Category: Comments

  • Time to act on Lagos ‘apartheid’ schools

    It is a disaster of an unimaginable proportion; disaster that predated the administration of the current action governor of the Centre of Excellence. Its reality bespeaks anti-excellence. Simply anti-Lagos. Gbagada-based Ogo Oluwa Primary School, Idi Odo Primary School and Temidire Primary School are public but segregationist institutions. Founded by the Lagos State government for the purpose of grooming knowledge, equality, freedom, hope and creativity in the minds of the custodians of the future of the nation, but alas, the Idi-Odo trio is now funded to uphold its degeneration into institutions of the less-privileged, of ‘unlucky’ children permanently denied the fortune of hobnobbing with their ‘lucky’ peers.

    No thanks to the ironically ‘privileged’ and ‘elitist’ Gbagada environment of the rich whose personal safety and security has led to the denigration of these public schools into exclusive centres for labourer-children – house-helps, house-maids, cooks and the likes. Nothing can be more sorrowful than the sight of ones Alma Mater that was indeed the potter of so many shining stars of today in such peril that is now the lot of the Idi-Odo trio. Schools that sprang up as Gbagada Primary School III and School IV, illuminating the dawn of the Alhaji Lateef Jakande-led administration with glowing rising sun.

    Although the species of classroom blocks that surfaced across the earth of Lagos at the advent of Baba Kekere’s government, as temporary structures built within a twinkle of an eye, were indeed poultry-like in design, yet the irresistibility of the nostalgia their memories conjure in the Nigerian citizenry till date is an open statement of the superlative education that pupils of yore, including, this writer procured therein.

    As pioneering students of Gbagada Primary School IV, for instance, having been relocated from some ancient schools to complete our foundational education at Idi-Odo, we found ourselves in an excitingly mixed world; a world that broke boundaries, flattened fences and walloped walls. A world of innocence which inhabitants thrived in pleasant forgetfulness of our socio-economic differences, as the line between the rich and the poor became inexistent.

    Obviously, the long stretch of fence that now marks the Gbagada boundary, delineating its territories from its neighbouring Somolu-Pedro-Bariga neighbourhood was sincerely erected some few years back to ward off security threats in a nation where none sleeps with closed eyes. Good intention, no doubt. But for the surreptitious evil the edifice casts on our collective future as a nation.

    What is my drift? It is a given fact that, in contemporary Nigeria, our public schools are no longer patronized by the relatively few economically-advantaged Nigerian families, found in such a luxuriant environment as Gbagada Estates – a radical departure from what used to be in the good days of yore, which has, thus, largely restricted the services of the Idi-Odo schools to the less-privileged masses on the other side of the skirting fence. I mean the sprawling and struggling mass of Nigerian families that densely populate the Somolu-Pedro-Bariga world, to whom the relatively ‘meagre’ fees charged by ‘cheap’ private schools within their vicinity is totally unaffordable.

    Tragically, however, for many of such families, the hope of bequeathing, on their offspring, a future brighter than today, through education at the proximate, cost-free Idi-Odo Schools at nearby Gbagada, has been totally dashed. Dashed by the loathsome, long stretch of Gbagada ‘apartheid’ fence that today torments its discerning beholder with a fatal fear of tomorrow.

    My writing pen pairs with my eyes in shedding tears of sorrow. Tears of regrets, tears of lamentations, tears of nostalgia, as I behold my Alma Mater in its current status as a school now ‘majorly meant’ for   housemaids and all other categories of child-slaves wickedly engaged by Gbagada residents whose elitist hands actually held the pen that outlawed child-labour in our revered constitution.

    Indeed, no law forbids anyone from enrolling his children in these schools. But, this bad ‘apartheid’ fence does just this. It imposes on kids from the other side of it, a daily merry-go-rounding ritual of a minimum of 20km trek, on daily school trips. Hence, schools that once infected every speeding motorist on the Oshodi-Gbagada Expressway with exuding liveliness is now a ghost of its old self, now hardly conspicuous, probably due to our collective violent neglect and indifference towards the sort of children whose names now fill the registers of those ‘unlucky’ teachers.

    Yes! “Less privileged’ teachers teaching ‘less privileged’ pupils would struggle to deceive you with cheerful mien to welcome every approaching adult in the faint hope that, at last, protracted prayers are about fruiting. They are always looking into the empty space with forlorn eyes imagining oncoming parents holding their kids for enrolment.

    If anything is sure, the restless Ambode with his cabinet lieutenants would agree with me that the deployment of such an artificial barrier as a fence to isolate and foreclose extensive and mixed patronage by citizens and residents of the state can never be rationally justified. Or, what can rationalize a situation that has forced those institutions funded with public resources, constitutionally meant to engender sense of equality and belonging in the citizenry, to degenerate into ‘second’ class schools for ‘second’ class students handled by ‘second’ class teachers.

    The likely effects of such a strange educational setting are better imagined. To call a spade a spade, it can only beget tragedy on the victim, not victims.

    No! The victimized are not the multitude of Nigerian children who, over the years, are denied of access to the potter services these schools were originally founded to offer. They are neither the second class outputs with jaundiced psychology that are likely to emerge from there.

    The victim is none but our society, our supposed community of humans whose inborn mentality of freedom, equality and potentialities is expected to derive monumental boosting through the facility of education. To relegate and ignore this truism is to refuse to learn from history and admit the weighty role of negative citizenship orientation in the multi-coloured reality of terror in our nation of today.

    Hurray! When I behold the ongoing magical structural intervention of the Lagos government in Lady Lak Primary School, Bariga, an innate voice within me tells me there is hope for the Idi-Odo schools and their likes. My elation over the current rebuilding of Lady Lak, an aged facility is particularly due to the fact that my educational sojourn actually started, over four decades ago, in the same set of buildings, then dilapidated, that are just being replaced with ultra modern ones by the Ambode administration.

    Still, the fear of history threatens my hope with hopelessness in terms of what may become of these schools even after the governor’s anticipated positive response.

    Whether those invisible and seemingly ‘invincible’ forces that frustrated the order and efforts of ex-Governor Fashola on the aborted reconstruction of the fragile wooden make-shift bridge linking the Gbagada and Bariga community would allow the public interest to reign supreme, this time around, remains a begging question.

    Lest we forget, Fashola’s order and subsequent mobilization of materials to the impassable bridge site was in response to the yearnings of the staff and students of Gbagada Comprehensive High School for safe and quick access to a public health clinic situated within nearby but ‘far’ Bariga-based Mafoluku Market. What has become of those abandoned tons of sand, granite stones as well as machines, for almost a decade, is currently visible to the blind.

