Category: Comments

  • Oyegun: Wrecking APC from within

    Oyegun: Wrecking APC from within

    The APC chairman has proven to be a most unique man.  John Oyegun’s reply to what was revealed about his malfeasant handling of the Ondo primaries shows but one thing: he has decided that he is better served by continuing his romance with misdirection and falsehood. While these slick tools may be useful to Oyegun’s ulterior designs, they ill-suit the interests of the APC and of the electorate which the party is meant to serve.

    As it appears, Oyegun is willing to dash the ideals and the institutions of the party in order to advance some hidden agenda in stark opposition to the progressive goals upon which it was founded. His response is that of a guilty man who has hired a legal pettifogger to manufacture what seem like sound arguments but which are really anything but sound.

    Attempting to lend the image of formality and honesty to his misdeeds, Oyegun’s hired lawyers’ who drafted his response as if some sort of legal brief. Again, Oyegun submits himself to the false belief that form outweighs substance. Yet, a well-dressed lie is no closer to the truth than the most naked falsehood.

    In his submission, Oyegun claims that we somehow imagined there was an NWC vote to cancel the flawed primary. Those who do not read closely will be tricked by Oyegun’s verbal indiscretion. However, those accustomed to his methods will read carefully and find the warts on his statement. Oyegun claims the minutes of the emergency NWC meeting which spanned from Monday September 19 to Thursday September 22 shows that no such vote was taken. Something is patently wrong with this.

    The four-day meeting was called specifically to discuss the flawed Ondo primary. Yet, Oyegun’s claims that for nearly a week he did not table a vote for the NWC to clearly decide whether the NWC would attach its official stamp to the flawed primary or reject it. Based on his own words, either Oyegun admits to being so grossly incompetent as a chairman of a national party that he could not steer the NWC to a simple vote or that he was engaged in a game of subterfuge that would not permit a straightforward yes-or-no vote on the central issue.

    Showing his penchant to mislead, Oyegun writes that the “according to the minutes of the meeting” there was no such vote.  If the vote did not take place, why doesn’t Oyegun just say no vote took place? That is how an honest man with nothing to hide would have replied. Not Oyegun. He dare not say that he did not hold the vote. Instead, he hides behind the words his lawyers gave him to say to deceive an unsuspecting public.  If he has nothing to conceal, there would be no reason to have to resort to the awkward phrase, “according to the minutes of the…meeting.”

    Here, we get to the core of Oyegun’s trickery. Oyegun approved the use of the tampered delegates list. Oyegun unilaterally submitted the name of Rotimi Akeredolu as the party candidate although, according to his own admission, no vote was held. If Oyegun can be an active party to inserting over 150 fraudulent names in delegate roster and can ignore the stated wishes of the NWC majority, it is but a minor chore for him to doctor the NWC minutes as a way to cover his larger wrongs. He thus points to the minutes to give the appearance of following correct procedure. What he forgets to say is that falsifying minutes of a meeting is a small thing for a person helping to engineer the thief of an entire state primary. If one is bold enough to steal a house, that same person will not wilt from falsifying the deed to it as well.

    In his statement, he says that an NWC member, who he does not name, mentioned some collateral decision taken by the NWC. Oyegun says the implication of that prior decision meant that the NWC wanted the primary result to stand as is. Thus, he took it upon himself and “ruled” to uphold the primary result. Again, he applies confusing words in order to cover-up the injury he caused.

    A careful examination of his words once more shows he is either supremely negligent or deeply crooked. There is no way a skilled or honest chairman would base such a momentous decision on what he infers from a prior vote not directly on point as to the core issue at hand.  What he admits to is taking it solely upon himself to assume that a vote on a lesser matter should preclude a vote on the central issue that led to the calling of the emergency session in first instance. He now claims the gift of clairvoyance.  He asks us to belief he can perfectly and conclusively determine how someone will vote based on a prior vote on a different issue. For this to be the logic upon which he relies, something is fatally wrong with his defence of his actions. Oyegun’s attempts to obfuscate are vain. His own words still hang him.

    Once more hiding behind his pettifoggers, Oyegun says he rejected the recommendation of the Appeals Committee because the committee said that the conduct of the overall primary was in “substantial compliance” with pertinent rules. Because he wished to steer the result to an appointed end that had nothing to do with the justice of the matter, Oyegun gave this phrase a meaning that its authors clearly did not intend. Reading the Appeals Committee report not as a loose amalgam of separate phrases but in its entirety as a coherent document in order to give it the true meaning intended, one can easily can the findings of the committee.

    The committee found that in most aspects of the exercise, the primary was well conducted. However, when it came to the validity the delegate list and of right of many on the list to actually vote as delegates, the process was too flawed to ignore. Due to these few yet material reasons, the committee determined the primary should be redone notwithstanding the otherwise proper aspects of the exercise. It is more than obvious that this is the intent of the committee. It is also more than obvious why Oyegun and his crude subordinates choose to ignore this interpretation which stared them right in the face.

    Oyegun and his lawyers thus disobeyed the first rule of interpretation when they failed to give true measure to the document in its entirety. Instead, they decided to hang their hat on a single this phrase taken out of context. This is what people do when trying to conceal something or to trick people. This is not the behaviour of one seeking fair play and honest dealings.

    Oyegun stands alone in defence of his actions and in calling our submission a product of wild imaginings. Funny, Oyegun takes no issue with and seems purposefully not to mention the statements of NWC member Chief Pius Akinyelure and acting National Publicity Secretary Timi Frank.

    If Oyegun is right, he would confront them. Instead he ignores their accounts in hope that the public will ignore them as well. Akinyelure attended the meeting and refuted Oyegun’s version of events to its core. The accounts of these two prominent APC members are consistent and track with what we have said. In his statement, Akinyelure affirmed that the delegate list was unilaterally altered by the National Organising Secretary without informing the NWC until after the primary. This exposes Oyegun’s claim about the propriety of the list as the bare lie it is. Evidently, Oyegun knew of the secretary’s actions beforehand; yet, for reasons known to Oyegun, decided not to tell the rest of the NWC until after the misdeed had achieved its desired result.

    Chief Akinyelure further refutes Oyegun by affirming that the majority of the NWC accepted the Election Appeal Committee report as credible. The majority of NWC members wanted to cancel the result and redo the primary, says Akinyelure. He stated the NWC had voted by a six to five margin to submit an interim, or substitute name to INEC as place-holder while the party redid the flawed primary. However, Oyegun would not adhere to the position of the NWC majority.

    Akinyelure has publicly stated that Oyegun and his accomplice, the National Organising Secretary, submitted Akeredolu’s name to INEC in open defiance of the NWC.  Akinyelure also has stated that the majority of NWC members support his account of events. No wonder that Oyegun did not dare respond to what Akinyelure and Frank, as participants and eyewitnesses, have said of him.

    Oyegun may shed an actor’s tears about the damage to his reputation and feign indignation. Yet, the wise and prudent can see through the veil he casts. His theatrics are unavailing. Any damage to his reputation is self-inflicted. If there is any insult he feels, it is not a sentiment derived from being innocent; it is the anger of one caught amidst his bad acts.

