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  • Beware Governor Ugwuanyi

    Beware Governor Ugwuanyi

    For some inexplicable reason, I had the urge the past few weeks, to spend some quality time with my aged mother, who lived in Enugu State, were Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi is the governor. So, Ijuggled my schedule to give me at least 10 days break. But I had spent only eight days, before my mother suddenly joined the saints, on September 1. At 86 years, my mother, Benedict Uzodimma Amalu, was relatively strong. She was not hobbled by any debilitating ailment, and so, lived a normal life. Taking ill that faithful morning, by evening, she was gone. Before she is interred, I hope towrite about her life and time.

    While I was in Enugu, I monitored the performance of the state government, under Governor Ugwuanyi (gburugburu); and the results are not very exciting. So, like the soothsayer in Shakespeare’s Julius Cesar, I say to the Governor: ‘beware of your kinsmen and the herdsmen’. Ugwuanyi’s greatest challenge nowshould be how to rein-in a few of his kinsmenfrom the Nsukka senatorial zone who are doing very unreasonable things to corner the state public service. While political charity by our general standardmay begin at home, it is politically suicidal for Ugwuanyito wage a war against the two other senatorial zones, the Enugu East and Enugu West.

    The tactics of the hatchet men and women claiming to act in the name of the governoris to tactfully send away those from other zones occupying sensitive positions particularly in the state capitaland havethem replaced with persons from Nsukka zone. From available information, this is happeningwith regards to leadership positions in the Ministries, Departments and Agencies of government. It is also the modus operandi in the state higher institutions, hospitals, and schools, particularly within the Enugu metropolis. That is unfair. And if Governor Ugwuanyihopes to grow as a leader beyond Enugu State, he should call those engaged in these irresponsible conducts to order.

    As would be clear to the governor if he conducts a discreet investigation, it is sycophants and laggards, cluttering around him that are pushing this type of neophyte political agenda. Because they are unable to compete in a fair environment, they push nepotism as a policy of government in order to survive. But the governor must appreciate that these clowns are politically inconsequential, so they have no price to pay for their sins, unlike the governor, who will be held accountablein due course by the people.

    As a matter of fact, a leader who cannot rise above clannish tendencies, continues to diminish in statute, even before those who have benefitted from his actions. For in the recess of their minds, the beneficiaries would believe that their benefactor would always act clannishly. And if they can unjustly be given preferment, because they are from the same zone as their benefactor, then such a benefactor would also give undue preferment when the competition is between them and his town’s men, village men and family in that order. But where a leader is seen as fair-minded, his profile and followership rises as well. My initial assessment was that gburugburu has potentials as a leader.

    The other issue now hunting Governor Ugwuanyiand the state he governs is the menace of Fulani herdsmen and the resultant insecurity of lives and properties in the state. The treat to lives and properties is real for I personally had a close shave with the marauders, less than three weeks ago. Shortly after my experience, the news broke that armed herdsmen had attacked and killed a Catholic seminarian, Lazarus Nwafor, in Attakwu Akaegbe Ugwu, and injured four others. This attack and murder came few months after the murderous attack in Nimbo that left several persons dead, with properties of the villagers burnt down, without any provocation.

    Like in Nimbo, the herdsmen escaped after the mayhem. Again, in the aftermath of the attack, Governor Ugwuanyi visited the scene, and according to reports, wept, just as he did, at Nimbo. I recall that after the attack on Nimbo, I had written here in sympathy and in condemnation of the attack, a piece I titled: I weep with Ugwuanyi.But I doubt if I will willingly write that I weep with the governor after my encounter with residents while I was in Enugu.One example.While in a cab, I had casually asked the driver, how the governor is performing, as part of my gauge of the political barometer.

    As if waiting for my prompt, the driver went into a frenzy of abuses against the governor calling him all manner of names, with which one can depict a coward. His first words were something like: “don’t mind that crying ….” His anger was that the governor is going around the killing fields crying like a baby instead of protecting the people against the herdsmen who are killing and maiming those placed under his care. He compared Ugwuanyi with the Governor of Ekiti state, AyodeleFayose, who recently signeda law to regulate the grazing of cattle in his state.

    Of course, before the law on grazing was enacted, Fayose had successfully projected himself as a‘fearless warrior’, ready to bring the armed herdsmen to their comeuppances. But as the reports of the snippets of the law in the press show, Fayose’s law makes a lot of common sense. Also, as the editorial of this paper projected recently, the law provides a reasonable guide, from the confusion our leaders have irresponsibly thrust on themselves, simply because our President, Muhammadu Buhari, being a Fulani, is considered the patron of herdsmen.

