Category: Comments

  • Rethinking the NYSC scheme

    Over its 40-year-plus of existence, the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme has proved the most enduring legacy project of governance in Nigeria. In our peculiar clime where the wheel is perpetually being reinvented as every new government habitually dumps whatever idea is linked with its predecessor, only to start its own thing from scratch, the youth service scheme has been a lasting baton handed down across dispensations – military as well as civilian. It won’t beyond the pale if former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, harbours especial pride about this persisting imprint of his on our national life.

    The scheme’s undying relevance derives obviously from its singular effectiveness in bonding Nigerian youths across primordial fault lines of tribe, ethnicity, culture and religion, weaning them from a nativistic to nationalistic worldview, and instilling in them the spirit of selfless service to community and fatherland.

    The icing is its affording freshly graduating youths a modestly provisioned transitional year between the school and the marketplace, during which they also get paramilitary orientation for personal physical and mental fitness. And in the course of the service year, fortunate (or do we say smart?) ones are inaugurated in the job market and set off on the path of lifelong careers: their labour comes quite cheap for employers in that year, but they are as well afforded a good career starting point. By all accounts, it’s a win-win tangle.

    It is moot whether the youth service scheme is as potent today in achieving its founding objectives as it was in the early years. But whatever may be the shortfalls even now, there is simply no programme or feature of our national life – well, maybe other than the armed services – that gets even close to replicating the unity vibes of the NYSC.

    And that is not mentioning how the scheme comes uniquely handy in providing critical manpower for Nigeria’s nascent democracy. It is widely known that the NYSC has for some years now provided the bulk of temporary staff deployed on election duties by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). And with all the attendant hazards of our notoriously rudimentary political culture in this country, the scheme’s members on election duties have repeatedly proven – naturally, with very few exceptions – to be disciplined, patriotic, energetic and dispassionate in their comportment, thereby imbuing the electoral process with needed credibility.

    All the foregoing positive factors regardless, it would seem that the enduring relevance of the youth service scheme has railroaded its implementation into a fossilized mode, such that the scheme now appears out of joint with modern-day realities of our nationhood. At the last count, mobilisation of eligible participants for the scheme has turned an excruciating obstacle race that leaves throngs of fresh graduates in uncertain pendency after school, and in gruelling suspense about the titanic struggle for space in the marketplace that yet lay ahead.

    Anyone who knows jack about the youth service scheme these days knows that call-up and mobilisation of eligible graduates are anything but seamless. Actually, you could say the conventional joy that these youths should savour upon completing their studies gets readily muted in the furlough of uncertainty where they hang in for God-knows-how-long, until they get mobilised for the service scheme. Parents and guardians, of course, aren’t spared the agonizing suspense.

    If you asked their opinion, not a few of these young ones would tell you they preferred being excused from the scheme, and in effect the gruelling wait, so they could save the time and go do whatever else they could with their lives. But they would find they really couldn’t cut out, because the extant provisions of the scheme’s enabling law make completion and formal discharge from the scheme mandatory for proceeding to the marketplace. In other words, they are haplessly stuck with the scheme.

    It is only fair to mention here that the challenge is not entirely new. The NYSC directorate needs government funding, which is never in abundant supply, to mobilise eligible graduates to the scheme; and this is compounded by the fact of a swelling rank of potential participants who often outstrip the directorate’s projections. Besides, with increasing proliferation of tertiary institutions and perpetual disruption of academic calendar by all manners of emergencies, not the least of which is perennial industrial action by lecturers, it is only to be expected that the NYSC directorate can’t sustain a rigid scheduling of the scheme.

    Apparently to get a handle on those intervening factors, the directorate has for many years now broken its mobilisation of eligible graduates into batches. One practical consequence of this, though, is that youths with differing years of graduation overlap in batches that obliterate whatever advantage of a head start there could have been for those who left school in the earlier years.

    Now, the harsh effects of the recession Nigeria is currently undergoing expectedly make matters worse, and the NYSC directorate hasn’t really made off with a bid to downplay its difficulties. Reports last week cited the NYSC Director-General, Brigadier-General Sulaiman Kazaure, as pouring cold water on a widely harboured fear that the directorate would not mobilise all eligible graduates for the 2016 service year. But he as well confirmed the directorate’s funding and logistical challenges, which have compelled its splitting up the 2016 Batch B orientation and scheduling mobilisation of the second stream to early next year.

    Speaking with journalists in Abuja, the NYSC boss is reported to have said: “The NYSC is prepared as always to mobilise qualified graduates for the next service year batch. However, it must be emphasised that as a budget-dependent organisation, the scope of our activities is facing financial constraints, just like every other government agency in the present recession.

    “In the 2016 budget, provision was made for mobilisation of 210,000 corps members. However, the figure for 2016 Batch A and Batch B more than doubled the original projection. As we did before the 2016 Batch A orientation, we have appealed to government for special intervention grant to mop up the excess of this figure. So far, we have received the green light from relevant government agencies to prepare for the mobilisation of all qualified prospective corps members.

    “However, the limited cumulative capacity of the orientation camps nationwide necessitates a second stream orientation course for the 2016 Batch B, which is being planned for January 2017.”

    Two issues came out clearly in General Kazaure’s statement: (i) There are severe funding constraints necessitating an appeal for government’s special intervention grant, and (ii) There are capacity limitations in the scheme’s orientation camps nationwide. But it seems curious to me that the NYSC boss insists, as reported, that there is no plan to amend the enabling Act making mobilisation compulsory for all graduates.

    My view is that we need a rethink of the NYSC scheme in this country by taking another look at the enabling Act. Perhaps we need to consider what Nigeria stands to lose by making the scheme voluntary, because if you asked me, the country would lose nothing. Actually, we would harvest operational efficiency of the scheme along with keener commitment of voluntary corps members. Willing fresh graduates would yet have opportunity to enlist in the laudable scheme, while those that may have ready options of other life pursuits would be unbound to pursue their dreams. And the consequent impact would be salutary on the scheme because the logistical burden would be considerably relieved. If I must restate my view pointedly: I think it is about time the NYSC scheme was made voluntary for graduating students.

  • How Africa is delivering for its innovators

    Africa is buzzing with start-ups and innovations, which promise to transform our socio-economic landscape. Our new challenge is to unlock the potential of these innovations.

    African innovators and SME’s are now contributing more than ever before to the region’s need for economic diversity.  A great many of the innovations that are coming to the fore are uniquely African, developing products and technologies that are solving some of Africa’s most intransigent problems. Moreover, some African innovators are also creating world class innovations which address global challenges. This good news is however tempered with some challenges – which is where policy makers, not-for-profits and the private sector have an opportunity to get involved.

    More and more ground-breaking innovations and talented entrepreneurs are coming forward, thanks to pan-African campaigns and initiatives that focus exclusively on innovation.  The African Innovation Foundation’s Innovation Prize for Africa (IPA) focuses on unearthing thousands of innovators every year and mobilizing for their support. The IPA initiative has been now running for 5 years and it has mobilized more than 6000 innovators from 50 African countries. It also has a robust network of innovation enablers from across Africa and beyond who are ready to collaborate with AIF and support selected IPA applications after the Awards event. The IPA 6th edition, also known as IPA 2017, was launched on September 27th and its theme is African innovation: Investing in prosperity.

    The call for entries will run has already begun from Tuesday 27 September 2016 and will run until the submission deadline of Tuesday 3 January 2017 at 11:59pm GMT. For more details, please check IPA websitewww.innovationprize forafrica.org and apply NOW: https://ipa.africaninnovation.org

     IPA provides a platform to identify outstanding African innovations whilst also mobilizing innovation enablers to support African innovators and entrepreneurs and create enabling environment for them. IPA focuses on home-grown innovative solutions that tackle pressing issues in Africa such as these related to agriculture and healthcare.

    It is great to note that other institutions such as the World Economic Forum are actively involved in promoting the development of more actions to support African entrepreneurs and innovators.  In May 2016 in Kigali, Rwanda, the 26th World Economic Forum on Africa addressed issues such as under-investment, the skills gap and support for women entrepreneurs in Africa. This year it launched an initiative to find Africa’s Top Women Innovators, looking at how the digital economy can drive radical structural transformation and strengthen public-private collaboration on major African issues.