    In all of this his personal feelings are of secondary import. As chairman, he has done more damage to the party than are most ardent opponents. He has made a mockery of the internal processes of the party. He has helped impose a candidate in Ondo that the vast majority of our members stridently oppose. The stealth-like imposition of this unpopularity further intensifies this internal objection. John Oyegun, your agenda, we do not know and cannot fathom. But we do know that your agenda is not that of the party that so many progressive and democratic Nigerians have sacrificed to build.

    As long as you remain chairman, the weakening of the APC is mostly assured. If there is a single fibre of decency in your being, you would resign forthwith so that those who care may rescue this party and return it to its true and proper democratic course.

  • The many cover-ups by NJC

    The many cover-ups by NJC

    The attention of the members of the Civil Society Network Against Corruption  (CSNAC) been drawn to the claim of the National Judicial Council (NJC) that it has acted on all petitions alleging misconduct on the part of  judicial officers in line with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. The claim of the National Judicial Council is completely misleading because it is far from the truth.

    Contrary to such claim, CSNAC wishes to state that the deliberate refusal of the NJC to investigate and sanction judges accused of corruption, abuse of office and other acts of misconduct by members of the public has encouraged judicial corruption in the country. Corruption and impunity is endemic in Nigeria’s judicial system. In other words, the outright failure of the judiciary to purge the Nigerian judicial system of corrupt practices has eroded public confidence in the judiciary. Indeed, the disciplinary measures meted out to some erring judges have cast serious doubt on the expressed commitment of the NJC to restore public confidence in the country’s judiciary.

    The claim of the NJC that it is committed to the anti-corruption policy of the Muhammadu Buhari   administration flies in the face of the granting of frivolous injunctions issued by judges which have frustrated the investigation and prosecution of politically exposed persons and people accused of corruption. In several other cases, judges involved in the trial of corruption cases as well as the appellate courts have granted stay of proceedings to stall the prosecution of corrupt people in the society. Apart from the case of Justice Mohammed Yunusa who was recently recommended for retirement by the NJC, no other judge has been sanctioned by the NJC for frustrating the fight against corruption. Even in the case of Justice Yunusa, the NJC failed to act until CSNAC had to compile seven cases in which the judge granted perpetual injunction to restrain the EFCC, ICPC and the offices of the Inspector-General of Police and Attorney-General of the Federation from prosecuting some persons accused of criminal diversion of billions of naira.

    In view of the false claim of the NJC that it has been dealing promptly with allegations of misconduct against judicial officers, CSNAC is compelled to ask the NJC why it has decided not to investigate and sanction judges alleged of judicial corruption in the following petitions:

    (1) The petition against Justice B.A Adejumo, President of the National Industrial Court for granting illegal ex parte orders against two state governments.  The petitions were submitted to the NJC by the governments of Edo and Oyo states.

    (2) The petition written against the President of the Court of Appeal for the failure to hear and determine the appeal filed by the EFCC in 2008 at the Court of Appeal against the judgment of Justice Buba in the Peter Odili case. The counsel handling the case on behalf of the EFCC is the current President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Mr. A. B. Mahmoud SAN. The petition was written by the CSNAC.

    (3) The petition written against four judges namely Justice Uwani Abba-Aji of the Court of Appeal, Justice Ibrahim Auta, Justice Hyeladzira Nganjiwa and Mohammed Yunusa  of Federal High Court and Chief Judge of the Federal High Court alleged to have collected bribes from Mr. Rickey Tarfa (SAN) currently undergoing trial for  transfer of sums of money to the judges. The petition was submitted to the NJC by the CSNAC.

    (4) The petition written against Justice Marcel Awokulehin for sentencing convicted drug dealers to lesser terms contrary to the provisions of the NDLEA Act. The petition was submitted to the NJC by the CSNAC.

    (5) The petition written against Justice Abdul Kafarati for gross misconduct and desecration of the bench. The petition was submitted to the NJC by the CSNAC.

    (6) The petition written against Justice Adejumo  for recommending unqualified candidates who were appointed as judges of the National Industrial Court. The petition was written by the CSNAC.

    (7) The NJC gave the impression that there is only one petition pending against Justice Adeniyi Ademola of the federal high court. This is not correct as the NJC also received a petition alleging that the judge wrote two judgments in one case. The petition together with the two judgments was submitted to the NJC by the Committee of Anambra State PDP House of Representatives Members-Elect.

    (8) On not less than two occasions, Justice Ademola has obtained injunctions to restrain the NJC from investigating allegations of corruption against him. What steps did the NJC take to set aside the black market injunctions?

    (9) Justice I. A. Umezulike, Chief Judge of Enugu State has been retired on the recommendation of the NJC for launching a book where he collected N10 million from a litigant. Why was Justice Ibrahim Auta who collected over N40 million from his book launch not recommended for retirement by the NJC? A petition to this effect was submitted by CSNAC.

    (10) The petition submitted to the NJC by the DSS last week on the 15 judges who are said to have engaged in money laundering and corruption was not considered. Did the same NJC not recommend the dismissal and and prosecution of Justice Kabiru Auta who had collected N200 million bribe from a litigant. Why was the NJC silent on the millions of naira, dollars, pounds and other foreign currencies?

    In the press statement issued  at the end of its meeting last week, the NJC  claimed that it recommended Justice Tiamiya of the Court of Appeal for retirement because he demanded N200 million from a litigant whose appeal in an election petition was pending before the Court. Is the NJC not aware that anyone who demands a bribe has committed a serious offence under the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Offences Act? Why was he not recommended for prosecution?

    We recall that the NJC recently recommended the retirement of some judges for not delivering judgments within the 90 days stipulated by the Constitution. But why was Justice Rita Ajumogobia  merely warned by the NJC even though it was found as a fact she did not deliver judgment in a pre-election matter until the expiration of the term of office of the defendant?

     

    The cases cited above are among several others alleging corruption and misconduct on the part of some members of the NJC and other judges who are said to be untouchable in the judiciary. It is the cover of judicial corruption which has led the DSS to intervene in order to end impunity in the Nigerian judiciary.

    CSNAC is of firm opinion that corruption and impunity in the judiciary pose serious disincentive to credible administration of justice as well impugn on the collective psyche of stakeholders in the judicial system.  CSNAC therefore calls on the NJC to join the calls to rid the judiciary of bad eggs, in the interest of justice, democracy and good governance.

    In view of the foregoing, CSNAC is compelled to call on the NJC to investigate the petitions referred to above without any further delay. Meanwhile the public deserves to know why the NJC refused to investigate the judges involved in the serious allegations of misconduct raised in the said petitions.

     

    • Suraju is a member of Civil Society Network Against Corruption
  • Judiciary in a dilemma

    Judiciary in a dilemma

    I can still visualize the televised visage of retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo sometime in 1995 while he was defending the charge of plotting a coup with his hand supporting his chin while his elbow rested on his bent knee as he probed the faces of his traducers who were by far, junior officers to him as they conducted his trial following what later became known as a phantom coup. Unbelievably, four years later, Obasanjo, became a civilian head of state, straight from the prison where he was serving a life term for conspiring to overthrow Gen. Sani Abacha who had died suddenly.