     

    • Olokode, a media consultant, writes in vide solacemediaconsult@gmail.com
  • As UI becomes private energy producer

    Two exciting historical milestones unfurled recently at the nation’s premier university -University of Ibadan (UI), which deserve and require the attention of all stakeholders in higher education in this country and beyond so as to support the momentum of development.

    First, UI which is the first as well as the flagship of post-graduate studies in the county was ranked as the 600th best university in the world by a global higher education ranking organization called The Times Higher Education (THE). Given the fact that UI is the first and only Nigerian university in the first 1,000 best universities globally, the good news is not only cheerily received, but heartily propitious.

    The ranking organization had considered Ibadan’s level of teaching, research, citation of scholarly publications, industry income and international outlook among other parameters.

    This 2016/2017 Times Higher Education ranking has finally put to rest the erroneous notion in certain quarters that “no Nigerian university is good enough to be among the best 1,000 universities in the world”. Ibadan has finally broken the jinx. UI has breasted the tape by joining the elite club of global players in tertiary education. UI is certainly astir.  The first and the best university in the most populous black nation in the world is clearly cresting the storm, having been producing world -class graduates, who are making waves all over  the world in the last 65 years. UI will be 68 years old this month – November. Indeed, this latest global recognition calls for celebration for it takes standard to stand out.

    It is indisputable that UI which parades the highest number of professors in this country has all it takes to be among the best 100 universities in the world, but for some national albatrosses including poor infrastructures and what some people call “Nigerian factors”. But with continuous self-reinvention, hard work, dedication and the desire not only to remain a local champion, but a global player with application of best practices, there will be light at the end of the tunnel.

    However, still gloating over this positive rating, I think the current Vice Chancellor, Professor Abel Idowu Olayinka deserves commendation for dexterously consolidating on the achievements of his predecessors. Being a scientific scholar with a solid background in Geology, Prof. Olayinka has cleverly deployed resources towards the information and communication technologies, thus, favourably projecting UI for global glare. This is certainly one of his major achievements so far. He must therefore maintain it.  Efforts should be geared towards networking with thousands of passionate alumni such as a former Lagos State chapter chairman of UI Alumni Association, Sola Oyetayo who is ready to go extra mile for the betterment of UI.

    The second interesting historical milepost unfolding in the university is as trailblazing as it is revolutionary: UI is becoming the first university in private electricity production in Nigeria. The university recently performed the ground-breaking ceremony, which attracted dignitaries from far and near, preparatory to 10 megawatts solar plant. In other words, UI can now be classified as an Independent Power Producer, (IPP) thereby, singularly generating 50-60 percent of her daily electricity power requirement when the project becomes fully functional. According to the chairman, UI Power Improvement Programme, Prof. Adeboye Olatunbosun, the project will become operational before the end of this year.

    This plant, when completed has numerous and multiplier effect of electricity availability, not only for UI but also for neighbouring communities and Ibadan as a whole. It will be business for UI as it will be selling electricity to Ibadan Electricity Board. The cost of running generators will reduce. The project will enrich the quality of research, development and capacity-building programmes in renewable energy and energy efficiency. More importantly, students’ unrest over power outage and unavailability will be a thing of the past; consequently, there will be peace on campus.

    But before UI begins to reap the juicy fruits of this plant, there is still some distance to destination. Prof. Olatunbosun explained that though, the German-supported Project “promises bounteous dividends, UI still has to obtain license from Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) as a private power producer. Besides, federal government still needs to make money available for the final stage of the solar plant”. However, with the recent launching of Energizing Education Programme Initiative (EEPI) of the federal government, which is a collaborative effort of Education and Power, Works and Housing Ministries to ensure self- sufficiency in power supply to all 40 federal universities in the county, it is almost certain that this  UI pioneering effort will succeed.

    Electricity is a vital component in the production of world-class graduates. Indeed, without electric power, teaching, learning and research will simply amount to a charade, resulting in the output of poor-quality certificate holders.

    In view of the prospects of this project and its anticipated succour, intending beneficiaries must be grateful to the German government for the support it is providing. The original idea of this 10 MW solar plant was conceived at an interactive session between the immediate UI past VC, Prof. Isaac Folorunso Adewole who is now health minister and the then German Ambassador to Nigeria, Frau Janetzke Dorothy Wenzel. Prof. Adewole in his characteristic candour had told the former ambassador that electricity was a major problem confronting the university.

    The then VC consequently solicited the technical support of German government.

    Close to three years, negotiations involving UI, federal government of Nigeria and the German government were sustained before eventually culminating into the recent take off of the project. Prof. Adewole deserves credit for his superlative human relations skills with which he was able to convince the former German Ambassador, while similar commendations should be accorded Prof. Olayinka for sustaining the dream.

    The German government has been so benevolent to UI over the years. According to Prof. Olayinka, “we thank the German government for supporting our Bachelor of Arts in German programme in our Department of European Studies. A lecturer of German is always on our staff fully funded by the German Academic Exchange Service (GAES). German government also supported the establishment of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CEPACS) in UI. You gave generous funding support to many postgraduate students from Nigeria and other countries to come to Ibadan to pursue their Master degree in Humanitarian and Refugee Studies. At the last count, no fewer than 48 members of our academic staff, including my humble self, have benefitted from the prestigious Alexander von Humboldt Research fellowship. We look forward to your continued support and assistance”, the VC told the gathering including the current German Ambassador, Bernard Schlaheck.

    Power supply to the university community is from both the national grid (through the Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company IBEDC 132/33kV feeders) and from the University owned generators. The university has 49 backup generators which range from 27KVA-2000 KVA.  A substantial proportion of Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) is committed to settling electricity bills and the purchase of diesel for generators. But with the coming of this planned 10MW solar plant, the narrative will certainly be altered.