    Despite all exciting stories about African innovations, it is still difficult for innovators and SME’s to access capital. Policymakers now have an opportunity to capitalize on, by developing national innovation ecosystems which prepare local innovators to become attractive for investors and the business community. Considering that innovators are contributing to the creation of a diverse economy, alongside new jobs and much-needed solutions; society stands to benefit greatly by their success. There are so much to gain if Governments and other innovation enablers work together to raise the profile of African innovators and facilitate access to the much needed seed capital.

    With the right amount of funding, African innovators will solve the most pressing African challenges whilst creating new jobs in the continent. With the majority of Africans being young, innovation can solve unemployment problem while also setting the young people on the road to be competitive on the global stage.

    The Innovation Prize for Africa is one initiative that offers major cash prizes for those that come forward with genuinely ground-breaking innovations. It offers annual Awards of  US$ 185 000  to three winners and 7 nominees– capital that is now seeing amazing impacts on the winners who go on to attract more funds and create  successful businesses.

    Knowing that money is not all that is needed, IPA also provides unique platforms for African innovators and innovation enablers to network, share knowledge, and discuss potential collaborations.  In addition selected innovators receive support and training in areas including communications, intellectual property and business development.

    In fact, IPA has delivered success to many. It has awarded innovators in sectors such as manufacturing & services, ICT, health & wellbeing, the environment, energy & water and – perhaps one of the fastest growing sectors – agriculture & agribusiness. The US$ 100 000 cash prize awarded to 2015’s 1st prize winner, Professor Adnane Remmal, has enabled him to move up a gear in his production and distribution capacity. Prof Remmal created a new, natural alternative to antibiotics for livestock. This is a composition of natural phenolic molecules with anti-microbial properties, without side-effects or resistance. The Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, as well as many other world bodies, have insisted that antibiotics, “Must be used judiciously in humans and animals because both uses contribute to the emergence, persistence and spread of resistant bacteria.” Despite this warning, many African countries have not taken measures around the use of antibiotics for livestock. Professor Remmal is tackling the antibiotic issue head-on.

    In the same year, Alex Mwaura Muriu from Kenya won the Second Prize and was awarded $25000 for Farm Capital Africa, a well-developed risk sharing agri-business funding model that draws in investors for a share of farming profits. This initiative identifies, screens and shortlists full-time farmers with small holdings and helps them devise farming plans to attract potential investors who earn profits over time.  This is a viable solution to address the inability of committed, small scale African “agripreneurs” – who lack collateral and credit history to access traditional financing—from expanding their operations. An attractive farming initiative and investment option for those with extra capital, benefiting both small scale farmers and investors.

    If Africa wants to continue “to rise”, unlocking the potential of its innovators is no longer a matter of choice. Given its young and driven population, Africa has key ingredients to shape its destiny and leapfrog the rest of the world. What is needed is to build strong African innovation ecosystems which support needs based and market oriented innovative solutions to African challenges. And, of course such ecosystems shall include different type of investments needed to prototype, pilot, benchmark and scale home-grown innovations.

    • Koelbl is director at Innovation Prize for Africa (IPA).
  • Bridging the legal, moral and social interpretation of law (III)

    Bridging the legal, moral and social interpretation of law (III)

    Similarly, Joseph Raz’s theory of authority posits that the law is an authoritative social institution, the de facto authority. However, he also opines that it is essential to law that it be held to claim legitimate authority. According to Raz, the essential role of authorities in our practical reasoning is to mediate between the accepted subjects of the authority and the right reasons which apply to them in the relevant circumstances. Legal authority is  therefore legitimate if  and only if it helps citizens to comply better with the right reasons relevant to their actions that is, if they are more likely to act in compliance with these reasons by following the authoritative resolution than they would be if they tried to figure out and act on the reasons directly (without the mediating resolution). For example, there may be many reasons that bear on the question of how fast to drive on a particular road- the amount of pedestrian traffic, impending turns in the road, etc. –but drivers may comply better with the balance of those reasons by following the legal speed limit than if they tried to figure out all the trade offs in the moment.

    In interpreting our laws, therefore, a Judge must balance the law as it is with the prevailing social circumstances. In this sense, a Judge may give effect to stated Government policy  as reflected in their laws where it impacts upon the wider society as a whole. As such, a court will enforce speeding penalties because of its wider social impact upon other citizens. This is easier than can be imagined, given the need to ensure “the greatest good for the greatest number of people”, while doing justice. In order to best give effect to this interpretation, a Judge will need to arm himself with essential cannons of legal interpretation.

    1. LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE LAW

    I will begin with Abraham Lincoln’s thoughts on ‘bad law’. Lincoln was America’s sixteenth president and its first to be assassinated. He was also a lawyer. In his Lyceum address, which was in defence of political institutions, Lincoln has firmly held on to a literal approach to interpreting law. According to him “although bad laws, if they exist, should be repealed as soon as possible,  still while they continue in force … they should be religiously observed”.

    It is a truism that a Court must examine the text of the law, what it addresses and also what the intendment of the law was when the Legislature enacts same. Therefore our Judges will, in the right circumstances, apply certain tenets or cannons of interpretation.

    The traditional Canon of interpretation is the literal interpretation . Certainly, our Nigerian jurisprudence provides a history of strict “constructionism”, If I may coin that phrase. This attitude is based on the idea of non interference with the will of the Legislature. Indeed, the American statesman Alexander Hamilton noted “liberty can have nothing to fear from the judiciary alone as the legislature, not the judiciary has the power to make laws”.

    In the Nigerian case of Attorney General of Abia State V. Attorney General of the Federation (2006) 16 NWLR (PT.1005) 265, for example, my learned Brothers of the Supreme Court warned against courts going out on ‘an unguarded voyage of discovery’ thus seemingly giving the nod to al literal interpretation of the Constitution. Suffice it to say, I agree with their crudite determination. Certainly,  it accords to common sense that laws be followed as they were enacted . Judicial activism must mot be used as a cloak for retroactive or erroneous application of laws. The text of the law must be adhered to as this engenders certainty. It is this certainty that allows for fairness and fairness is an essential component of a good judgment.

    However, even literal enthusiasts realize that strict literal interpretation can lead to illogical absurdities . For example, a law that punishes a person who draws ‘blood in the streets’ cannot  extend to a surgeon who opened the vein of a person who fello down in the street, to cite the US Case of K MART COPR. V. CARTHER INC. 486 YS 281 (1988). While this may be an extreme example, it does not remove the fact that strict construction can often lead to absurd consequences. Language is, after all, in Denning’s words, ‘not an instrument of mathematical precision. As such, a Judge will apply a purposive interpretation using what lawyers term the “Golden Interpretation” Rule.

    Like the literal rule, the golden rule gives the words of a statue their plain, ordinary meaning . However, when this may lead to an irrational result that is unlikely to be the Legislature’s intention, the golden rule dictates that a judge can depart from this meaning, examining what will be the interpretation that best gives effect to the intendment of the framers of the said law. This is where consideration is given to the spirit of the law.

    Nigerian jurisprudence is also rich on interpretation of statutes. We have been cautioned again and again to first begin  with a literal interpretation except where the provisions are unclear. Here, the Mischief Rule is applied so that we may be able to peel back the layers of obscurity and reveal the problems that such law was enacted to address. Niki Tobi JSC’s metaphor in GLOBAL EXCELLENCE COMMUNICATION LIMTED AND 3 ORS V. DONALD DUKE SC. 313/2006 is helpful: “where the provisions are unclear… (t)he court is expected to apply a compass in a ship to navigate the waters to arrive at the intention of the makers of the Constitution”. Other judgments echo this and so it would not be necessary to expound on them.