    The above story will somewhat resonate, at least in form, if the State Security Services (SSS) successfully carries out its threat to charge the two recently arrested and released Supreme Court Justices and the five others judges before a magistrate court over allegations of corrupt enrichment. Of note, there is a provision of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), which permits the kind of ‘lawful terror’ visited on the Justices of the Supreme Court and the other judges by the SSS over what shockingly, looks like a seamy and grave  allegations of corruption.

    As happened in Obasanjo’s case, the story was that the former head of state was tried under the wide provisions of a decree which he enacted while he was in power as military leader. Presently, I doubt, if the judges now under the searchlight, and our other privileged Nigerians, who may soon be dealt with, in like manner, ever envisaged that a ‘big man’, like a judge could become a victim of the very expansive provisions of the ACJA, on the time, manner and procedure of conducting a search or effecting an arrest.

    No doubt, the SSS by its modus operandi intended to send very strong shockwaves to the entire judiciary and the judges in particular. Of course, the measure has successfully put the judiciary in the spotlight; it has also temporary demystified the hallowedness and sacredness of the person of a judge and for some time to come, judges and the judiciary will remain the butt of jokes. Other judges, especially those who have corruptly enriched themselves, would also be scared that their sins may be unearthed. Again, aggrieved Nigerians, especially those who have suffered unjustly from any unjust judgment, or the extortion induced by a corrupt judge, would feel a little better, by the recent events.

    Furthermore, other Nigerians who believe that the judiciary needs a surgical operation to stem corrupt practices would jump up believing that at last, something drastic is in the offing. They would be excited as they read in the papers and the combustible social media how the senior judges accused of corruption were disgraced. They would hope that going forward, the judiciary may soon be so cleaned up, that the undue delay in our courts would end and the unfair and inequitable judicial process that aides the rich while making justice expensive and substantially unavailable for the poor, will soon end.

    As a senior member of the legal profession, I confess that I am very embarrassed, by the grave allegations of corruption levelled against the judges so far named. Even while there have always been allegations of corruption against our judges, and indeed many so-called judicial pronouncements from our courts over the years to confirm the malignancy of corruption within the judiciary, it beggars belief to explain the level of abuse which the SSS’ alleged findings suggests. Yet, if the allegations by the SSS are true even by a half, then our country is in a graver predicament than we envisaged.

    But, while the drama of mid-night arrests, and the furtive excitement that it bodes may scratch the overwhelming frustration from our challenged judicial system, I am yet to see any concrete plans to gift our country a modern, transparent and efficient judiciary. As I am wont to argue, the change we deserve must begin from the purveyors of the change. While many still repose confidence in President Muhammadu Buhari, what about those working closely with him, some of who have allegedly soiled their hands, and yet they retain their position and join the senior lawyers in the federal executive council, which we are told, supported the raid, on the residence of the judges.

    Yes, the recent drama gives the public something to cheer about; but what amendments to our laws and the constitution has the present government suggested to bring efficiency to our judiciary? Of course, the learned senior advocates in the federal executive council cannot pretend not to know that it is only the National Judicial Council that is empowered by the 1999 constitution as amended, to discipline the judges named, even when there is alleged mountain of evidence against them. Also, that it is also only the council that can recommend the sacking of any of the judges to the President. If the NJC as constituted is inefficient, has the executive arm forwarded a bill to effect the necessary amendments to aid their efficiency?

    Indeed, many commentators have questioned the integrity of the SSS, and have raised questions begging for answer. They have asked how the SSS could call what took place a sting operation, even when they also claimed to have been openly investigating the judges, for some weeks. One commentator also asked how the SSS could know the sum in the house of the federal judge, resident in Rivers State, since Governor Nyesom Wike, acting brazenly like the SSS, forestalled any search on the judge’s house. There is also the case of Justice Nnamdi Dimgba, appointed last year, whom some informed opinion claimed, is merely being victimized, for his judicial pronouncements, which the SSS found unpalatable.

    Despite the claims by the SSS, many are still asking: is it possible that such hundreds of millions of naira, and thousands of foreign currencies, were actually warehoused by the judges in their houses, as alleged, in what ordinarily should be an extension of the sacred chambers of the judges? So, while the manner of the intrusion of the SSS is very offensive, are there prima facie evidence of the kind of monumental corruption levied against the law lords? If there are, then the judges involved have failed our country, and the NJC should quickly recommend their retirement, so that they can face the law.

    Many also hold a strong opinion that the NJC is to be blamed for the recent embarrassment considering the claim by the SSS that despite the weighty petitions made against the errant judges, the NJC failed to act. Indeed, as rightly posited by many, a corrupt judge is worse than a legislative or executive looter, or any criminal for that matter; for while the others offend the law, the corrupt judge, grafts the imprimatur of the law on his criminality. So, even while it is tragic that the SSS may have scandalized the judiciary by its disregard of the powers of the NJC, it is a national tragedy that judges could be accused of possibly joining the other seamy arms of government to seek the final destruction of our country.

     

  • Balkanising Abia State University

    Balkanising Abia State University

    THERE is a palpable disquiet in Abia State University community. The institution is reeling under a surgical blade of executive fiat. After a perfunctory state executive council meeting in August, ‘approval’ was given for the immediate relocation of Faculties of Law and Business Administration from the main campus at Uturu to Umuahia Campus (with decrepit and forlorn structures). Of course, the EXCO meeting is usually convened to rubberstamp the whims of the ruling cabal – no robust debates, no arguments, no alternative views; and in a typical slave-camp setting, subservience are survivalist strategies. Checks reveal that the edict that established the university does not recognize multi-campuses, and no efforts have been made at the state House of Assembly to amend the law or fully brief the lawmakers.

    Nothing is inviting in the proposed location of the two faculties. The single-lane and the ever-busy Umuahia – Ikot-Ekpene Road with ubiquitous potholes, and the noise pollution effusing from the new Umuahia Industrial Market intertwined with traffic gridlock, make the place very unacceptable for studying a prestigious course like Law. I wonder if the National Universities Commission (NUC) team will sustain the partial accreditation status to the law faculty when the team visits soon. Indeed, it is a complete contradistinction with the present location at Uturu campus, which its aesthetic beauty and functional facilities are not only state-of-the-art but also command respect and conviviality. The Law Faculty at Uturu campus is also contiguous to other disciplines where law students mandatorily borrow courses for universality of knowledge and for continuous assessment results. If one may ask: what does the university stand to gain from the hurried relocation of the faculties? Why were the critical stakeholders – founding fathers, state legislators, alumni, academia, and students not consulted before the unilateral decision? Does the university currently face the challenges of space and accommodation? Why is that a government that mounts the rostrum with the claim of peoples mandate have scant regard for purposive inclusiveness in policy issues? Where are the democratic tenets of consultation and consensus building?