     

    • Saanu is of the Directorate of Public Communication, University of Ibadan.
  • Sultan Abubakar @10: Leadership as goodness

    Any deep reflection on Amirul Mumineen Sultan Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, the 20th Sultan of Sokoto who this week marks 10 years anniversary as the Sultan (and who on August 24 also  turned 60!) must necessarily reopen a leadership discourse in Nigeria. The spectre of leadership, we all know, permanently  haunts Nigeria since Africa’s master story teller, late Professor Chinua Achebe and the author of the classic novel, Things Fall Apart observed in his 1983 reflection that “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership”. Witness him: “There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else”. Certainly leadership still remains a knotty issue in Nigeria as rightly observed by Achebe.Very few countries parade a remarkable number and mix of leaders in Africa and indeed in the world; spiritual, traditional and modern, and temporal, active and retired alike. However even at that, we should not forget that both in the past and in the present, Nigeria and indeed Africa still harbour traditional and modern political leaders who in their respective rights personify the historic needs and aspirations of their peoples. It’s time we recognized and celebrated leaders who stand to live up to expectations of their communities and serve as worthy ambassadors of their people. Paris Hilton enjoins us to “ live everyday like its a birthday”. A visitor to the palace of His Eminence, Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, would bear witness to his daily value-adding activities sustaining the great legacies of over 200 years old Sokoto Caliphate founded in 1804 by a great Islamic scholar, Usman dan Fodio. Ten years anniversary of Sultan Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar LLD, CFR, mni, offers another important opportunity to acknowledge the unifying leadership role of the head of Jama’atu Nasril Islam (Society for the Support of Islam – JNI), and president-general of the Nigerian National Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA).

    At 60, President Muhammadu Buhari in his tribute rightly singled out “…the uncommon leadership style, patriotism and wisdom” in Sultan’s “consistent advocacy for security, peace and unity of Nigeria”. Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, as President Buhari observed stands out as bridge builder at a time many “leaders” kept mute as critical national assets including the remaining few bridges are under attack. The Sultan’s voice has been commendably loud on burning national issues; good governance, girl-child education, infant and child mortality, and agriculture. Recently the United States’ Secretary of State, John Kerry, visited Nigeria. It was not surprising that his destination for an historic lecture on diversity and tolerance was Sokoto under the “Leadership as Goodness” by Sultan Saad Abubakar.

    At the palace of the Sultan,  John Kerry first Secretary of State to visit the seat of the caliphate, lauded the efforts of the Sultan in promoting religious tolerance and understanding among Nigerians. He said that the Sultanate Council was building a community of tolerance for peace, progress and political stability in Nigeria adding that, the United States would continue to identify itself with the Sultanate in strengthening religious tolerance and understanding among Nigerians. The visit offered another opportunity for the

    Sultan to reaffirm the sultanate’s commitment to the promotion of  peaceful coexistence among Nigerians for the overall political growth of the country maintaining that “religious tolerance and understanding among Nigerians remained the principal objective of the Sultanate in mobilising Nigerians to tolerate one another for peace, progress and political stability of the country”. It is worthy of recall that both Sultan Saad and John Cardinal Onaiyekan, then Roman Catholic Archbishop of Abuja, were jointly nominated for the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize (“for their efforts at campaigning against the misuse of religion”) alongside former US President Bill Clinton and the European Union.

    As part of the activities marking the coronation of the new Oba of Benin, Oba Ewuare 11, the Sultan organized a special durbar brought to Benin in honour of the new Oba. Will our political leaders ever torn in wars of attrition learn from from this lesson of the Sultan’s leadership as goodness and cooperation?

    Recently under his chairmanship of the Heritage Council of Alumni Association of the National institute, AANI, there was a policy dialogue that involved the participation of seven ministers of the federal republic. The sultan’s speech remains a timely food for thought for change for good governance. Some of his observations are worth being reproduced here:  ”….the burden is on the part of those in authority to appreciate that they hold power in trust for the common people of the country. Those in government must be open minded, flexible  and receptive to new ideas as government is all about the people. If the mass of people are groaning and saying they are suffering economic deprivations, those in authority must listen and prepare to initiate policy changes for the betterment of all. In managing change government must be open to suggestions and even prepare to do a policy review for the security and welfare of all. Even change is constant in a change process! The country we all know is never short of robust policy measures including the ones contained in 2016 federal budget. The challenging and overreaching issue is policy implementation. No better institution is better positioned to assist the government in policy implementation than NIPSS and AANI. NIPSS was set up in 1979 by the Federal Government to serve as a high level centre for reflection, research, and policy dialogue. Today, the National Institute has graduated over 1500 participants. No topic of national importance that has not been researched upon whether in public finance, mining and minerals development, industrial development, power sector reforms, housing and road construction among others. Its time government gets committed to effectively utilize the huge enormous knowledge resources available at NIPSS. We are confident that this policy dialogue can share from the wealth of experience of AANI members with respect to implementation strategies for 2016 budget. We suggest that all the resolutions at the end of this historic Town Hall meeting should be forwarded to the office of the Vice President to assist in the realization of the laudable objectives of the 2016 budget. Lastly we will like to emphasis that the effectiveness of this Town  Hall meeting rests on its impact on the welfare of the citizens. According to the 1999 constitution, the primary objective of governance in the current democratic dispensation is welfare and security of the citizens. Shaykh Abdullahi Ibn Foduye, 1807, defined “Leadership as Service to the People.” According to him “Seeing to the welfare of people is more effective than the use of force.  It has been said that the crown of a leader is his integrity, his stronghold is his impartiality and his wealth is the welfare of his people”. Therefore all hands must be on deck to ensure that government delivers on its mandate for better life for the citizens”.

    Wishing his eminence many more years of worthy leadership for humanity.

     

    • Aremu is Secretary General, Alumni Association of the National institute, AANI.
  • Edo and the season of big shoes

    In October, the ancient city of Benin roared with festivities. The cynosure was the week-long coronation of His Royal Majesty, Oba Ewuare II as the 40th Oba of Benin Kingdom. After a medley of colourful rites and ceremonies, the prince formally assumed his position as Oba of Benin on Thursday, October 20.

    Oba Ewuare II will follow the tradition of his father, Oba Erediauwa, who joined his ancestors a while ago. But before his royal call, Oba Erediauwa worked in public service as a District Officer (D.O) in 1957 in the Eastern Nigeria Civil Service before he was transferred to the Federal Civil Service. There, he rose through the ranks, to retire as Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Health in 1972. He became the Regional Representative of Gulf Oil Company after and he was appointed Commissioner for finance in Midwest State by former Military Governor George Innih in 1975. Thereafter, he retired to his traditional role as the Ediaken of Uselu. And when his father died, the prince who would later become Oba Erediauwa, began the ceremonial royal march to the Oba’s palace to ascend the throne of his forebears. He was aged 56.

    While on the throne, Oba Erediauwa was a beacon of truth, peace, equity and justice. And Benin in particular, under his leadership, witnessed tremendous peace. The Oba was also a great promoter of the Edo cultural heritage, values, customary laws and tradition. In fact, Oba Erediauwa’s reign stands out as pivotal to the building of modern-day Benin Kingdom. He ruled with candour and had the courage to say things the way he saw it, no matter whose ox was gored. Well-revered and adored, the Oba’s statesmanship earned him many endearments and awards, including the national honour – Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR).