    The Nigerian Constitution, as many other constitutions, does not state the rules for interpretation. It is because a Constitution is an organic document, intended to endure for ages’ to be adapted to various crisis of human affairs. It is not meant to be interpreted with stultifying narrowness’ or with a meaning that  will effectuate rather than defeat its purpose. Indeed, the true meaning of a legal text almost always depends on a background of concepts, principles, practices, facts, rights and duties which the authors of the text took for granted or understood , without conscious advertence, by reason of their common language or culture. Interpretation must therefore depend on what the Court in Ag Federation V. Abubakar (2007) 10 NWLR (PT. 1041) I put as the circumstances of our people’, seemingly a nod to the social interpretative theory of law.

    VII. Bridging diverse yet convergent views

                   With these considerations in mind, it is important  to consider, like Wittgenstein, the following poser:

    A rule stands there like a sign-post-does the sign post leave no doubt open about the way I have to go” Does it show which direction I am to take when I have passed it; whether along the road or footpath or cross-country? But where is it said which way I am to follow it;  whether in the direction of its finger or (e.g) in the opposite one?- And if there were, not a single sign-post, but a chain of adjacent ones or of chalk marks on the  ground –is there only one way of interpreting them? –So I can say, the sign post does after all leave no room for doubt?

    There are many sign posts as to how a Judge should interpret the law as it applies to the case before him. Indeed, there are cases where the Judiciary has acted as the custodian of the morals of society as well as being a regulator of social conduct, while applying a legal interpretation to law. A case that is usually seen as representing this  idea is the case of Regina V Shaw, which is widely regarded as having revived the common law offence of conspiracy to corrupt public morals. Frederick Shaw had begun production of a Ladies Directory in the autumn of 1959 and contained around forty ads for female prostitutes in Soho, Mayfair, Bayswater and Notting Hill, in London, while featuring some black and white photographs of the women concerned in various stages of undress. Shaw was tried on three counts,. First for publishing an obscene article, second for conspiring to corrupt public morals, and third for living on the earnings of prostitutes via the ads in the Directory. He was convicted on all three counts and sentenced to nine months in prison.

    Shaw appealed against his conviction on the grounds that ‘there was no such offence at common law as  the conspiracy alleged , and he also contested his conviction for living on immoral earnings. Broadly speaking two conceptions of conspiracy to corrupt public morals were put forward at his appeal. The Crown argued that conspiracy to corrupt public morals was a single offence that grouped together particular kinds of immoral conduct over which the courts had long asserted jurisdiction.  These were, primarily, obscenity, procuring prostitution, keeping a disorderly house (for illicit sexual activities), public indecency and public mischief. Although these could be offences in themselves, they could also be construed as conspiracies against morality where an agreement to do them had taken place. It was that interpretation of the common law which permitted the prosecution of Shaw for arranging what  was considered an illegal activity. Shaw argued to the contrary that each of these forms of conduct constituted separate offences and could not be seen as aspects of  a single substantive  offence known as corrupting public morals.

    The main argument against  the appeal was that the courts had long been custos morum (guardian of morals) . This doctrine, it was maintained, was first articulated by Lord Mansfield in 1763 in Rv. Delaval and relied on a series of cases dating back to 1663 to show that the courts had long asserted their right to prosecute conduct of various kinds held to be against public morality. In the first of these, Sir Charles Sedley’s case, from 1663, he had exposed himself on a balcony at Covent Harden and urinated on the people below. They also referenced the cases of Rv. Berg, Britt,Carre and Lummies (1927), involving keeping a disorderly house for the purpose of corrupting those who went there by encouraging homosexual acts. The court of Appeal therefore decided in Shaw’s case that all of these could be held, by analogy, to constitute  conspiracies against public morals, and that therefore an offence with that name did exist. The Court concluded that it was an established principle of  common law that conduct calculated or intended to corrupt public morals (as opposed to the morals of a particular (individual ) is an indictable misdemeanour’. The law reports showed that ‘The conduct. To which that principle is applicable may vary considerably, but the principle itself doses not, and in our view the facts of the present case fall plainly within it’. At Shaw’s appeal, Sedley’s case was held to be evidence that the secular courts, rather than the ecclesiastical ones, had asserted a right to prosecute such conduct. Two other categories of conspiracy were used to support the decision in Shaw on the question of conspiracy against public morals: those that related to causing a public mischief and those concerning outrages against public decency. These cases were used to give force to the view that the courts had maintained an ability to punish immoral and mischievous offences as conspiracies against the public.

    Here, we see the courts not only being a custodian of morals, but giving a social interpretation of the acts that were complained of although widely practiced in the Country at the time. Nevertheless, the social ramifications as well aas the moral implication bound the justices together in legally interpreting the provisions of law and statute, respectively.

    TO BE CONTINUED NEXT WEEK

    In Nigeria, the causa bellum is currently the scourge of corruption. In tackling same, I would strongly opine that where a Judge is faced with clear cut evidence of corrupt practice or serious crimes that offend public morality or engender public discontent or opprobrium, then one is bound to be a custodian, bearing those considerations to mind in sentencing the convicted person. This is because a Judge cannot divorce his own destiny from those of the average citizen.

    This is why the law affords us some principal canons of interpretation, which guide the reading of the law as it stands, irrespective of the surrounding circumstances and social pressures. Like the House of Lords, now United Kingdom Supreme Court, stated in the case of DPP v SHAW, we are in a unique position which makes us bound to interpret the law in accordance with the dictates of the law and good conscience.

    VIII. CONCLUSION

    I wish to use this medium as well to address the question-is a Judge a public servant? I make bold to state that though judges are servants of the public, they are not public servants. The tenure which we enjoy, the lengthy procedures required to remove a Judge, and our institutional separateness from the executive arm of government, are all aimed at securing our independent position. The essential obligation of a public servant is, consistently with the law, to give effect to the policy of Government . On the other hand, contrary to what you might read in the press of have conceived, the duty of a Judge is different.

    The duty of a Judge is to administer justice according to law, without fear or favour, affection or Local Government. Judges, by their decisions, may give effect to the will of the legislature as expressed in Statutes, but their duty is to be impartial in conflicts between a citizen and the State. In doing this, there may be a divergence between the will of Government and the laws and rights of citizens. Here, the Judge acts as the umpire to decide which side has prevalence over the other.

    I know that most of you and the wider community may regard Judges as public servants. Judges, however, should know better. There may , on occasion, be inordinate pressure from some quarters for Judges to be treated  as though they were public servants. Sometimes, politicians and public commentators express irritation or resentment a the refusal of Judges to conform to the wishes and policy of the Government. It merely reflects the institutional repugnance with independence of any organ of state. This is not surprising as independence of any kind is likely to be regarded as a threat to a government’s capacity to govern effectively. This is reflected where the government begins to regard the Judiciary as a “headache” or “the trouble with Government”.

    Doubtless, Government may, in some cases, be more efficient and life for those in power would be easier, if judges were obliged to show due deference to government policy. However, such efficiency is not the primary aspiration of a democratic society. Those considerations are however overridden by the demands of justice, and our community’s idea of a just society is one in which the judiciary determines its cases, independently of the Government.

    The image of the just judge as one who favours neither the rich nor the poor but gives a true verdict according to the evidence without partiality. It is essential for a judge to maintain, in court, a deportment which gives to the parties an assurance that their case will be heard and determined on its merits, and not according to some personal predisposition on the part of the Judge. Unfortunately, some Judges may fall short of this and modern lawyers, litigants, and witnesses, and the public generally, are much more ready to criticize judges whose behavior departs from appropriate standards of civility and judicial detachment. This is a good thing. If Judges behave  inappropriately, they  should be criticised. Of course, on occasions, some judges are exposed to wrongheaded, extravagant, or unfair criticism. That is the price that has to be paid to remind all judges of the necessity to conduct themselves with dignity and decorum.

    Ronald Dworkin, the foremost legal theorist, maintained that the Law consists of Rules (enacted law such as Legislation, Rules of Court, etc), which apply in an “all or nothing fashion.” If the rule applies to the circumstances, it determines a particular legal outcome. If it does not apply, it is simply irrelevant to the outcome. Conversely, principles do not determine an outcome even if they clearly apply to the pertinent circumstances. Principles provide judges with a legal reason to decide the case one way or the other, and hence they only have a dimension of weight. I would posit that moral, social considerations may run through both types of law but the moral is most likely to be reflected in the principle and more social considerations in the law.

