she had 3 daughters for Muhammadu Buhari. That was before he married our very beautiful and elegant Aisha, and together they have 4 more.

    The thing is, Buhari contested the Presidency 4 times in cycles of 4 years. Before winning in 2015, why was it that these men never sought the lady’s hand in marriage? This is a lady that is in her forties now!

    Please, note please that my very best indeed are my wishes for all here. But while Nigerians were very happy and excited about it, I was just that little nervous: talking about the December marriage of yet another daughter, Zahra Muhammadu Buhari to Ahmed Mohammed Indimi.

    Personal choices, yes; family matters, indeed. But private matters – NO MORE, as that is the one luxury that any exalted office does not allow too much of.

    And so it was for me that the lovely looking lady Zahra kept popping up every single time I browsed anything on the internet. On an on endlessly, till I decided that, considering it was harmless, I would just take the time and have a look. So finally I clicked on her and discovered she is the baby of the house (referring again to the Big Padlock – there are more eligible daughters in that fold!). Also, I read that the young lady is very interested in photography, like I am also. SO, IS THE YOUNG MAN THAT MUCH INTERESTED IN PHOTOGRAPHY TOO?!!

    And speaking about youth, from what I read, the Lady Zahra is barely 21. But from the photos, the man Ahmed looks at least 45! An Age Gap Of 21 Years Is Way Too Much for Any Young Girl. I have no qualms about a 50 year old woman marrying a 70 year old man, but for a young person, girl or boy! – Indeed, I agree completely with Bianca Onoh’s father’s initial refusal of his daughter’s marriage to late Chief Emeka Ojukwu. I mean, imagine having a son-in-law that one would have to call ‘Sir’ – older than even the father-in-law! Happily, in their case; True Love Did Prevail. And I truly, truly want it to be so again here.

    I attended Ahmed Indimi’s sister Rahama’s wedding to Mohammed Babangida at the Hilltop mansion in Minna. A paragon of beauty, cute and lovely, Rahama is the kind of girl I would love to have around as a friend.

    And just like the Babangidas, Rahama has no airs around her about being a billionaire’s daughter.

    So I wonder aloud, why are we never told What Ahmed Indimi Does for a Living? He himself could have put it out there. No, it is always …Ahmed, the son of the billionaire businessman Mohammed Indimi…!!

    So, does Ahmed have any business going too?

    Or is he managing his father’s business? Actively?

    Because, this is CHANGE government now! IS HE AT WORK TOMORROW?!!

    And what is my own, you may ask me, believe me; I just feel really duty bound as a Princess to look out for all “Big Daughters.” So I want to say to all “Big Daddies” – just be like Maryam Abacha and hide away your treasures for worthy recipients. But not the treasures of the earthly kind in your case, I mean your Gems of Inestimable Value – your own, very dear DAUGHTERS.

    • Read concluding part at: www.staging.thenationonlineng.net