    Having to succeed such an accomplished father, Oba Ewuare II has big shoes to fill.

    Also, not too long ago, Benin, the Edo State capital, welcomed a new leader. The leader, the Edo State Governor-elect, is Mr Godwin Obaseki, who takes over from Comrade Adams Oshiomhole on November 12. For Oshiomhole, bringing development to Edo as governor has not been a tea party. But during the coronation ceremony of Oba Ewuare II, Oshiomhole said part of the reason he succeeded was because he respected tradition. He disclosed that support and fatherly advice from Oba Erediauwa helped him to succeed as governor.

    “The formal coronation of your royal majesty today affords us the opportunity to celebrate the rich cultural tradition of Benin kingdom,” said Oshiomhole.

    “To recall the very fond memories of the outstanding contribution that Oba Erediauwa displayed while on the throne, I recall it with fond memories of my very privileged relationship – which was like that of a father and a son.

    “If you come from my kind of background you will appreciate what that means to me. He was there for me as an applicant seeking for job, he was there for me as the governor of this great state, he really counselled me on a number of issues without which I wouldn’t have been able to accomplish the much that I believe we were able to contribute to the development of not only the kingdom, but of our great state.

    “For some of us who have interacted with your royal majesty, we believe you have what it takes to step into the shoes of your father Oba Erediauwa. As your steward, I shall give my all and I do believe that I speak the mind of the governor-elect.”

    Recognising the synergy between political leaders and traditional leaders, Oshiomhole said his administration laid ‘a foundation and a standard’ for such relationship.

    “We’ve demonstrated practically that Nigerian democracy requires that we bond effectively with the traditional institutions, and that the relationship between the elected government and the traditional institution be more formalised and structured in such a way that makes it functional,” Oshiomhole said.

    “It has worked in the past eight years.”

    Oshiomhole also appealed for sustenance of the same relationship between the new Oba and Governor-elect Godwin Obaseki, whom he described as a very humble and loyal subject who also respects traditional institutions.

    “He (Obaseki) has assured me,” Oshiomhole said, “he understands tradition even more than myself. So, whatever I was able to do, he will do even better.”

    That Oshiomhole is making this plea should not be strange. As a new era begins in Benin kingship, the Edo State governorship is also set for another era. And as outgoing Edo State governor, it turns out that Oshiomhole is the man at the centre between the leaders wearing new shoes this season. He needs to ensure that state institutions will continue to work harmoniously with traditional institutions.

    Thankfully, the new monarch appreciates his concern. Addressing Oshiomhole as “The indefatigable Governor of Edo state,” in his response, Oba Ewuare II, said, “in a few days, it will be very sad to have you go because you have done very well for Edo State. No doubt you have said it all that your successor will strive and fill your own big shoes that you will be leaving behind.

    “Thank you for letting the world know that I am already filling my father’s big shoes; I hope the governor-elect will do his best to fill your own shoe.”

    Surely, this is a season for stepping into big shoes. Just like Oba Ewuare II, Obaseki is also stepping into big shoes. And Obaseki would need all the support he can muster as a new governor. After a brutal campaign, Edo people voted for Obaseki to continue. But with Oshiomhole’s quantum achievements spread across the state, Obaseki has a lot to do.

    For now, he is beginning by paying obeisance to tradition. At Oba Ewuare’s coronation, in addition to Oshiomhole vouching for his allegiance to tradition, Obaseki said, “my loyalty to the Royal family, the Benin tradition, and the entire traditional institutions in the state is unalloyed.” He also said, “for guidance and advice, I would be counting on the Oba Ewuare to succeed as governor.”

    Counting himself fortunate to be elected governor as coronation activities were taking place, Obaseki sees an Edo State with a famous culture, and traditions that will be reinvigorated in terms of being the country’s tourism hotspot, and become part of the state’s economic growth harnessed to the greater benefit of the people.

    “I see an Edo state where our people will live in peace, equanimity, and where social justice, equity, and fairness shall prevail at all times,” said Obaseki, who founded Afrinvest West Africa Limited and has over 30 years’ experience in banking. He also served as Chairman Edo State Government’s Economic and Strategy Team (EST) pro bono public since March 2009.

    And with a track record of success in his private and public life, Edo people can expect more success.

    ”I am committed to building a better, prosperous and economically sustainable Edo State based on cultural cohesion and ethical values,” said the first banker that will become Edo State governor.

     

    • Mayaki writes from Benin City.
  • Before the President assents to the CCB/CCT Bill

    According to media reports, the National Assembly, on Thursday, October 27, arrogated to itself the powers to control the Code of Conduct Bureau and the Code of Conduct Tribunal via a Bill which purportedly amended sections 12 (1) (2), 21 (1) and 22 (1) of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, 2004. Section 12 (1) of the Act provides that “The President may by order exempt any cadre of public officers from the provisions of this Act if it appears to him that their position in the public service is below the rank which it considers appropriate for the application of those provisions.” Subsection (2) thereof empowers the President to confer “on the Bureau such additional powers as may appear to it to be necessary to enable it to discharge more effectively the functions conferred upon it under this Act.”

    Section 21 of the said Act provides, “21 (1) The tenure of office of the staff of the Tribunal shall, subject to the provisions of this Act, be the same as that provided for in respect of officers in the civil service of the Federation.” Section 22 (1) then unambiguously states that “…a person holding the office of chairman or member of the Tribunal shall vacate his office when he attains the age of seventy years.”

    It would be clear presently that the above provisions were lifted almost ipsissima verbis from the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), which, in its section 157 (1) states that the chairman and members of the Code of Conduct Bureau may only be removed from office by the President acting on an address supported by two-thirds majority of the Senate. In paragraph 1 of Part 1 of the Third Schedule thereof the Constitution expressly provides that “The Code of Conduct Bureau shall comprise the following members (a) a Chairman; and (b) nine members, each of whom…shall vacate his office on attaining the age of seventy years.” But the new Bill reduces the tenure of the chairman and of all members of the Code of Conduct Bureau to a term of five years subject to the confirmation of the Senate! In the language of the new Bill, “The Chairman and members shall serve for a term of five years, subject to renewal for one further term.” Yet, sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 16 of Part 1 of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution unequivocally provides that “The tenure of office of the staff of the Code of Conduct Tribunal shall, subject to the provisions of this Code, be the same as that provided for in respect of officers in the civil service of the Federation”, whilst sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 17 thereof categorically states that “a person holding the office of Chairman or member of the Code of Conduct Tribunal shall vacate his office when he attains the age of seventy years.” A civil servant retires after thirty-five years in office or attains the age of sixty years, whichever is earlier.