    Ladies and Gentlemen, we must remember that a Judge is still a citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, who shares the same fears, concerns, optimism or otherwise about the Country in general and the actions of criminally minded persons in particular. They are liable to be kidnapped, robbed and indeed murdered as several global and local examples have shown. As such, though they interpret the law as it is and not as certain sections of the society may like it, they are also swayed by the same concerns as other Nigerian are. In passing Judgment, they may wish to sentence as a deterrent, or choose to acquit in order to protect the fundamental rights of a wrongly accused person. They may choose to sentence to long terms of imprisonment for public policy reasons, or because of the impact of such crimes on the wider society. However, these considerations are bridged uner the umbrella of Ubi Jus Ibi Remedium- where there is a right, there is a remedy. The Law is the supreme consideration and all other considerations flow therefrom.

    With these final words, permit me to once again express my sincere gratitude to the Vice Chancellor, Management and Staff of this great institution. I also wish to thank the members of the Press, invited guests and you, our distinguished ladies and gentlemen, for you rapt attention.

    Thank you and May God bless all of us.

  • Imo: Before the conflagration

    Imo: Before the conflagration

    For the past four or more months, Imo State has been in front burner of political discourse across the length and breadth of Nigeria. But it has been for the wrong reasons, as aptly captured by the editors of a national daily who were bewildered at the turn of events in a state once reputed as one of the most peaceful in the entire federation.

    If it were just bad news, perhaps the good people of Imo State, together with keen observers outside the state, would have been less agitated than they are currently. The big worry is that the state is at a boiling point and may implode any moment from now.

    Only a couple of weeks ago, a group of elders and professionals residing in the state raised the alarm over a looming anarchy in the state. In an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, the group named Concerned Imo Citizens Group (CICG), accused Governor RochasOkorocha of taking precipitate actions that are capable of plunging Imo into a conflagration of a dimension that is yet to be seen in the annals of the peace-loving people of the state.

    In the letter titled”IMO STATE TILTING TOWARD FASCISM AND ANARCHY UNDER GOVERNOR ROCHAS OKOROCHA,”the group accused the governor of imposing terror and tyranny on the people and urged President Buhari to intervene urgently to avoid a total breakdown of law and order in the state.

    Said the group: “We are aware that the hands of the federal government are full in trying to deal with various security flash points in the country. To add mass insurrection in Imo State to it when it could be avoided by the timely political intervention of the President would be ignoring the imperatives of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.Such a development, if it is allowed to occur in Imo State, would surely help to compound the crises of instability in the already beleaguered federal republic of Nigeria.”

    The group went ahead to list over twenty sub-headings under which it itemized no less than 100″evidence of the explosive state of fascism and looming anarchy in Imo state”. Principal among these are the destruction of the constitutional order of Imo State; rendering moribund the legal and administrative structures and organs of the state; rendering the state civil service comatose; imposition of hardship on the people; wasteful style of governance; breach of financial regulations etc.

    Keen watchers of the Imo political terrain, however, point out that the observations of the CICG are not entirely new. They point out that the people of the state have had to contend with the bizarre style of administration of Governor Okorocha right from the beginning of the administration in 2011.

    Initially, they were taken aback over the way and manner the governor, who was supposedly elected on a popular acclaim,turned out to don an anti-people garb not long after he assumed office.But they preferred to remain calm and optimistic.

    For a people that are known to be sophisticated, enlightened and understanding, the generality of the Imo populace decided to endure Okorocha’s high handedness, with the hope that he will turn a new leaf; or that in the alternative, a possible change of government in 2015 would return things to the level of their collective expectation.

    But none of that happened. Not only did Okorocha refuse to change but he used the coercive apparatus of the state and other overtures to narrowly escape defeat at the 2015 governorship election.

    But if the people thought that his victory at the keenly contested election that went into a second ballot would make Okorocha soften, they were mistaken. For example, shortly after the election,the first thing hetold a bewildered people was that the state owed him over N6 billion in salaries and allowances he claimed he did not collect for four years.

    He followed this up by introducing a policy of paying civil servants only 70 percent of their salaries, evenwith arears of salaries of upwards of fourteen months. Till date, pensioners are owed over 24 months of unpaid arrears while primary and secondary school teachers are owed over 18 months of salaries despite the N29.4 billion bailout fund made available to the state. As a matter of fact, Imo is among the states thatare being investigated by the anti-graft agencies for alleged misuse of the bailout funds.

    In the letter toBuhari referred to above, the eminent group of Imo citizens noted that “the situation in Imo state under Governor Okorochais like a time bomb waiting to explode”. The group is not alone. Earlier, another group by the name COALITIONOF IMO PATROITS, had in a public statement on October 28, 2016 noted that “It is inconceivable that a man elected to protect and enhance the welfare of the people has turned to be a persecutor and oppressor of the same people”. In the statement titled, WHEN WILL OKOROCHA STOP FOOLING NDI IMO?, the group added that “besides waging war against Ndi Imo, Okorocha’s actions and inactions have completely destroyed Imo…

    If all of the above constituted the remote causes of the current boiling-point tension in Imo State, the evident immediate cause is the recent and indeed on-going massive demolition of both private and public buildings in the state capital,Owerri, as part of a supposed urban renewal programme which began late July, 2016.

    In an unprecedented and bizarre manner,the administration of Governor Okorocha shocked residents of the state capital when bulldozers were sent, unannounced, to demolish residential buildings, offices and shops. At last count, the exercise has led to the closure of three three-star hotels in the state capital, resulting in the retrenchment of hundreds of workers. The exercise also saw to the uprooting of electric cables and water pipes that cost the state several years and over $1.5 billion to install.

    Apart from the fact that no compensation was discussed with the affected property owners, the people have had to grapple with the direct consequences of remaining without electricity and water supplies even as scanty as they were hitherto.

    The roads where the bulldozers visited have been rendered impassable with no provision for alternative routes, thus making life extremely difficult for motorists and commuters. Big trucks and articulated vehicles, including petrol-laden tankers, have to wade through narrow, pothole-infested routes to pass through the state capital,enroute to their destinations within and outside the state.

    Urban renewal experts insist that the programme is bereft of the needed consultations and professional touch. They point out that the purportedurban renewal programme is effectively destroying the existing master plan for the Owerricapital city without a replacement.

    “The Owerricapital city has an original master plan which is being destroyed without an alternative master plan”, said Mr. ChimaEze, an architect based in Owerri.Eze pointed out further that given the current economic situation in the state, the road expansion project of the Okorocha administration “is uncalled for”.

  • Olanipekun, a life of service and sacrifice at 65

    Of indeed, part of the reasons for human pilgrimage on the surface of the earth is to live, to love and to leave legacies, then, those who exceptionally carry out these obligations, not only deserve celebration and appreciation, but merit veneration for they are fine arts of  the Creator.

    One of such great men in Nigeria today, undoubtedly, is Chief Oluwole Oladapo Olanipekun, Officer of the Federal Republic (OFR), Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) who turned 65 years old today, having been born in Ikere Ekiti, Ekiti State on November 18, 1951. It is public knowledge that Chief Olanipekun’s life is that of service to God and humanity as well as sacrifice towards making life more bearable for others. Obviously, when years back, Mahatma Gandhi asserted that “a man becomes great exactly in the degree in which he works for the welfare of his fellow men”, the philosopher was certainly referring to the likes of Chief Olanipekun whose devotion to the betterment of others has become legendary.

    Recently, a friend of his, at the University of Ibadan brought a case of an indigent Law graduate who could not go to Law School due to financial constraint to the attention of Olanipekun. Without considering the religious inclination of the graduate who is a Muslim and without knowing his parents, this great man, full of the milk of human kindness simply directed his scholarship scheme to accommodate the Law graduate. Wole Olanipekun Scholarship Scheme will be 20 years in existence this month. Hundreds of students whose educational career would have terminated mid-stream are today graduates of various disciplines courtesy of charitableness of this soft-spoken legal colossus.