    One side of the conspiracy theory maintains that the governor, for security reasons and to dissuade the prying eyes of the inquisitive public, wants some members of the first family interested in studying law, to attend lectures from Government House to the classroom at Umuahia campus. Insider sources indicate that the governor’s cronies and senior government officials also pushed for the relocation to enable them attend law classes at Umuahia instead of shuttling between their offices at Umuahia, the state capital and Uturu campus. And since no reason was officially given for the militarily–styled action, rumour mill has taken a centre stage. It is even argued in some quarters that it is a part of the grand plot to decimate Abia North for the audacity of their sons to dare Ukwa-Ngwa people in the gubernatorial tussle. Be that as it may, let it be known that Abia State University is a strategic asset that gives the people of Abia North a huge measure of belongingness in Abia project, and so, reducing it to a shadow of itself, in any guise of public policy, is tantamount to a siege on the soul of Abia.  For the avoidance of doubt, Abia Central houses the seat of power – the state capital, with a federal university in its environs; and Abia South is home to Aba, the commercial nerve-centre, where the state invests billions of naira annually to fix infrastructure, besides the state polytechnic located in Aba. Why must this special institution sited in Abia North be balkanized without recourse to the people from the area? What informed the state EXCO decision to move the recently approved engineering courses to Aba, where the university clearly has no structure or engineering equipment for the take-off of the programmes?

    Realistically speaking, the Law and Business Faculties at Uturu Campus have no need for relocation. They are accommodated in modern and gigantic edifices recently built by TETFUND and the structures are conducive for teaching, research and learning in a serene environment. In economics of scale, the university will incur more running cost and logistics in running a multi-campus outfit, and I know that even before the economic recession, ABSU has been hemorrhaging under financial strain occasioned by poor and irregular statutory subventions from the state government. The Law Faculty is still battling to gain full accreditation from NUC. The disruption in consolidation of giant strides made in Uturu campus is grossly misguided, self-serving and comparable to administering a poisoned-chalice on oneself. Certainly, Abians do not expect this from a governor, who parades a PhD. Politicization of education policies has far reaching implications that may not be readily fathomed.  We should be reminded that history will judge our actions in offices. This is the first time, since the creation of Abia State, that persons of Ukwa-Ngwa stock emerged the governor of Abia State and the Vice Chancellor of ABSU, so they should not set a dangerous precedent.

    Must we play politics with our children’s future and education? When shall we put an end to the personalization of public policies in Abia State? Senator Ike Nwachukwu, the former military administrator of old Imo State, who oversaw the full realization of the university, and who ensured that the university is bequeathed to Abia State when Abia was carved out from Imo State in 1991 is reportedly not happy with the development.  His efforts to remind the authority of the university’s enabling law are being rebuffed. Even from antecedents, the present Pro-chancellor of the university, Senator Adolphus Wabara, cannot make any difference. He is a well known accomplice of powers-that-be, who is usually interested in playing the script of his paymaster. Nonetheless, Abia North indigenes in the state executive council will perennially have questions to answer for keeping quiet when it mattered most. The Deputy Governor, Sir Ude Oko Chukwu should mobilize his people to nip the ugly development in the bud. As the highest political office holder from Abia North serving in the state government, he should adeptly convince his boss to have a rethink. Heavens will not fall! The cloak of state EXCO in the whole laughable drama was merely to give a resemblance of legitimacy, but critical minds are aware that it was the voice of Jacob and the hand of Esau. The Senator of Abia North, Senator Mao Ohuabunwa should rise up to be counted. He should not be a dog-in-the-manger. The situation requires leadership, no matter whose ox is gored. Were Senator Chukwumerije to be alive today, his stand on this issue would have been unambiguous. Our human rights activists should challenge the obnoxious decision of Abia State Executive Council at a law court. Everybody must not be kowtowing to the powers-that-be. Society changes on contradiction. Our people should stop a lily-livered lifestyle and imbibe the culture of asking questions. They should engage their leaders constructively.  One remembers vividly with nostalgia, the robust resistance of South-Westerners against the muted plan by the Federal Government to rename University of Lagos after M.K.O. Abiola. And they had their way.  According to a former United States President, Dwight Eisenhower, “may we never confuse honest dissent with disloyal subversion”. Abia State University should, for the last time, be insulated from the unconscionable politicking of successive helmsmen in Abia’s seat of power.

     

    • Okenwa is a member of National Association of Abia State Students.

     

  • Ahmed: Soaring like an eagle

    Ahmed: Soaring like an eagle

    A key task of leadership is to chart the way forward for the people towards accomplishment of set goals. This task becomes more imperative during crisis period; when there is confusion and hopelessness all around; when there is a storm and people seek all avenues for survival. Little wonder it is said that crisis brings out the leadership in a man, and particularly in existing leadership, crisis brings out the best among those of them that are the very best.

    When, towards the end of the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan, Kwara State government began to issue monthly statements announcing reduction in its federal allocation, many who were not on the same political page with the authority argued, most contemptuously and provocatively, that  it was pretentious. But when the same pattern continued under the current administration and extended to several other states such that many could no longer pay salaries and had to run to Abuja for bailout, the reality soon dawned on us all that Nigeria was in a grave economy quagmire.

    Between the last days of the Jonathan’s administration and the beginning of this year, Kwara must have lost close to half of its normal monthly allocation from the federation account. That is huge and considering the fact that a greater percentage of the state budget, like many other states, was based on the federal allocation, meeting the goals spelt out in the financial estimates generally became very difficult, if not impossible. Many states have had to abandon capital projects and concentrate mainly on paying salaries and even that too was not on regular basis. Some states openly confessed their inability to meet basic requirement of salary payment.

    It was a challenge. It was a storm. But like the eagle, it has brought out the best in Kwara State. For instead of sitting down to complain, the state government only sat down to think out of the box to ensure we do not sink with the storm. And it is that brainstorming that has given birth to IF-K; a novel way of funding infrastructure that has not been employed by any other government in Nigeria.

    Listening recently to Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed who led the thought-process that produced the model provided an inkling into the leadership focus of his administration despite the national economic challenges. According to him, “When we came in 2011, we were quite ambitious on what we wanted to do on human capital development; how to improve on infrastructure and of course, how to improve on the economy. We had a document which was part of our foundation process, the Medium Term Expenditure Framework for Kwara State. Under that framework, we had outlined financial requirements that will aid us in achieving the set target.

    “So, to that extent, we had to go back to the drawing board and work out how best to create a funding module that suits the current exigencies in Nigeria’s economy and, of course, Kwara State. We thought of going to the capital market, but then it became a bit cumbersome as we had to go through some hurdles within the specific timeframe that we had to come up with ingenuities in creating a funding model. That gave rise to the Infrastructure Development Fund.

    “We did a data review of what the financial gaps were and we came up with a deficit of about N250bn to move Kwara State to the desired level that will see Kwara State truly positioned among the comity of well positioned states not only in West Africa but, of course, in the world. Now getting to do a drive for a N250bn infrastructure looks a bit herculean, so we sought to create modules out of it. The modules require an uninterrupted financial inflow that guarantees sustainability. That was how we came up with the possibilities of creating an Infrastructure Development Fund.”