    Sub-paragraph (4) of paragraph 17 emphasizes that “A person holding the office of Chairman or member of the Code of Conduct Tribunal shall not be removed from office before (the) retiring age (i.e. age 70)  save in accordance with the provisions of this Code.”

    Sections 4, 5 and 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) enshrines the doctrine of separation of powers by delimiting the powers of the three arms of government, the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. The assigned powers in the said sections cannot, and should not, be transcended, mistaken or forgotten by any of the arms of the government because they are defined and limited by a written constitution. Any attempt by any arm of government to intrude into the province of the other arm and/or to intermeddle with the prerogatives of the other(s) would be unconstitutional, null and void.

    In the classic case of William Madbury vs. James Madison (1803), a cause célèbre, Honourable Chief Justice John Marshall had cause to ask, “To what purpose are powers limited, and to what purpose is that limitation committed to writing, if these limits may, at any time, be passed by those intended to be restrained?” He added, with approval, “Certainly, all those who have framed the written constitutions contemplate them as forming the fundamental and paramount law of the nation, and, consequently, the theory of every such government must be, that an act of the legislature, repugnant to the constitution, is void.”

    As if to dramatize the self-serving nature of the Bill, a portion of it makes it compulsory for a breach of, or non-compliance with the Code of Conduct Act to be brought to the notice of the alleged offender to enable him to make a written admission of such a breach or non-compliance, and where such is done, there should be no reference to the Tribunal! This strange provision forecloses the need for a Code of Conduct Tribunal. Or can there be a good law without sanctions?

    The National Assembly knows, or should know, that without amending the 1999 Constitution with regard to those provisions of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, 2004, which it purportedly amended, its amendment thereof would be unconstitutional and of no effect. The questions the National Assembly should ask itself should include the following: did it comply with the provisions of section 9 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) regarding the mode of altering the provisions of the Constitution before amending the provisions of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, which is rooted in the constitution? If the country is governed by the rule of law and by the due process of the law, how can the National Assembly amend the constitution or any law derived therefrom and appropriate the powers conferred on the executive by the constitution in utter disregard of due process? Or is there any zone of twilight in which the National Assembly and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) possess concurrent authority? The President would be right to return this Bill – the CCB/CCT Bill – to the National Assembly for reconsideration.

     

    • Akiri is a legal practitioner in Lagos.
  • N/Delta and fierce urgency of now

    In Charles Dickens seminal novel, A tale of two cities, which was first published in 1859, the author opens up by positing that, “it was the best of times, it was the worst of times,…it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair…”

    The apposite nature of this timeless quote comes into sharp focus when viewed against the prism of current happenings in the country. It is no longer news that we are in a recession, oil prices have plunged, agitation in the Niger-Delta region have resumed in frightening dimensions, with groups coming out of the woodworks to destroy critical national infrastructure  in the region. Conversely, we can bask in the warm assurance that Nigerians have been always been a very resolute and determined breed that have succeeded against all odds; that our huge youth demographic if positively channeled is a game changer; that many of the leading lights in various fields globally are Nigerians and the opportunities for growth in Nigeria seem abundant. As such, even though the horizon looks bleak at the moment, these times present us with a golden chance to re-invent our nation and let the world know that many good things can come out of Nigeria.

    Interestingly, harking back to Dickensian quote, the Niger-Delta region also foregrounds the binary oppositions which the saying projects. As a nation where oil accounts for close to 90% of exports and roughly 75% of the budgetary revenues, the region that produces oil is still very far from the Promise Land of development in spite of huge sums that have been committed to the area by way of amnesty and most importantly, the Niger Delta Development Commission, a vehicle created by the Obasanjo administration in 2002 with a mandate to accelerate the development of the Niger Delta area.

    The challenges of both the NDDC and the region have been well chronicled. Some of these include infighting among the leadership team as well as leaders in the region, misalignment between the agenda of past NDDC teams and the real developmental needs of the area, cronyism, opaque procurement processes and a myriad of other problems.

    It is not in doubt that the newly appointed Managing Director of the Commission, Nsima Ekere, a stellar technocrat and an astute politician is the right fit for the job. Against the backdrop of his experience as an enterprising estate surveyor and valuer, head of various developmental focused agencies in Akwa-Ibom State before his well earned elevation as the Deputy Governor of the state, President Muhammad Buhari must be commended for making the right call in this regard. Like it is often said, everything rises and falls on leadership, the choice of Ekere is indicative of the President’s resolve to fix the problems of the oil-rich Niger Delta in a sustainable manner and in accordance with the extant provisions of the law.

    However, in view of the NDDC’s dismal performance over the years, Nsima Ekere has literally got to hit the ground running with a view to bringing succor and relief to the impoverished citizens of the region. Like Dr Martin Luther King Jnr, bellowed at a divided America in his speech at the march on Washington on August 28, 1963, “America could no longer afford the luxury of administering itself “the tranquilizing drug of gradualism,” but, rather, recognize “the fierce urgency of now,” Ekere and his team must take urgent and concrete steps that demonstrate an acute awareness of the situation at hand, and move the NDDC and by extension, the Niger Delta region, out of the doldrums of neglect, abject poverty and rent-seeking mentality that has crippled it and transform the land into one which every citizen from Akwa Ibom, Delta, Rivers, Bayelsa, Ondo, Edo, Abia, Imo and Cross River states would be proud to call home.

    It is important for the new NNDC management to pay close attention to enthroning accountability in all their processes and shed the toga of being just another “contract-awarding” institution. This is more imperative in the light of the recent allegation by the Senate Committee on Public Account that previous managers of the NDDC might have been involved in shady malpractices. This is one clear way the NDDC can endear itself to the people, in a nation where probity and accountability are mere buzzwords; Ekere has a sparkling opportunity to further cement his legacy as a man of honour by ensuring that due diligence and accountability are not sacrificed on the altar of prebendalist and parochial allegiances.

    In this new era of change, where state resources and revenues have dwindled, the new team must also be innovative in their approach to developmental projects. The Nsima-led team must dig their heels in and draw from their entrepreneurial backgrounds to provide a balanced scorecard for intervention programmes. The new NDDC must function like well oiled machinery with every part working at full and optimized capacity, devoid of the frictions and schisms of the past.

    Like leadership guru, John Maxwell once shared, “a leader is one who knows the way, goes the way, and shows the way.” A critical examination of Ekere’s resume shows that he is well positioned to usher in a new era of bliss and prosperity in the Niger Delta region. For us as Nigerians, even though, the times are indeed dire at the moment, there is always a bright light at the end of the tunnel.