    Clearly, his humility and philanthropic humanism are so much unparalleled in this part of the world where obscene display of wealth and class haughtiness is the crass second nature of moneybags. Olanipekun, whose slender physical frame disguises the giant strides recorded in life, is an astute professional, a towering role model, a phenomenal philanthropist, blessed with a jumbo heart and robust giving spirit.

    Trite, it may seem to those who are familiar with his story, but the truth remains that when this illustrious son of Ekiti State was the Pro Chancellor  and Chairman of Council, University of Ibadan (2009-2013), the dominant narrative was that of selflessness, service , benefaction and sacrifice – all towards making the university better, greater and richer than he met it. Olanipekun simply changed the face of the university during his chairmanship tenure with his quiet kindness making loud impact across the campus. He never collected sitting allowances running into several millions of Naira; rather, he instituted a scholarship scheme for the brilliant students in Law, Medicine and Computer Science. When the flood ravaged the University in 2011, Chief Olanipekun made the highest personal donation of N10million for the amelioration of the loss. Before the expiration of his tenure also, he built a 400 sitting-capacity lecture theatre and donated it to the Faculty of Law at Ajibode, UI second phase.

    This humble and kind-hearted legal luminary is replicating the same  good story of benevolence at Ajayi Crowther University (ACU), Oyo , where he recently built a multimillion Naira Vice  Chancellor’s lodge. Along with his charming wife, Lara, Chief Olanipekun who was appointed Pro Chancellor and Chairman Council of the 11-year old University in November 2014 said he was touched that the VC had no residence conducive for habitation. What was available to the VC according to him, “was a rickety bungalow constructed for the Principal of St. Andrews College built over 100 years ago, consisting of a bedroom and one sitting room”.

    To redress the appalling situation, the chief and his wife donated a well-fenced Wole and Lara Olanipekun Vice Chancellor’s lodge, complemented with a chapel, library, and bedrooms for adults, children’s rooms, guest rooms, among others. The university, owned by the Supra Diocesan Board (West), Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion) is no longer the same with the intervention of a man of benignity. There are so many instances of sacrificial donations and financial assistance that he would not want mentioned for he likes noiseless kindliness.

    His courage is respectable. His carriage is admirable just as his gait is prestigious. While leading the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) as its President in 2001, he once politely confronted the then President Olusegun Obasanjo over national issues to the admiration of other lawyers.  Yet, heaven did not fall! In the build-up to the 2015 general elections, Chief Olanipekun, in a day, represented two opposing interests in two different courts without rocking the boat. Hear him, “I was at the Code of Conduct of  Tribunal in the morning in a suit involving Bola Tinubu, Jonathan’s election petition was stood down till about 2pm and immediately I finished addressing the CCT on Tinubu’s matter, I had to go and change for Jonathan’s matter. Jonathan would dare not ask me why I was defending his political foe”.

    How else is a great man described? A lawyers’ lawyer who represented the late President Umaru Yar’Adua commands both adoration and emulation without demanding them. The modest legal mind whose temper constitutes the template for enviable conduct effortlessly earns good reputation through achievement of monumental feats and cultivation of super human accretions.

    Socially, chief could be gay and gregarious, but when it comes to his legal practice, he is tough-minded, thorough, strong-willed and self-possessed. However, behind the facade of the forthright man is an exemplary personality with heart of gold.

    At 65, Chief Olanipekun is essentially puritanical in his indulgence, prudent in his conduct and eternally transparent in his dealings. He has thus become an approximation of what an ideal family man should be: God-fearing compact and contented. As all his four children are lawyers, with the eldest, Dr. Oladapo Olumide Olanipekun, being the youngest Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Chief Olanipekun’s wealth is obviously reflective in his children.

    A paladin of moral rectitude, this birthday man certainly deserves all the honour for his humility chastises the arrogance of these immoderate times. Driven by class, elegance, style and brilliance and most importantly, modesty, Chief Olanipekun remains a cerebral and experiential professional in jurisprudential matters. His arguments are breath- taking in its range and reach, and his delivery magisterial and compelling as his imprints are phenomenal. In the legal profession today, he is a role model whose mien, oratory power and forensic dexterity are emulated and copied by many, including his mates.

    As he marks 65 years of existence in life today, one can only pray that God should continue to prolong his life in peace and prosperity for the benefit of humanity.  Born in Ikere Ekiti, Ekiti state on November 18, 1951, Chief Olanipekun attended Amonye Grammar School, Ikere Ekiti between 1965 and 1969 where he obtained the West African School Certificate (WASC). He proceeded to Ilesha Grammar School in 1970 from where he obtained the Higher School Certificate (HSC) in 1971. At Ilesha Grammar School, the young Olanipekun manifested his innate leadership qualities, thus becoming the Editor-in –Chief of the school magazine (The Spike). He was also the chairman, Students Representative Committee in 1971. In 1972, he gained admission into University of Lagos where he bagged the Bachelor of Law degree in 1975. As light drawing moths, Olanipekun attracted many friends and admirers with his enchanting brilliancy which led to this election as the Secretary-General, Students’ Union between 1973 and 1974.

    He attended the Nigerian Law School, Lagos from 1975 and 1976 and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1976. He was a junior counsel in the Messrs Oniyangi & Co Ilorin between 1977 and 1979. In 1980, he became the Principal Partner of Messrs Wole Olanipekun & Co.  Perhaps one can only remind Chief Olanipekun of what God says concerning him and his like in the book of Isaiah 3:10, “Tell the righteous it will be well with them, for they will enjoy the fruit of their deeds”. Happy birthday Chief.

     

    • Saanu is with the Directorate of Public Communication, University of Ibadan.
  • The other side of Olaniwun Ajayi

    In the wee hours of November 4, I got a pop up on my hand set alerting me that Pa Olaniwun Ajayi had passed on. My mind raced quickly towards Pa Ayo Adebanjo, wondering how he would receive the breaking news at his age. All along, I had known the two as inseparable “twins”.

    Pa Olanuwun and Pa Adebanjo were close political disciples of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. I had admired their closeness a great deal, studying then at close range. At every meeting, the two would appear in style, a reason I sometime got tempted to tag them the ‘Musketeers’.

    Papa Awo was very fond of the duo. A day hardly passed without them paying homage to him at his Ikenne home. Without mincing words, the two disciples were functional members of Papa Awo’s kitchen cabinet; some think-tank of sort. It is a mystery how the two managed to solidify their relationship in the face off oddities in politics those days.

    Pa Adebanjo has always been ebullient being an extrovert. He is very cerebral and outspoken. On the other hand, Pa Ajayi had the nature of a dove. He was a bundle of intellect, all the same. I had long concluded that his intelligence quotient was unassailable. I tried to decode the chemistry that bound them together to no avail until I read Pa Adebanjo’s tribute to Pa Ajayi in an interview.

    He explained: “Now I am now alone. I am left with my God. He was a reliable, dependable and loyal friend. As an Awoist, I can confidently say that he was an Awoist to the core. He really understood what Awoism stands for and practiced it as Chief Awolowo taught us.”

    Indeed, the unflagging love for Papa Awo was the secret that kept the duo going. They were both undiluted Awoists. They slept, dreamt and embraced Awoism all through. Unknown to many, the Awoism philosophy was the brainchild of the two and a few others. I knew so much about Pa Ajayi and Adebanjo in my days as a young reporter way back in the 70s. I was assigned to cover the political activities of Papa Awo who, along the line, drew me closer. I can proudly say that I helped in promoting Awo and Awoism from 1976 till 1987 when he passed on, a factor that endeared me to the family.

    Mama HID Awolowo had confided in me the kind of respect the husband had for the duo. She told me how the two were so attached to Papa Awo that she had to allocate rooms adjacent to Papa bedroom during political meetings. She recalled also how she bought same dresses for them and Papa on many occasion. Mama agreed that Pa Adebanjo and Pa Ajayi were part of the family such that in any of their visiting days, they required nothing other than a vehicle to convey them to places. They stood physically and emotionally with Pa Awolowo most especially in the days of travails and turbulence that the family passed through. I had memorable moments with the committed Awoists during electioneering campaigns, most especially from 1978 to 1983 when we all traversed the nooks and crannies of Nigeria, marketing the progressive ideology to Nigerians.