    “My confidence in this new model is that given the phenomenal success so far recorded by the state’s internal revenue generating agency, which, like IF-K, was also derided by our detractors but has become the golden bird; this new model will also succeed, even if men don’t give it the chance at inception.

    Imagine that before the KIRS began operation this year, we were making maximum of N600 million monthly as IGR but now without any new tax, the agency has been steady at about N1.7 billion”.

    It is another noble vision of Governor Ahmed which though derided at inception has become, no doubt, a testimony to good thinking; the evidence of a good policy. Ahmed concentrates on the formulation and implementation of good policies for sustainability as no matter how novel an idea is, it will soon fritter away without a policy backup.

    The governor recently told a group of journalists that “policies are pathways that create direction for government activities. Because, it will not only help focus on what’s needed to be done but also on critical areas that affect the people and how you could achieve these set policies within a specific time frame. So, policies are key to any developmental system as it allows optimization of resources. For us, polices are seen as part and parcel of main programme in directing what we want to do in government.”

    And for those who still don’t understand the workability of the model, Governor Ahmed explains: “This fund allows us to put some seed money, which we have put aside for a while and of course largely for capital development programmes, into a basket and this basket will be managed by financial trustees and of course, we created an irrevocable standing payment order from our internally generated revenue”.

    “By the way, I am happy to let you know that we saw the need to create this through the things we have seen in the country as not requiring us to rely on the federation allocation and immediately we changed the internally generated revenue module. This has given room for funding into the Infrastructure Development Fund and as a constant flow coming from our internally generated revenue, we now see a clear window to fund infrastructure on monthly basis with a minimum of N500m which creates a pool that is investible and, of course, we have gotten our contractors to see them as more of partners rather than contractors because the model allows them to participate with us in driving our infrastructural development needs. Contractors will now see themselves investing their fund and getting paid from the Infrastructure Development Fund.

    “We have looked at the workability of this model and its completely suit our need. That is how we will continue to carry on our development projects in Kwara State as a way forward. I want to assure Kwarans that with the model, we will begin to see projects executed from envelope basis. With the specific envelope that we are addressing, once we are through with that. In other words, as contractors are completing their jobs and are exiting, a fresh envelope will now come in and we will start key in and funding as such to drive infrastructure development. So for us, it brings to end the era of abandoned projects. Because, it gives that comfort that the lender and the partners require to see to invest their funds in driving capital development in partnership with Kwara State. So for us, it is one of the best things that has ever happened to us today and we see that model being sustained because it is also backed by law which gives it a sustainable platform to see it carrying on capital development projects for Kwara State.”

    With this innovation, the state is now on auto run in the execution of projects such as the Garin Alimi underpass, Osi and Ilesha Baruba roads, indoor sports hall of the Ilorin Stadium Complex , Michael Imoudu to Gamo road and dualisation of Sango to Uiversity of Ilorin Teaching Hospital road, among others.

     

    • Oba is Chief Press Secretary to Governor Ahmed.
  • Democratic discontent and lessons from afar

    Discontent is a hard core of Nigeria’s partisan politics mosaic.  Today, major Nigerian political parties        – APC, PDP, APGA and LP – are all beset by crises fostered by discontent.  Resultant party realignments are not necessarily in the public interest.  Had President Ibrahim Babangida’s two-party experiment worked, such realignments would make sense, as a means of mainstreaming common cause.

    Presently when the ruling APC should be settling down to delivering services, democratic dividends and other leadership accomplishments, the party is struggling badly. It is without any record of policy accomplishments. On its watch, Nigeria’s laggard economy it inherited has tanked. Remedial measures relative to reducing the cost of governance, fiscal reform, improving power supply, growing the non-oil sector, generating wealth and growth and jump-starting the economy are bogged down. In their place, public discontent is rising.

    President Muhammadu Buhari has inadvertently fallen into the crevasse that leaders and governing parties customarily plunge into during difficult economic times.  Ironically, his ruling APC party has not helped him.  Members of his party are still buffeted by crises within the legislative branch; be it forgery charges against Senate President Bukola Saraki or the budget padding allegations pitting Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin against the House Speaker Yakubu Dogara.  Taken together, these party dissonances are distractive and retard political progress and economic development.

    The forgery case against the senate leaders was inexplicably dropped.  Senator Saraki may be right in stating that “much time has been wasted in pursuing this needless case and we hope that the same treatment will be extended to other politically-motivated cases.” Still his views are not necessarily exculpatory. Dropping the case is hardly a vindication, if indeed there was forgery. Arising question is whether the prosecution was compromised or if APC is resorting to PDP’s use of it’s “a family affairs” shibboleth to cover illegalities.

    Nigeria is also suffering due to the leadership crisis rocking PDP. As the main opposition party, PDP is distracted and unable to mount concerted opposition or play that role fully.  In that vein, PDP has also failed as a key party in rallying bipartisan consensus on critical national interest issues, notably, salvaging Nigeria’s flailing economy.

    Political parties are vital in sustaining any truly democratic government.  Yet when parties shirk their statutory functions, they become divisive and contribute to political and developmental retrogression.  Such disposition gives rise to and legitimizes public discontent. Last week, the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), the third and only other party controlling a state government, was rocked by internal crisis, resulting reportedly in the suspension of its national chairman, Dr. Victor Ike Oye and some key party officers.  Discontent played a role in that still unfolding saga. Meanwhile, third party role in a democracy, which is focusing attention on issues and ideas, thus forcing the ruling party to align policies properly, remains unattended.

    Perhaps, Nigerian leaders should borrow a leaf from British Prime Minister Teresa May’s speech at her Conservative Party’s annual convention.  May’s exhortatory and uplifting speech was akin to President Lyndon Johnson’s 1964 “Great Society” speech in which President Johnson enunciated the following: “The catalogue of ills is long: there is the decay of the centres and the despoiling of the suburbs. There is not enough housing for our people or transportation for our traffic. Open land is vanishing and old landmarks are violated. Worst of all expansion is eroding the precious and time honoured values of community with neighbours and communion with nature. The loss of these values breeds loneliness and boredom and indifference. Our society will never be great until our cities are great. Today the frontier of imagination and innovation is inside those cities and not beyond their borders.”   What President Johnson said in 1964 America can apply to 2016 Nigeria.

    Further to her promise that her government “will be driven not by the interest of a privileged few, but by the interest of ordinary, working-class families,” Teresa May enunciated her vision, philosophy and approach meant to advance Britain despite prevailing realities. To recreate and reenergize a post-Brexit Britain, she perceptively called for the creation of a “Great Meritocracy”; a country “built on the values of fairness and opportunity, where everyone plays by the same rules and where every single person – regardless of their background or that of their parents – is given the chance to be all they want to be.”   Can there be a similar Nigerian quest? Definitely, if there is vision, honesty and sincerity of purpose.

    Whenever America is challenged, its leaders respond introspectively.  Think of John F. Kennedy’s “ask not what your country can do for you” speech.  Contextually, in order to find the true essence of democracy in a post-Brexit Britain, Teresa May proclaimed, that it ought not matter “where you were born, who your parents are, where you went to school, what your accent sounds like, what god you worship, whether you’re a man or a woman, or black or white.”  These are values that divide and should be eschewed; but these are also values we accentuate in Nigeria, including which party one belongs to. Thus Nigerian parties control our politics, with crass rascality that promotes hubris in place of ideology.