     

    • Effiong is a developmental policy analyst and resides in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
  • Civic education for senators

    An encounter at home informed my decision to encourage our distinguished senators to gain a few insights from civic education for a better appreciation of their enormous responsibilities. Last week, my child who came for his mid-term break asked me a number of questions on civic education as part of his take-home assignments. It was the same week that members of the Nigerian Senate concurred to a bill sponsored by the House of Representatives seeking to appropriate from the President, the power of appointing members of the Code of Conduct Tribunal, which tribunal is presently trying the president of the Senate, over alleged false asset declaration.

    Few days earlier, the Senate had also overwhelmingly passed a motion to re-introduce the much abused toll-gates eradicated by former President Olusegun Obasanjo as their own contribution towards raising more funds for the federation account from which they appropriate an unlawful chunk for themselves every year. The civic education assignment was for Junior Secondary School (JSS2), otherwise called Basic 8, and it centred on value.

    What hooked my interest in the home assignment was when the young lad asked me to mention a few leaders in our country with integrity which I learnt was part of the sub-topic on value. He also mentioned honesty as a type of value which I learnt has the following attributes: sincerity, trust-worthiness, truthfulness, responsibility, good character, integrity and fairness.  With my interest stirred, I took the text and flipped through it only to discover the very basic challenges of leadership in our country, elaborately treated, at that level of education.

    Of course, as a lawyer, I appreciate that the reason why laws and punishment are made is because man from time immemorial choose to ignore basic values, necessitating the codification of those values. Indeed, a legal school of thought argues stringently that law is not based on values. That argument, an opposing school counters as ignoring the basic fact that it is the values of a society that is codified as law, not an abstract set of codes.

    But perhaps it is possible that many of our senators have either forgotten basic values, or were not availed of them whether at home or in formal schools while growing up. So, a rehash of some of the issues raised in the civic education text which form part of the junior secondary school curricula may convert a few of the senators or indeed other leaders who most times elaborately and eloquently stand value on its head, even when they are engaged in public functions, with all the media attention. The exposure to such basic civic education could save our society from being overwhelmed by outlaws which has continued to increase in their numbers as the war on corruption rages on.

    According to A. A. Adeyinka and O. D. Odetola in their book: Booty Upper Basic Civic Education for the junior secondary school; civic education is defined as: “the multiple processes through which children, young adults and adults acquire the knowledge, skills and character needed for effective democratic citizenship and the overall development of the state”. They went on: “such knowledge, skills and characters may include values, honesty, cooperation, obedience to constituted authority, understanding of rights and duties”.

    The text further offered explanation on the meaning of values as: “principles and beliefs that influence and regulate the behaviour and way of life of a particular group or community”. Going further, they postulated: “these principles and beliefs are what an individual, a social group or community accepts as sets of moral rules or conducts that guide its ways of life”. These principles as simple as they are presented, in my view, constitutes the basic challenge of leadership in our country, and as such should form a major plank of the re-orientation needed to save our dying country.

    In another text, on civic education: Fundamentals of Civic Education for Senior Secondary Schools, by Sola Akinyemi, value, was given a more detailed attention. It described value: “as (the) moral principles and standards which guide our interactions with people in our society.” It listed in bold prints the attributes of value to include: “honesty, integrity, liberty, justice, selflessness, discipline, contentment and courage.” The author further dealt with sub-topics like the importance of values in the society, manifestation of values, factors that promote good value system and how values are developed.

    Under selflessness, the text proffered the following explanation: “selflessness is an act of fully focusing on the needs of others rather that your personal needs”. This particular attribute, if inculcated, will serve our leaders well. For instance, in passing the bill to appropriate the powers to take over the control of the Code of Conduct Tribunal from the President, was the Senate acting selfless? This question is pertinent because presently, the president of the Senate and the leader of the National Assembly, Senator Bukola Saraki is standing trial for false information in his asset declaration form which he filed as required by the 1999 constitution, as amended.

    So, in passing a law to take over the control of the tribunal from the President of our country, who currently has the power to appoint the chairman and members, has the senate focused on the needs of others rather than their personal needs as the civic education text teaches our young lads in the secondary schools? The test to determine that question goes back to whether the senators acted with integrity in passing the bill or whether they were acting selfishly.

    Again the author gave some of the attributes of integrity to include: “truthfulness, probity, fair-play, contentment and non-compromise of principles.” So, was our senate resorting to self-help, instead of selflessness; was our distinguished senators acting truthfully to their oaths of office, in passing what many consider as a self-serving bill? Could their motive survive a dispassionate scrutiny or did that important artery of our democracy compromise on integrity by that conduct.

    So, has the Senate abandoned integrity, which the civic education text informs us, is fundamental to developing sound political citizenship? The text also listed the need for people of integrity, arguing that they are needed to aid community development, boost a country’s international image, produce responsible youths, enhance peaceful co-existence among citizens, reduce evil practices and enhance contentment among the citizens.

    Indeed if our senators have all these attributes, they would realize that ordinary Nigerians are already going through unbearable economic challenges. So, doesn’t it smack of selfishness and the promotion of injustice, to seek to heap more suffering on Nigerians by way of another road tax, even when the tax imposed through the increase in fuel prices have not been easy. Perhaps, the senators need to be reminded that the removal of the road tax at toll-gates, was used by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, to justify the increase in fuel prices, back then.

    Unless the senators are inherently dishonest, they would agree that it is unfair to continue to enjoy unlawful wages and emoluments, while they heap more taxes on ordinary Nigerians. As pedestrian as our senators may consider it, the secondary school’s civic education texts, may give them a few insights that will make them better senators.

  • Finally, Trump faces waterloo

    Finally, Trump faces waterloo

    Short of a seismic eruption in the United States’ political landscape, that country looks formatted to make history by electing the first female President in more than 200 years of its practice of electoral democracy. Democratic Party candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton, at different times previously First Lady, Senator and Secretary of State, looks impregnable on her homeward run towards becoming America’s first ‘Madam President’ in the election that is set for just eight days from now, with early voting having already commenced in a number of states.

    The candidacy of Clinton’s Republican opponent, Donald J. Trump, has been on steady tailspin and there is simply no time left for a turnaround. An Associated Press-GfK poll published last weekend, 12 days before the presidential poll, showed Clinton gaining on Trump nationally by 14 percentage points. A TIME magazine report said the poll, conducted after the final presidential debate, found Clinton ahead among likely voters at 51 percent to Trump’s 37 percent. Clinton had 90 percent support among likely Democrat voters, plus 15 percent support among moderate Republicans – a profile showing she had not just consolidated her Democratic following but had managed to also draw Republican voters. The margin of error for the AP-GfK poll, conducted between October 20-24, was put at plus or minus 2.75 percentage points.