    Pa Ajayi fondly called me Olamiti! Olamiti!! Regrettably, the last time I saw him was in November 25, 2015. That was the day the remains of Mama Awo was committed to mother earth. He was one of the first Awoists to arrive at the Saint Saviour Church Ikenne. He beckoned to me and asked that I accompany him to the rest room. Age was already having a telling effect on him. He held on to me as we descended the 20 steps to the rest room. He did not need my assistance as we started climbing back. All through, he was not panting, but was instead engaging me in political talks. He expressed concern on the deplorable state of the nation, while he blamed the Yoruba on being lethargic on national questions. And as if exasperated, he averred, “We have done our best and I hope that those coming behind us will acknowledge our contributions. Nigeria is a complex entity”.

    Pa Olaniwun Ajayi was born in Isara on April 8, 1925. He ran one of the leading law firms in Nigeria with a broad financial, corporate, energy and national resources. Over the years, the firm has consistently provided legal services to some of the biggest corporations in Africa and across the globe, equipping the firm with a good mix of local knowledge and international expertise.

    He was one of the few Nigerians who travelled abroad for the Golden Fleece. On his return, he worked with the UAC where he rose to the position of the Assistant Group Legal Adviser with Chief Ernest Shonekan as his junior in legal department of UAC and later resigned.

    Pa Ajayi became a Commissioner of Education and later Health under Governor Of Western State Brigadier General Oluwole Rotimi. He authored five books: House Of Oduduwa Must Not Fall, Odunola: In Retrospect, Nigeria Africa’s Failed Asset, his autobiography, and Isara Afotamodi: My Jerusalem . May His Gentle Soul Rest In Peace.

     

    • Olamiti, FNGE, a media consultant wrote from Abuja

     

  • Corruption: Beyond the Nigerian oil industry

    Based on statistical and empirical evidences, Petroleum, the naturally occurring, yellow-to-black liquid found in geological formations beneath the earth’s surface, has been a source joy to some countries and harbinger of pain to others. Indeed, while some countries have in place structures for the judicious management of the monumental profit derived from the sale of petroleum for economic, infrastructural and technological transformation, others have used the resource to institutionalise corruption that ensures a seeming perpetual underdevelopment and pauperisation of the populace.

    According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), in 2016, Saudi Arabia and Russia regained the number one and two respectively, after briefly conceding it to the United States in 2015. Prior to that, in 2014 over 66% of world oil production came from the top 10 countries: Saudi Arabia 542 Mt (13%), Russia 529 Mt (13%), United States 509 Mt (12%), China 212 Mt (5%), Canada 208 Mt (5%), Iran 166 Mt (4%), Iraq 160 Mt (4%), Kuwait 158 Mt (4%), United Arab Emirates 157 Mt (4%) and Venezuela 151 Mt (4%). Total oil production was 4,200 Mt.

    Interestingly, most of the aforementioned oil producing countries rank among the most prosperous nations in the world, perhaps with the exception of Iraq and Venezuela, whose oil industries had been blighted by insurgency and questionable leadership. Also, when it comes to oil and gas reserves per capita, countries like Venezuela, Nigeria, Mexico, Angola, Algeria and Oman are among the richest. The problem is that the vast majority of people in these countries don’t see that wealth transferred in terms of economic growth and job opportunities due to entrenched corruption.

    The regime of heist is, however, not restricted to the oil industry of individual nations; reports continue to hug the headlines about oil majors – corporations with exploration and drilling expertise – who operate in developing countries employing all manner of underhand strategies to cheat their host nations and indigenous partnering companies.

    In Nigeria, it would amount to an understatement to say the oil industry is plagued with endemic corruption. In one of the scandals involving the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the country’s official audit revealed that around $19 billion of oil revenues went missing through corruption and oil theft in 2014 alone. An independent investigative analysis by the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) had revealed that over $32 billion oil revenue was lost to NNPC’s mismanagement of Domestic Crude Allocation (DCA), opaque revenue retention practices and corruption-ridden oil-for-product swap agreements.

    While the impeachment of Brazil’s former President, Dilma Rousseff officially cites allegations that she manipulated the federal budget to disguise a growing deficit, it was a sprawling scandal at Petrobras, the state-owned oil company, which had taken a greater toll on her government that helped generate support for her removal. Though Rousseff was not accused of any crime, but before assuming the Brazilian presidency in 2011, she was chairman of Petrobras between 2003 and in 2010 when much of the corruption allegedly took place. The opposition alleges her presidential election campaigns of 2010 and 2014 were funded by corruption, charges her political party denies.

    Remarkably, Statoil, the Norwegian multinational oil and gas company, appears to be the most corruption-riddled International Oil Company (IOC), going by the avalanche of allegations of corrupt practices against it and some of which the company had been convicted. For instance, between 2002 and 2003, Statoil reportedly resorted to extensive corruption in Iran in an attempt to secure lucrative oil contracts for the company in that country. This, according to documented evidence, was mainly achieved by hiring the services of Horton Investments, an Iranian consultancy firm owned by Mehdi Hashemi Rafsanjani, son of former Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani. Statoil was said to have paid $15.2 million to Horton Investment to influence important political figures in Iran to grant oil contracts to Statoil. A Norwegian court had on June 29, 2004, found Statoil guilty of corruption and ordered to pay NOK 20 million. And also on October 13, 2006, Statoil reached a settlement with the United States authorities for its involvement in the case and was ordered to pay $21 million in fines.

    In February 2016, investigators at Norway’s anti-crime agency, Okokrim, started looking into what happened to hundreds of millions of Kroner (the Norwegian currency) that Statoil paid to Angola’s state oil company, Sonangol, over the past several years. The money was supposed to be used for a research centre that’s never been built, and for “social contributions” to Angola that remain unclear, and Statoil’s management knew they posed a “considerable” risk to Statoil’s reputation. The payments, which date back to 2011, were reportedly tied to Statoil’s bid to win licenses and operating responsibility on Angola’s Kwanza oil field.

    The catalogue of corruption cases involving Statoil is seemingly endless. A company inherited by StatoilHydro was enmeshed in a messy deal in Libya. StatoilHydro, according to the October 7, 2008 edition of the New York Times, may have made payments to win business in Libya that breached the United States and Norwegian anti-corruption rules. The executive vice-president for Exploration and Production Norway, Tore Torvund; and executive vice-president for Projects, Morten Ruud, had resigned with immediate effect in the wake of the allegation. Also in 2014, a Norwegian Business School Professor, Petter Gotts chalk, had queried why Statoil employed the Judge who administered a case in which the company was a party. He said it was much greater cause to examine Statoil’s role.

    Yet again, Statoil was at the heart of it all when in 2014, when a scandal broke out in Tanzania raising questions about good governance agenda in managing the oil and gas industries. Public concern over the fairness of Production Sharing Agreements (PSA) between Statoil and the Tanzanian government was leaked to the public. Its revelations included the fact that the split of “profit gas” between the Tanzanian government and Statoil was between 20% and 30% lower than what was described in model contracts. Put in another way, the higher revenue to the Norwegian partner from the deal could be more than twice the total of Norwegian aid given to Tanzania since independence.

    Oddly enough, while all the highlighted corruption cases involving Statoil had emanated from its dealings with governments, the story is different in Nigeria, where the Norwegian company had been taken to court by a private enterprise, Inducon Nigeria Limited, over alleged breach of a partnership agreement. According to court documents, Inducon had in 1991 brought the British Petroleum-Statoil Alliance to the Nigeria and three blocks – OPL 213, 217 and 218 – were initially awarded to BP-Statoil Alliance with Inducon as the main promoter. Inducon, according to court documents, decided to sue Statoil when upon the start of oil production in 2008 in the Agbami-Ekoli block, with Statoil’s portion being 20.28%, Statoil refused to honour agreements in place between BP, Statoil and Inducon.