    President Johnson envisioned the “Great Society”, with a promise: “We are going to assemble the best thought and the broadest knowledge from all over the world to find those answers for America.” He did not say the assemblage will be Democrats only.  His vision, response and search parameters were non-partisan, which was what the national challenge called for.

    As yet, no Nigerian leader has exhorted Nigerians compellingly to rise collectively to the challenges of nation-building. Rather, our diversity, which ought to be strength, is used as a divisive tool to snuff out any residual optimism about the well-being and potentials of the commonweal.  The only time Nigerians heard such a call, was Murtala Mohammed’s “Africa Has Come of Age” declaration – a compelling doctrine inserted into his speech to the Organization for African Unity (OAU) by late Ambassador Olu Adeniji, which resonated beyond our frontiers.

    It’s a dodge to think of Nigeria’s problem as mostly fiscal and economic.   We lack inspirational leadership at all levels.  And painfully, Nigerians now accept that elected officials are in politics for themselves. Such cynicism is so deep-seated that purposeful politics is endangered; and the consequential discontent will always give rise to dissidents and intra-party and national rebellion. Our leaders may do well to draw on lessons from afar, on how to manage and uplift a nation in times of crises and economic and emotional depression.

     

    • Obaze is MD/CEO of Selonnes Consult Ltd.
  • Enugu-Onitsha Expressway: Shame of a nation

    A key part of my work as a development communicator involves travelling. Some of my friends who know about this equate travelling with ‘enjoyment’. They tell me that I have to travel for free, spend nights in cozy hotels and digest exquisite continental meals. But as a matter of fact my friends are right: you sleep in cozy hotels but the opportunity cost comes with those nights away from the comfort of your family. You even have to sleep on beds on which more than a thousand persons who you do not know have slept.

    Travel on Nigerian roads gives an ironic education. Depending on where I sit in the vehicle, and the camaraderie I strike with fellow commuters, I usually get entertainment and information into the bargain.  Fortunately therefore, this often separates me from any league of armchair critics and thrusts me in full glare with the sun. I see things in HD and in primetime. But as a matter of fact, what travelling on Nigerian roads affords you is this unscheduled opportunity to meet your maker.

    And so as I travelled to Lagos from Benin some time ago, I got stuck at Ore.  Yes the famous Ore nightmare was simply impassable and has taken a turn for the worse: our driver told us that two days before, they had no choice but sleep on the highway, and were lucky to escape with their lives after robbers attacked. To escape the ordeal they had passed through, we were forced to take a detour through a village where certain young ones collected toll to let us pass. But it was on the journey to Enugu that I really got wind of the calamity that is the lot of roads in Nigeria. If you could say that at least that the Lagos-Benin-Ore road resembles a road, what then can we use to describe the Enugu-Onitsha ‘Expressway’? Yes, I know – it’s the Grand Canyon, that mass of famous and dishevelled rocks and craters which Americans are proud of as a relic of unnaturalness. Because we had been held up at the Ore Road, we only managed to get to this ‘expressway’ by 7pm, a time when the armed robbers were just waking up from sleep and cocking their guns to resume work. How we managed to meander through that mishmash and nightmare is a matter for another day.

    As I began to put my thoughts together to try to make sense of this Nigerian road, my mind went back to the chap who told me to focus on roads in my state. Certain people I had the privilege of speaking to said that the government was already trying to do something about the Enugu-Onitsha Road, and so I should hold my horses. But for how long are Nigerians going to wait? Where is the Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA)? Enugu State has people representing it at the Senate and the House of Representatives. Can anyone of these people truthfully say they are not aware of that ‘expressway’, or that they have not passed through that road en-route home for Christmas in three years? Why are they mum?

    – By Bob Majiri Oghene Etemiku,Benin.

  • New road map for development of Iwoland

    I want to congratulate the executive and members of Iwoland Development Coalition for this arrangement. All you are doing for the uplift and progress of Iwoland attests to the fact that you are all hardworking, tenacious and patriotic. It is noteworthy that a chunk of this work was from Hon. Justice Falola’s lecture delivered at Obafemi Awolowo University Ile Ife(OAU) on Saturday March 5, 2016 at the ‘Eko/Eki Day’ of Federation of Iwoland Students’ Union. According to Rev. Johnson and Prince Adelega FCPA, in their separate publications, Ile-Ife is the home to Iwo indigenes. Prince Adekola Telu, the founder of the ruling dynasty in Iwo was the son of Queen Luwo, the 16th Ooni of Ife. Telu left Ife with others and his first settlement was Ogundigbaro located at the confluence of River Oba and River Osun.

    He later moved to Igbo Orita, presumably around where the new Ibadan-Iwo Garage is situated. At Igbo Orita, Prince Ogunfenumodi emerged the ruler after the death of his father, Prince Telu. The present Iwo is ringed by towns such as Ile- Ogbo, Ikire-Ile, Telemu, Ogbaagba, Iwo-Oke, Bode-Osi,Oba Moro, Oluponna, Kuta , Agberire and many more. All these communities formed Iwo Local Authority District Council and later, Iwo Local Government Council. Later, over time it became three councils viz: Iwo Local Government, Ayedire Local Government and Ola-Oluwa Local Government. I went into this details in order to discover where the spirit of patriotism was lost and mistrust started. Wars have brought together different bed fellows, and politics rather than unite, has sharply divided us.

    When Chief Gbadegesin Adedeji was the Chairman Iwo Local Government, he convened several meetings of notable individuals, including Chief Adeagbo Odeniyi, Chief Ben Adigun both of Oluponna, Chief R.A. Nafiu, Dr. Pade Aderibigbe, Dr. Ben Ogunkanmi all of Ile-Ogbo, Dr. Oluremi Atanda, Chief Seeni Olatokun and others, to forge a common agenda to move the communities forward. For inexplicable reasons, people from the districts were edged out in subsequent deliberations. What emerged later was Iwo Board of Trustees (IBOT), Iwo Development Council (IDC), Iwo Action Council (IWAC) etc. This explains why elite in other communities recoiled to their shells and felt treated as people that did not matter except during elections.

    A united Iwoland gave way to the promotion of individualism and sectionalism. Politics, over time, has been used to weaken our patriotism, socio-economic development and caused mistrust among our people. After Chief Bola Ige lost the 1983 election, houses were either razed or vandalized. What did we gain in return? Nothing. The highest government owned institution in Iwoland are secondary schools. No state-owned higher institutions. What then is our benefit from our vociferous noise in the political arena and the blind loyalty to political parties?. What have we derived from the monopoly of the office of the Secretary to the State Government since the return of civilian rule in 1999? We cannot continue to bring the dregs to the table when others parade their best.