    During the candidates’ last face-off in a debate penultimate week, Trump scandalously broke with a two century-old convention of American politics by withholding assurance that he would concede defeat if duly outran electorally by Clinton. He doubled down at a subsequent campaign in Delaware, Ohio, saying he would respect the outcome only if he wins. A loser’s refusal to concede defeat is, of course, totally out of character with the American democracy; but, as with other electoral jurisdictions including Nigeria, it by no means detracts from the validity of the outcome. In other words, the determination of the next U. S. President will be on the basis of votes’ superiority and not the loser’s concession, conventional as that may be. In any event, most the latest opinion polls in that country revealed commanding unanimity among Americans that Clinton will win the November 8 election.

    The final nail in Trump’s bid for the American presidency was struck by a recent leakage of a lewd recording, in itself more than 20 years old, by which he boasted a licence to handle women improperly by virtue of being a celebrity. Even though he stepped out of character to publicly apologise for the conversation on that tape, his subsequent defence that it was just ‘locker room talk’ and nothing that he did in reality triggered a slew of allegations by women who came up to allege indecent encounters over the years with the businessman-turned-politician. At the last count, no fewer than 14 women had outed with damning claims of moral impropriety against Trump. The Republican candidate naturally denied any acquaintance with the women and said they were all lying, but very few outside his passionate supporters were convinced by his denials.

    The trouble with Trump’s candidacy, however, did not begin with the recent damning tape leak and the string of outings by women accusers. His trademarks since he declared for the race mid-2015 have been bombast, bluster, xenophobic bullying and arrogant swagger not seen before in modern history of his country’s democracy. This is one politician who betrayed the worst in America’s political culture and sheer revision of exemplary hallmarks of that model democracy. For a country founded as an immigrant nation and which prides itself in historical plurality, Trump started out in his campaign with the harshest xenophobic rhetoric ever seen in American politics and comparable perhaps only to Adolf Hitler’s Nazi ideology. He advocated a closed country and described immigrants from neighbouring Mexico as druggists and rapists, vowing to erect a border wall that Mexico will be compelled to pay for.

    Trump’s rhetoric mutated at some point into verbal hostility against other racial groups, though many of the statements attributed to him were more likely by proxy scripting than truly originated from him. He was reported, for instance, to have described African-Americans as lazy and good at nothing other than gallivanting, eating and making love; and was separately quoted as telling ‘Black Lives Matter’ advocates: “If black lives matter, then go back to Africa. We’ll see how much they matter there.” An attributed comment that got Nigerians rattled the most was at a purported rally in Wichita, Kansas, where he allegedly threatened that if he wins the presidential race, he would expel our compatriots resident in his country to make America great again. He was quoted as saying: “Why can’t they stay in their own country? Why? I’ll tell you why. Because they are corrupt. Their governments are so corrupt they rob the people blind and bring it all here to spend. And their people run away and come down here and take our jobs! We can’t have that!”

    On campaign trail, Trump’s electioneering was a bad example for upcoming democracies like Nigeria where political culture yet lacks the level of civility and decency that had made the United States a model to emulate. The Republican candidate trafficked in rhetoric of hate, exclusion and intemperance, and literally egged his loyal supporters into peeling down to bare knuckle confrontation with those who shared views different from theirs, thereby promoting physical violence at his campaign rallies. In a large measure, and quite uncharacteristic of the American model of electioneering discourse, issue-based orientation of campaign was replaced by instigation of base instincts and hate mongering.

    With just one week before Election Day, American voters appear to have reset their electoral values and are holding the candidates firmly to these values. Trump fell grossly short of acceptable norms and must prepare to pay the price. From all indications, Hillary Clinton is headed for a big win, and is obviously looking beyond the contest with Donald Trump already to angle for big wins by Democratic candidates in the U. S. Congress. The beauty in all of these, for me, is that American voters are calling the shots. Never mind the hype by Mr. Trump that the elections were being rigged – and that, he alleged, by the media! – voters are stamping in their preferences and redeeming their country from a dangerous slide in electoral culture that Trump signposted. Voters in our own clime can be cultivated in this mould. Relevant stakeholders could work at a level of political education that would enable voters to hold the political elite to preferred ethics, morals and conventions. Achieving desired results is without doubt a long journey down; but voters must begin to ask reasoned questions of the elite, and make informed electoral choices based on the answers to those questions.

  • Law school and NOUN law graduates

    Law school and NOUN law graduates

    The Council of Legal Education (CLE) was established by the federal government as a body to administer vocational training to all law graduates from universities accredited by the National Universities Commission (NUC), aspiring to practice as advocates and solicitors of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. The Nigerian Law School (NLS), wholly-owned by the federal government is earmarked for that purpose under the management of CLE.  By statute, powers of the council are delineated to training of law graduates while NUC Act exclusively vests powers of regulations and accreditation of universities programmes in NUC. Categorically, all universities are licensed by the federal government; academic programmes are accredited by NUC while professional bodies carry out supervisory roles. Nevertheless, all work harmoniously towards efficient service-delivery.

    In Section 4 of Legal Education (Consolidations etc.) Act, “subject to this Act, the Attorney-General of the Federation may give the Council directions of a general character with regard to the exercise by the Council of its functions and it shall be the duty of the Council to comply with such directions”. Thus, the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, a representative of the federal government oversees operations of the council. Regrettably, the AGF had in futility issued directives to the council to grant admission quota to National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN).

    In a similar vein, all professional bodies overseeing respective university programmes statutorily queue under the NUC and thus report to the regulatory body. Where noncompliance vis-à-vis ethics of any of the professions is detected, the respective professional body could give directions to the university or where deviance is intense, a petition to the NUC and or recommendation for sanctions may follow suit. By this arrangement, professional bodies including the CLE unequivocally lack powers to sanction or reject accreditation-status on universities by the regulatory body. Unfortunately, NOUN’s accreditation by the NUC was arbitrarily snubbed by the council despite clearly demarcated functions.