    In both the Federal High Court and Federal Court of Appeal, Inducon had judgments in her favour and the case has been at the Supreme Court since 2012. In the middle of 2016, Inducon chose to file a “Motion on Notice” at the Supreme Court accusing Statoil of transferring all income from the sale of crude oil (40-45, 000 bpd) through a Nigerian bank to an account in JP Morgan Chase Bank in London. Statoil’s action, says Inducon, was in total disregard of the Order of Court given on April 26, 2010 by a Federal High Court and on December 10, 2010 by the same court, that all monies, revenue, income, funds, proceeds, earnings or however called derived from all offshore oil fields shall remain within the jurisdiction of the court in Nigeria and not to be expatriated to Statoil of Norway or any other foreign entity.

    In the affidavit and application to the Supreme Court, Inducon is asking the order that is still subsisting to be enforced and that Statoil be made to return to Nigeria, the $4.3 billion it had expatriated. Indeed, legal experts have expressed shock at this new twist in development and wondered why an international oil company like Statoil will disregard a subsisting court order in Nigeria while it complied in other climes.

    This writer has taken the pains to research and make public some of the untoward activities of international oil companies, whether in their home nations or outside, to highlight the incalculable damage they have done to the economy and general wellbeing of billions of people. It is the responsibility of governments to protect the interests of the citizenry by ensuring that there is justice, fairness, probity and accountability in oil or any business transaction it regulates.

  • Let the shanties go!

    Demolition of shanties and illegal structures in Nigeria is not entirely new.  Over the years, state governments that saw the need to destroy shanties in order to pave way for more modern and better organized cities have had to do so.  Recently, the Lagos State government embarked on such exercise where it destroyed shanty-settlements and waterfronts in some parts of the state.  The reason for this exercise, in the reckoning of government, was clear. Apart from the menace and eyesore which the shanties constituted to the state and the environment, the state Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Steve Ayorinde made it clear that the law is against such settlements.  He said: “The state’s Urban and Regional Planning and Development Law 2010, prohibits erecting structures within the Right of Ways and the set-backs of drainage channels, centre-line of overheard electricity wires”.  He also stated in very clear terms specified distance to be observed between a property line and a public utility.

    Even though residents have a right to be protected and provided for by the government, where the need arises, it is imperative also for the same government to work out an environment that is essentially conducive for all.  Part of the protests by those affected by the demolition was that they had no other places to go to.  They argued as they stormed Alausa, Ikeja, the seat of government, that given the economic and social situations in Nigeria today, it was somewhat in human for government to render them homeless.

    Be that as it may, they did not and could not see themselves as constituting any security or environmental menace to the society.  In other words, they feared that this development would further push or force them into various kinds of crime.  With the level of unemployment in its very critical stage at the moment and in a situation where economic recession holds sway, their fear may not be unfounded.  However, what is good is worth doing well so that the decency of man and the guarantee of his safety should remain top priority of the government in power.

    All over the world, shanties are usually dismantled to establish and develop new cities in conformity with civilization.  If a city wants to be up to date in its planning and provision of modern facilities to suit its growing population, some unwanted structures have to go to give way.  Lagos State being the way it is where people flock into the state in leaps and bounds, illegal structures constitute more security hazards.  Apart from becoming too much for the security agencies to handle in terms of combating crime in such places, they gradually become havens for hemp smokers, kidnappers and so on.

    Most places in the world where government looked the other way while such illegal structures and settlements blossomed are suffering it today.  Rio, the commercial nerve of Brazil today harbours one of the most notorious and dreaded ghettos in the world.  It is so, because at its inception, the government of Brazil did not muster the necessary political will to nip it in the bud.  Consequently, the settlement has remained as government onto itself where gangsters, criminals and drug barons and peddlers hobnob in a free environment.

    This is part of what the Lagos State government intends to avoid.  And the best time to do it is now, given that cases of kidnapping, rape, pipeline vandalism, child trafficking and more have been on the rise.  Therefore, no reasonable government, no sensible leader with a team that is thoroughly concerned for the well-being of its citizens, would fold its hands while the state goes awry.  If this was part of the mistakes the past, Governor Akinwumi Ambode is now saying that this is the time to act to remedy it.  Naturally, in correcting the errors of the past, a few things that are not in their proper perspectives would give way.  Illegal structures, ghettos that are at variance with humanity have to go.  They have to go because the society has to move on to the next level.

    Civilization, modernity, good and conducive environment fit for human habitation do not come with half-measures, or where government cannot wake up and say it is now time to grow the societies.  Someone who built his house under high tension wires which naturally is unsafe for him cannot be said to be living a normal life.  Someone who has his house or shanty hanging on top of a lagoon cannot be said to be alive.  And where government shows concern, it is imperative for those involved to cool down and see how their situations can be made better.  They must look for a way forward.

    The argument that government should try to resettle them may be tenable.  But first of all those involved have to appreciate the fact that the action taken so far is for their good.  Government is right in ensuring that decency obtains in the state.  Government is equally in order when it says people should desist from building on Right of Ways, set-backs and drainage channels.

    However, it is equally the responsibility of government to ensure that its citizen do not suffer undue socio-economic hardship.  This is why it advisable for the state to engage those affected to see how to ameliorate their plight.  When this is done, those of them who had hitherto set their minds on crime will think twice.  If they are duly occupied and rehabilitated, the state will be better for it.  In as much as the state wants to beautify its environment it should also avoid creating avenues for more or new criminals to emerge.

    Henceforth, government has the sole responsibility of ensuring that no new shanties of any kind spring up in the state.  It is usually more instructive to prevent this sort of development at its embryonic stage so that situations of protests and emotive displays of sympathy do not arise.  Those responsible for regional or urban planning should not look the other way when people are erecting illegal structures.  Where they did so, appropriate punishments should be meted out to them by the state government as a deterrent.  It is only in implementing state policies in their time and season that decency can be restored and maintained.

    Ambode has to bring to the notice of urban planners and supervisors that it is no more business as usual.  This is the time to be up and doing; time to ensure decent development to meet the exigencies of the modern times.

  • NASS and the NLNG Act

    For over 30 years, many administrations struggled to attract foreign investors in the LNG sector. The enactment of the NLNG Decree (now an Act of the National Assembly) in 1989 eventually did the magic. Shareholders were so much at ease with its provisions that they quickly mobilised $6billion for the realization of what has now become a major force in the global liquefied natural gas market.

    The $6b of several years ago has led to an asset base of over $11billion. The Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) Limited has also generated over $90billion in revenues. Over $15billion has been paid to the Federal Government as dividends in the last 12 years. The company has also paid over $5.5billion as Companies Income Tax, Tertiary Education Tax, WHT, VAT and PAYE. Regulators’ levies and other fees have led to the company coughing out over N51billion.

    The NLNG has grown from one to a six-train operation, with a capacity of 22million tonnes per annum (mtpa). Its seventh train, which will bring up the production capacity to approximately 30 mtpa, is also in the works.

    The NLNG now manages 16 long term LNG Sale & Purchase Agreements (SPAs) entered into with 11 buyers on a Delivered Ex-Ship (DES) basis.  These buyers include Spain, France, Portugal, Italy, Turkey, Mexico and the United States of America.

    But, the success story of the NLNG is under threat, a very serious threat, if not stopped in its tract like previous ones. Today, the National Assembly is taking a vital step on the future of the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) Limited. It is set to take a major decision on its move to amend the NLNG Act. This move of the National Assembly is not new. Past sessions of the National Assembly also tried but the efforts were halted when their negative implications became apparent.

    The Act is a contract between the Federal Government and the NLNG shareholders. The thrusts of this contract include incentives, concessions, guarantees and assurances. All these were reaffirmed in Letters of Assurance to lenders for the Nigeria LNG Trains 4 and 5 expansions by the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Justice and the Central Bank.

    The incentives, concessions, guarantees and assurances are common in the global LNG industry. Qatar, Oman, Malaysia, Angola and others have used them to support and grow their LNG plants.