    How do people with no other pedigree than being a councilor or ward executive member of a party be chairman where engineers, retired permanent secretaries and professors are around? On the other hand, we remain fixated and kept basking on past glory? There was a time in the old Oyo State, when after Ibadan and Ogbomosho; Iwo was next. No one is sure of where we stand at present. We lost it when we no longer produce strong leadership and started to speak in different tunes. The seed of mistrust germinated in 1976 when 35 councillors were elected to run the affairs of Iwo Local Council. The same thing happened during the Third Republic when we had Social Democratic Party and National Republican. Iwoland witnessed politicians in the two parties who were not in the same group fought each other as enemies. This contributed significantly to the total neglect of our community by successive governments since 1999. We lost it when professionals, academics and seasoned administrators were displaced by politicians. However, the promise of a new start came with the installation of Oluwo. Alayeluwa Oba Abdulrasheed Adewale Akanbi Telu I, an energetic, dynamic, urbane, connected and widely travelled. Kabiyesi should mobilize our people in the three councils to queue behind him. The mistrust among the chiefs and Iwo traditional council must be addressed.

    Kabiyesi should work on palace secretariat, so that chiefs will have well defined roles and functions that befit their respective offices. Although everybody is needed, he should listen less to those who display arrogant disposition which is making a lot of people to lose interest in working for the group agenda. I passionately plead with the Oluwo of Iwoland and Iwo Traditional Council to look for high flying professionals, successful businessmen, officers in the armed forces, top bureaucrats, politicians etc and organize “Royal Dinner” or “Colloquium” for them once a year, using the forum to pass the development agenda message across to them. •Excerpts of a lecture delivered by Professor Alagbe Wasiu Gbolagade, a visiting professor of Computational Mathematics at Federal University of Technology, Minna on the second anniversary of Iwo Development Coalition at Iwo, Osun state.

  • Ekiti @ 20: Past, present and future

    Ekiti was carved out of the old Ondo State on October 1, 1996 under the military regime of the late Gen Sani Abacha. Whichever perception one shares about the state of affairs, celebrating Ekiti at 20 is not immaterial. Taking cognizance of the protracted and fierce battle the leaders of Ekiti had to wage to effect the state creation, one would be adequately convinced that it sufficed for the citizens to roll out drum to celebrate the victory. I know other provinces like Ibadan, Ijebu and the Apas of Benue, who scrambled for the same opportunity and lost would perceive Ekiti as ungrateful and undeserving of the favour should the state fail to celebrate the feat with pomp and pageantry.

    The creation of Ekiti State was a lofty achievement – the greatest laurel ever won since the existence of the ethnic group several decades back. Not even the Kiriji War that was fought and won by our forebears matched this feat. But creating a state for an ethnic group for political balancing is not as relevant and pivotal as how that state tends to fare after its creation. When the former President Olusegun Obasanjo was being pummeled for influencing former President Goodluck Jonathan to assume presidency, he defended his action by saying: “You can help a person to secure a job, but you can’t help him to perform the responsibilities of the job”.

    In actual fact, the Federal Government had done the greatest favour, through concerted and unflagging instrumentality of some patriotic Ekiti elites by creating the state, but time to ruminate on whether the state has fared well in terms of development is apposite at this crucial age. Age 20 is a watershed in the life of any human being. At that age, the compass directing one’s life must be heading towards a positive side, failing which the person will get derailed or veered off the path of greatness.

    A critical dissection of the trajectory of development of the state under every succeeding administration gave a gory and pathetic indication. The military administrations of Col. Mohammed Usman and Commodore Atanda Yusuf sacrificed better and showed more commitment to the development of the state than the situation we are witnessing under the present PDP government in Ekiti. To an average Nigerian person, the military is regarded as an aberration and represents something sinister that lacks values and decency. Without sounding immodest, military regimes stand better than the present situation.

    Just like the chairman, Committee for the creation of Ekiti State, Chief Deji Fasuan once said: “Ekiti has not really fulfilled the dream of its founding fathers. Ekiti has not been governed well and we cannot say we have got to the Promised Land”. This statement connotes that Ekiti has failed to tap into its abundant human and material resources to develop the state.

    Intellectualism is the hallmark of any government and any state that is lacking in this is bound to hit the rock. It is an indisputable fact that the state has the highest turnout of professors in the country and galaxy of stars spread across various professional careers. But can we boldly say that we have tapped optimally into this gargantuan intellectual capacity?

    In terms of natural resources, the lush vegetation in the southern and northern zones of the state, the cocoa and timber plantation and other solid mineral deposits like Gypsum and Calcite in Ijero, Clay in Ire Ekiti and the ridge of mountains in Efon-Ikogosi axis and in Ado Ekiti capital city, were not really explored to energize the engine of development. They were practically abandoned, thereby giving Ekiti the sobriquet: “Land of Untapped Abundance”. This is not a wise concept and it is condemnable.

    As we speak, Ekiti has one of the most fragile economies among the 36 states of the federation. It has a narrow and monolithic economy heavily anchored on civil service architecture with little productivity to drive the system. This was responsible for why the state could not compete favourably with other states in terms of development.

    While defending the need for the creation of the state out of the old Ondo State before Arthur Mbanefo panel in Akure in 1995, Chief Afe Babalola (SAN), said the state could derive its earnings from the abundant aforementioned human and natural resources. He also reassured the committee about the fact that the state has a good prognosis to survive and thrive economically, predicating this on the abundant human resources available to it.

    Sad enough, all these have failed to reflect positively on our economy. Today, the state can no longer pay salaries of workers and meet other obligations to its citizens, because it rests heavily on the lean resources coming from the federation account, which has not been forthcoming.

    When the democratic dispensation kicked off in 1999, the state soared on the country’s economic ladder, in terms of quests and drives for prosperity. Otunba Niyi Adebayo of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) made the move to return the state to the path of glory as set by its founding fathers. His administration started the economic dream by building the multi-billion naira Abuja house in Asokoro, to propel the state’s economy. It also invested in Odua Group of Companies and bought shares in many banks to invigorate the economy and make the state run independently of the federal government.

    Aside from this, he promptly engaged the services of Ekiti professionals in various critical sectors making Ekiti to live up to its name: ‘Fountain of Knowledge’. Those who didn’t see this unseen and silent investments condemned his style and laid ambush for him during his reelection bid, which he lost to Governor Ayodele Fayose.

    Ex-governors  Segun Oni and Kayode Fayemi, also built on the legacies by reviving the state’s moribund industries, like Ire Burnt Brick, Ikogosi Warm Spring,  Orin Farm Settlements, to mention but a few,  to assume highly commercial status.

    Fayose’s emergence marked the beginning of what could be best branded as fortunes reversal in Ekiti.  It was during his time that the state started relying solely on allocations from the federation of account to boost the economy. It was his time that the state intellectual capacity was being debased to the extent that charlatans, rascals and mediocres are in government, holding pivotal positions in trusts for the people. The intellectual giants have been relegated to the extent that they are now maintaining siddon look, which is dangerous to Ekiti, as an enclave.

    Though it would be tantamount to exaggeration for someone to conclude that the state fared optimally well under the trio of Oni, Adebayo and Fayemi, comparative analysis with the present situation point to the fact that those administrations were, in fact, Eldorado.