    The federal government pursuant to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on education through Open and Distance Learning (ODL) established NOUN, and today, the institution which kicked-off with 10 schools including the Faculty of Law has become the largest in the country. Unfortunately, the CLE glowered on ODL disregarding the fact that the world is now in a digital age especially, the unrestricted admission-policy unlike the conventional universities where admissions are based on nepotism and monetized, and in most cases purchased in huge sums thereby depriving the underprivileged the right to get admissions in disciplines of choice. Apart from that, ODL offers unique opportunities different from the conventional techniques chiefly on flexibility thereby enables citizens get quality education amidst obvious conundrums. NOUN’s first set graduated with high hopes since 2012 but while awaiting admission quota to the Law School, it met a shocker from CLE discrediting their certificates and arbitrarily denied them of entry into the facility wholly-owned by the federal government. Meanwhile, CLE is made up of practicing lawyers similar to lecturers in NOUN faculty of law. Resplendently, these graduates, mostly matured and engaged in various endeavours ignored the provocations, instead succumbed to allow justice prevail over the intimidations. Basically, the position of CLE cannot be justified on account that practicing lawyers from conventional universities lecture and examine NOUN law students with the same books and course-outlines.

    Without a doubt, the key factor presented by the council which centred on standardization of the noble profession is long overdue; unfortunately, it was narrowed to ODL which is akin to ‘divide and rule’ approach whereby the deteriorating values in the profession so far are from products of the conventional universities.  In other words, CLE ought to look lengthily on how to improve the standard of legal profession instead of parochially tagging a particular university’s modes. The world is changing swiftly and Nigeria cannot be socially quarantined. Interestingly, most stuffs from distance-learning are distinguished in the profession while on the other hand, several law-graduates from the conventional universities are still unable to get rid of the law school studies; hence, it goes beyond designation of universities but a cogent need for broad reforms. Even if degree in law is to be pursued as secondary degree, it should be conceptualized on general applications. By the council’s delays in admitting NOUN law graduates, innocent citizens who spent time and resources to complete course-modules comparable to their fellows in the conventional universities have been spitefully hindered from undergoing training for practice and enrolment to the bar knowing that in Nigeria, advocate and solicitor are fused, hence without enrolment to the bar, the basic tool for practice is denied. This is the height of injustice, despotism and perniciousness. NOUN graduates should as of right be granted admission into the Law School while the CLE and other stakeholders work concertedly towards improving on the system. The long years the innocent-victims have wasted at home after graduation is no way justifiable, rather jeopardizes their intellect when eventually cleared from the muddle. NOUN as a new innovation of the Nigerian government cannot exist without inadequacies; however, remedies shouldn’t be at the detriment of innocent third-parties.

     

    • Umegboro is a public affairs analyst and social crusader.

     

  • Why Chibok abduction is symptomatic of Nigeria’s enduring problem with women

    For almost two and a half years, Nigeria has been living with the scar of Chibok.

    In April 2014, the militant group Boko Haram entered the village and summarily abducted 276 girls from a government-run school. Fifty-seven of the girls escaped within hours of the abduction, but the vast majority have remained in captivity since then. The depressing irony often ignored is that the very school the girls were abducted from was set up as a response to Boko Haram.

    The girls who were taken had already witnessed the destruction the group had wrought, not only in terms of lives, but in terms of opportunities as well. Their previous schools had been closed as a result of Boko Haram attacks. The school where they would be taken from was supposed to empower these girls and give them the fast-track revision needed to ensure they could still sit their exams even after their schools were forcibly closed. Instead, it was the scene of the terrible crime against them.

    On Thursday, 21 of the girls were fially released and this has to be seen as good news. But add to that the one girl who escaped Boko Haram captivity in May and the number of liberated Chibok girls makes up little more than 10 percent of those captured in 2014.

    This is only the tip of the iceberg. And the Chibok incident is itself only one particularly horrendous example of a much wider abduction problem linked to the conflict with Boko Haram and similar hostilities across the continent. Since 2014, over 2,000 women and girls have been abducted by Boko Haram in Nigeria, with several other incidents recorded in neighboring Cameroon. Further east in Somalia and Kenya, another militant group, Al-Shabab, have been linked to multiple abductions of women and children, many of whom have never been seen since.

    This is not just an issue of gender. Men and boys are also regularly abducted. But it is an outrage that the abduction of women and children has now seemingly become a normalized symptom of conflict. The global reaction that followed Chibok and briefly brought the issue to the world’s attention has now died away. The story of the release of 21 Chibok girls from Boko Haram caused a brief surge in international media attention, only to quickly fall by the wayside.

    The answer to how to counteract this trend is complex, as it is with the issue of sexual and gender-based violence. But there are things we can do now.

    First, we have to accept there is a problem and discuss it openly. To do this, we have to talk more broadly about gender equality. Women are not a commodity to be won and lost in war. Neither are they destined to simply become wives and mothers. There is no justification for why only 50 percent of women in Nigeria are literate compared to 69 percent of men.

    This hard data is mirrored by the broader discourse in the media in Nigeria and in Africa generally. For a continent that has made huge progress in the last decade, views towards women and girls have not kept pace. As women, our enduringly accepted and celebrated position as nurturers of families and custodians of the kitchen cannot be allowed to excuse being precluded or denied our right to rise to boardrooms and beyond.

    Second, we must throw more resources into protecting and empowering women and girls. One immediate way of doing this would be opening up the options available to women and girls who believe they are at risk.

    The reality is that females, especially in more remote or marginalized communities in countries such as Nigeria and Cameroon, have hardly any engagement with the state or with independent professionals who may be able to offer them support or flag concerns to those who could protect them. Rolling out the kind of support millions of women around the world take for granted would be a start. Support like professional pre and post-natal care, where not only women’s physical health can be addressed, would also provide an opportunity for their fears and concerns be heard in confidence.

    Child birth can be one of the few times many women are exposed to professional health workers, so the state should therefore empower midwives to be a gateway to support for women and girls at risk in Nigeria and beyond. The same has to be true in education. We must track the development of girls throughout their lives and ensure they have outlets they can trust.

    Third, the state in conjunction with NGOs should do far more to monitor women and especially young girls. To spot potential threats and to intervene ahead of possible abductions. Amnesty International claimed that the Nigerian armed forces knew of the Chibok attack four hours before it happened—though the military denied this claim. This suggests the possibility of an attack had been known about for even longer, yet little was done to protect those at risk.

    Too often women and girls are invisible in Nigeria—in health, in education, in the workplace. If they are devalued in our society, surely we should also question whether we are taking the issue of their disappearance seriously enough as well. Chibok has brought the gender dynamic of Nigerian politics and the Boko Haram conflict brutally to the fore. We have to now confront both issues before it’s too late.

    • Sarakiis  founder and president of the Wellbeing Foundation Africa, a Nigerian NGO focused on gender equality. She tweets @ToyinSaraki.