    The essence of the guarantees is to assure foreign investors that their investments will be protected. But, all these guarantees are now under threat. Also threatened are the Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) entered into by Nigeria with France, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Soon, Nigeria will become a promise-breaker who is not fit to be considered for foreign investment. This is tragic coming at a time the company needs over $1bn investment every year to guarantee steady gas supply for its six trains. It is also sadly coinciding with the firm’s need of foreign investment of $25billion for its Train 7.

    If care is not taken, we may soon find the country being dragged before the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) Tribunals as a result of breaking international treaties. The alterations the National Assembly plans will certainly lead to breach of contract and expose the country to the risk of huge awards at the tribunal. Not long ago, Venezuela was ordered to pay an award of $1.6billion to ExxonMobil. Ecuador also had to pay Occidental.

    You may wonder why I am being alarmist. Well, you will understand my drift when I enumerate what the National Assembly is trying to do with the NLNG Act. After enumerating this, I will get back to the other disadvantages of this move, which our lawmakers are portraying as being in the country’s interest.

    From available information, the National Assembly seeks to end the company’s status as dollar denominated, which was agreed on to protect the company against Naira’s flip-flop. Its clients are abroad and doing business in Nigeria could be topsy-turvy.

    The National Assembly also seeks to make its subsidiary, Bonny Gas Transport Company pay tax in Nigeria. It also plans to make NLNG pay three per cent of its annual revenue to the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), three per cent of gross freight on international inbound and outbound cargo to NIMASA, two per cent of contracts performed by companies engaged in cabotage and one per cent of any contract award upstream to the government.

    Those championing these amendments have forgotten that the NDDC levy is aimed at upstream oil and gas producers from whom the NLNG buys the gas it now liquefies. It does not produce gas and common sense should make it clear that it should not be affected by this. Making it pay amounts to the government taking money twice for the same purpose; one from the producer and two, from the client. Companies involved in fertilizer production, power generation and petrochemical industries, which buy gas just like the NLNG, are not made to pay the NDDC levy. More so, this is a matter the NDDC had pursued up to the Supreme Court and it lost. Favouring NDDC, NIMASA and others by getting them what they could not get in court smacks of discrimination against a private limited liability company.

    Also, these alterations, I must emphasise, to the NLNG Act are not in line with the guarantees and assurances Nigeria entered into with the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and others. Apart from what I mentioned earlier, the amendments have the capacity to result in loss of income of between $53m and $124m which the Federal Government gets as dividends and withholding tax. Also threatened are the 18,000 jobs required for the construction activities for Train 7.

    The impression given by the National Assembly is that the NLNG is enjoying a rare privilege. This is far from the truth. Firms operating in free trade zones enjoy better privileges. They enjoy absolute exemptions from taxes and levies. No federal, state or local government gets a dime from them as taxes. NLNG only enjoys partial exemptions and at least one of them, that is, the Companies Income Tax, is time-bound. Its exemption from this expired in 2009.

    The question that may come to the mind of some people is whether or not NLNG does not want to contribute to the development of the Niger Delta through the NDDC. Facts suggest that the firm has spent nearly $200m on providing roads, water, electricity, schools and scholarships for the local communities in Bonny, its base. It has offered to support the government with N60bn for the completion of the Bonny-Bodo Road. It has committed N3bn annually for 25 years for the development of the Bonny Kingdom, with a view to turning the Island into Nigeria’s Dubai.

    Many federal universities have also benefitted from the firm. Its CSR efforts are almost unparalleled in the country. So, the issue at stake is not about not wanting to spend money on the Niger Delta but retaining shareholder confidence and ensuring that government maintains its integrity by keeping its promises to investors. If we do this, investors will be assured that their money is in good hands and the country’s reputation as an investment destination will remain intact.

    The NLNG is our national treasure and we must protect it. It is a model of how a company should be run. Its credit rating among international financier is even better than Nigeria’s. This sort of alterations to its enabling law will castrate it. And we will be the loser for it.

     

    • Nelson, a public commentator, sent this piece from Abuja.
  • Trump: Nemesis of American establishment

    Trump: Nemesis of American establishment

    The American electorate have spoken and whatever flaw that may be inherent in their system of choosing their President, a winner has emerged and he is Donald Trump of the Republican Party. America has been the bastion of modern liberal democracy and the rule of law and this system has served them until now and any attempt to alter it to suit the choice of the establishment would be a lethal blow on whatever America represents. The vocal minority have had their say deploying the media as never done before, and the majority have had their way.
    The protest across some cities after the election has been lost and won is the stark reality that there is no perfect system after all in the world. The predictions of pundits, pollsters and bookmakers of a Clinton’s victory have exposed media manipulations that sometimes do not reflect the reality. The world has gone hysteria following the victory of the Republican Donald Trump. It would be wishful thinking to subvert this victory through any constitutional manipulation without very dire consequences whose impact would reverberate over the world.
    The victory of Trump was set in motion when the Democrats decided to choose Hilary Clinton who was the preferred candidate and choice of the party’s establishment with the huge baggage she was carrying rejecting the grand old Bernie Sanders who had large following and the support of the American youths. Pundits and bookmakers sold lies to the anxious world with statistics that was skewed for predetermined end by the media. Donald Trump could have been brash, boisterous and un-presidential but certainly not unelectable having won the primaries of his party.
    The election of Trump is a reflection of the deficit in global leadership and collapse of statesmanship the world over. Furthermore, it a wholesale rejection of the American people of the pacifist leadership of Barack Obama, the first Afro American to have aspired to that exalted office of what could rightly be said to be the President of the world. Obama’s administration witnessed the decline and erosion of American influence across the world for pussyfoot foreign policy without any bite or sting. Obama was an apostle of compromise who read history wrongly when he took the public perception and war fatigue of the American people to mean that America should not take a stand and forcefully too in the global order when it matters. This has seen Vladimir Putin Russia emerging in global leadership after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. He had drawn line in the sand in conflict zones of the world and a red line in Syria should Assad deploy chemical weapons only to chew his words and expose the new America as not master of its own word in the new world order.
    This saw the ordinary Syrians abandoned by the world; not even pictures of children, woman and elderly being bombed out their homes could elicit and rally world support to engage Bashar al-Assad politically and possibly, militarily. This was in the main because the moving voice of America has been lost in the placating Obama government and reluctance to employ reasonable force which America was noted for whether correctly or otherwise at the risk of meddling with the domestic affairs of such fascist government and dictatorship that turn against its own citizens.
    What is more disturbing is the intemperate reactions of respected global citizens and celebrities at run up to the election which was lacking in circumspection and deep reflection as required in their positions. This is in addition to the fear that hangs on the whole world like a spectre that the world could come to an end with a Trump government. Trump may have been irrational on the issue of immigrants, women, and disabled people. He is no doubt rambunctious and an iconoclast and may not know a jack about foreign policy because as he is often referred to an outsider and if you like, a trader. He represents a protest movement and a revolution that the world needs for now to tear down the oppression of the masses by political, business and intellectual elites that are selfish and mindlessly exploitative; manipulating the bureaucracy of the state.
    A Trump’s presidency may as well be the signal for the fall of the American empire to obey the law of gravity; as empires rise and fall.
    To those elements who consider immigration to the America as the only way to decent living and meal tickets, they have to realise that the Americas was built by its people whether they were immigrants or not. We should be ready to build our own America right here in our different countries. We should start by stop the stealing of our resources and sending to the West to develop their economy. Nigerians should learn from this political Tsunami that has just occurred in the United States of America and be ready to change the status quo ante so that the Nigerian electorates would chase out this thieving political elite who prefer to deploy the security forces to cow the ordinary citizens and subject the masses to harsh economic conditions demanding taxes from the poor for the exotic life style of the rich.
    It is doubtful if the United States is as endowed as Nigeria in natural resources but it has been blessed with cerebral leadership until recently. What is lacking in Nigeria is leadership and the will to drive the nation in a new direction. This is a new wind of change and the nemesis of the establishment and state bureaucracy that the masses should take advantage of. The world should wake up to the reality that the neo-liberal democracy and economic order of capitalism has reached its elastic end and may just give way to the competing ideology.

    •Kebonkwu Esq, a lawyer writes from Abuja