    Like Chief Babalola (SAN) adduced before Mbanefo panel that the state’s economic prowess would be derived from its abundant intellectual capacity. That has been the dream. But the scenario has been that both the human and material resources are underutilized, and time to live by that dream is now, or else, failure awaits us and that could be disastrous.

    The appropriate questions the teeming Ekiti populace must ask themselves is that: Why is Ekiti of yesterday better than now? For Ekiti of yesterday, we were the most educated in the country, the most sought after by employers of labour and the most organized set of human beings. But in Ekiti of today, the knowledge is gradually fading, criminality is taking the centre-stage.

    • Faparusi, a former member of the House of Representatives is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress.
  • Understanding Ayade’s essential humanism

    Much of the significant critical issues in the keenly contested 2015 governorship election in Cross River State were centred on the qualities and pedigrees of the contestants. This became necessary as it was glaring that a precedent had already been set in the quality of materials the state had thrown up as governors since the current political dispensation began in 1999. Donald Duke (1999-2007) and Senator Liyel Imoke (2007-2015) represent a bold testimony to the emerging trend of enthroning young and brilliant people at the apogee of political leadership across the world. And like his predecessors, Senator Ben Ayade is a man of composite vision, who has indeed enunciated a new governing philosophy and a new set of ideas that can act as catalysts in moving the state to greater heights.

    Just under 16 months after his inauguration as governor, Ayade has demonstrated that he was prepared for the job and that he had studied and appreciated all the challenges the state is faced with before stepping in. He has lined up programmes and policies, commenced implementation of projects, which when completed, would move the state to its pride of place even without oil. At a time when the Calabar/Ikom Federal Road has become a death trap, when transiting from any other part of the state to its capital or vice versa has become a nightmare with several man-hours being lost to embarrassing craters and potholes, the governor completed the design and the de-bushing of the 260km Calabar-Katsina-Ala superhighway after President Muhammadu Buhari performed the ground-breaking ceremony last year.

    As a strong commitment to his vision to developing the state, he was able to bring President Buhari to Cross River State to flag off the event in spite of the President’s tight schedule. He is the first governor and one from an opposition party in the present administration to attract the president to his state. According to the governor, this road will reduce the journey from Calabar to Obudu, currently eight hours, to just about two hours and reduce incessant carnage on the existing road and also facilitate quick movement of cargoes from the South to the North and vice versa. With the existence of more than one thousand kilometre-network of feeder roads built by the immediate past government across the state, this Ayade initiative would help facilitate the movement of farm produce from local communities to urban centres.

    Because of his insistence on human capital development, Ayade places emphasis on industrialisation that consequently creates employment opportunities for the people. He has established the Calabar Garment Factory, one of the biggest in the world. The factory alone has generated about 3000 jobs.

    He has also established the state Green Police through which 1,500 people have been engaged. He has maintained a very cordial relationship with organized Labour in the state through prompt and regular payment of salaries. The Calabar Pharmaceutical and Cosmetics Company which will employ 2000 workers is under construction. There is also the Calabar Rice City which is sitting on 3000 hectares of land with the aim of massively producing highly nutritious and vitaminised rice for local consumption and export.

    It is noteworthy to state here that aside from the completion of the Calabar Mono-rail project, the government of Ayade has completed the 5,000 capacity Calabar International Convention Centre. He has opened up the state to investors and has embarked on new vistas like his forays into solid minerals and real estate development.

    Again, it would be recalled that Calabar, the state capital was the first political capital of Nigeria. This became possible because the early European missionaries who came into the interior coast of West Africa discovered our territories through water. Yet it is very unfortunate that almost 200 years since the exploration and more than 50 years after their departure, the Calabar port is as shallow and as dry as a swimming pool in a living home. This is attributable to the failure of the Federal Government to dredge the Calabar River to the Atlantic Ocean. Over the years, internal wrangling between the Federal Ministry of Transport and the Federal Inland Waterways has resulted in failure of government to develop the waterways and a lull in economic activities along the coastal axis especially in the Calabar metropolis. Ayade, aware of what the state stands to gain if the Calabar Port functions optimally, has commenced the processes for the construction of the Bakassi Deep Seaport. This would encourage and promote export trade from the state and bring about expansion of business and economic activities across the state.

    Another landmark action taken by Ayade since his assumption of office as governor is his investment in the psychology of workers in the state. Before he came in the saddle, irregular payment of salaries was threatening the joys of workers in the state. But upon assumption of office, Ayade introduced a fresh initiative to tackle the problem. He invited all stakeholders including banks operating in the state to a brainstorming session to proffer solution to the problem and came up with the resolution that henceforth, workers would get their salaries on the 25th of every month.

    Upon his assumption of office, Ayade discovered that he was inheriting an aging workforce in the civil service. What did he do? He swiftly lifted the 23-year old freeze on recruitment and ordered fresh intakes as a way of reinvigorating the jaded civil service. This is in addition to other job creating opportunities that are beckoning.

    For those who had been to Cross River State from the administration of Donald Duke to the last days of the Imoke years, it was indisputable that Calabar was the cleanest state capital in Nigeria. The story is told of how a United States-based Nigerian from Enugu State visited Calabar during the 2013 annual Calabar Carnival and Christmas Festival. Within just two weeks of his stay in Cross River State, having been treated to the traditional hospitality of the people, the palatable cuisines and, above all, the environment, topography and landscaping, the young man went back to California to pick his wife and two kids to Calabar where they have now made their permanent place of abode. Calabar still remains one of Nigeria’s very clean cities as Ayade personally supervises the evacuation of refuse. Everywhere, the governor is seen giving instructions or directives to people to carry out one assignment or the other while he implements some himself.

    His administration has also commenced the city capping exercise, to increase urban afforestation and green areas across the city of Calabar.

    Yet, undoubtedly, Senator Ayade, a renowned professor of Microbiology could not have manifested such populist ethos out of the blue. At the Seventh Senate where he represented Cross River North Senatorial District, until recently when he stepped aside to contest the governorship primaries of his state, Ayade was one of the most active voices. As a parliamentarian who was at home with the condition of his people, his contributions to debates and sponsorship of bills were always proofs of his undying love for the poor and the downtrodden in Nigeria. Whatever action he undertook in the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly was always a direct reflection of his compassion and feelings for the man in the street. Before he left the Senate in which he was inaugurated on June 6, 2011 as a greenhorn, Ayade’s output of bills was overwhelming.

    He sponsored a total of 18 bills, the second highest in the life of the Seventh National Assembly. Some people may assail his style as too liberal because of his penchant for getting things done immediately. But his preference for innovative, non-bureaucratic way of governing is more democratic than the old government model- centralized, top-down, offering standardized services delivered by public monopolies, which worked well during the colonial era but no longer fits the needs of our increasingly diverse society in the Information Age. Not only does the governor run an all-inclusive administration with open door policy, the man is a model of civilised political culture. As he is poised to complete these projects and generate employment for our teeming graduates, Cross Riverians should drum up support for this philosopher King and should not allow anything to distract him.

     

    • Dr. Orjiakor writes from Abuja.