    While it will not be fair to tar all herdsmen with the brush of criminality, it is unreasonable to continue to ignore the threat posed by those of them that have arms, especially high calibre guns, with which they wreak havoc in communities and villages. So, while I do not expect Ugwuanyi to become intransigent and abusive like Fayose, it bodes ill of his capacity to govern if his public reaction to the menace is to cry. Of note, Ugwuanyi has directed communities to organise neighbourhood security organs, but he should appreciate that in many of these communities, there are no young men, to be recruited as watchmen.

    Again, where there are able bodied men to be recruited, the communities, their chiefs and their kings, may not have the resources to pay for the services. Yet, the situation is getting precarious, as the herdsmen dislodged from the lower River Benue valley, where they have wreaked untold havoc on the locals and more recently from Nimboand the surrounding communities are amassing around Ezeagu, Udi, Oji River and Awgu local government councils and the  surrounding communities, with all the potentials for more killings.

    In that my earlier pieceon Governor Ugwuanyititled: I weep with Ugwuanyi, I had projected his alias:gburugburu, positively. That name which could be represented to mean that he is ‘a man of the people’, is assuming a derisive connotation. Many,just like the cab driver,now say, that he goes about, crying and doing nothing, to securethe lives of the residents and improve the infrastructure in Enugu State.

     

  • Surviving the pains of recession

    After several months of living in self-denial, our political leaders have summoned the courage to tell the nation what we feared to hear.  With the rate at which the cost of services are jumping and hitting the roofs, no official is in the position to cook-up abstract figures that the economy is still rosy. Such an official may incur the wrath of the masses. This is because the incidence of hunger that is prevalent in the country now does not have regards for gender, ethnicity, religion or party affiliations. In other words, hunger is a leveller except someone has the means to appease it.

    And this is not an act of GOD as some people will make us to believe. Rather it is a self-inflicted challenge as a result of high-wired power- play among the nation’s politicians in and outside of government. It is also occasioned by the dynamics of intricacies of Nigerian homemade politics.

    Our mono-economy which relies heavily on the petroleum resources is another factor. And this is where some disgruntled politicians who may be having a case or two to answer regarding their past stewardship to the nation have allegedly taken an undue advantage to consistently hit the nation below the belt with a view to make the country ungovernable for the government in power. The allegations being repeatedly made by some militant groups from the South-south that some key opposition party leaders from the area are behind the boys that are vandalizing the nation’s pipelines and oil installations may be true after all especially when viewed against the backdrop of the anti-corruption war being waged by the government. This has resulted in a very drastic reduction in our earnings from our petroleum resources due to low output of crude oil and sharp fall in the price of the same product in the international market.

    While the nation may not be in a position to determine the price of our crude oil in the international market with a view to increase over earnings, we can at least raise the volume of the product we take to the market if the political logjam in the South-south is resolved as quickly as possible. In an effort to gear up our local output, the government is being forced to look elsewhere in other parts of the country for the black gold and hence the current frantic exploration activities of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in the North-eastern and other geo-political regions of the country using the available scarce resources that could be expended on other critical infrastructures.

    Besides, the lapses or the inherent sharp practices allegedly observed in the management of our foreign exchange market is another factor that has contributed immensely to our economic downturn and consequently responsible for the valley location where the nation has found herself now – economic recession.

    In order to come out from this self-inflicted problem, our government should spread its tentacles beyond its political affiliates and make herself open to receive ideas/suggestions from men and women of goodwill who may be ready to assist the government with their expertise and knowledge in their respective fields. In other words, even expertise ideas/contributions from the so-called opposition figures can be welcomed, distilled and considered so far such ideas can help the country move forward and get out of our present economic doldrums and wilderness.

    In the same vein, we call on the opinion leaders and politicians from the South-south to rein in their boys from doing further collateral damages to oil and gas installations in their area. There is no doubt that militancy has become a multi-million dollar business in the Niger-Delta now while using the youths in the region to arm-twist the hands of the federal government to bend some rules in their favour under the guise of fighting for the development of the area. Maybe unknown to these leaders from the region, pipeline vandalism and other acts of criminality will further degrade the area and disturb their ecosystem because of these orchestrated pollutions in the name of militancy. It is unheard of that some states governments in the South-south are also part of the states finding it difficult to pay their workers’ salaries with some reportedly owing their workers’ salaries for more than 12 calendar months or even 17 months! They should therefore imagine what can be the fate of such states if the nation is able to successfully diversify its economy and possibly strike large oil deposits in other parts of the country. This will surely result in further reduction of the revenues accruable to the states in the region from the Federation Account. And by that time, the federal government should not be held liable to cleanse the environment which their militant activities must have rendered useless for any form of agricultural activity/production be it crop or fish farming.

    In their own interest, those of their future generation and in the nation’s interest, these South-south leaders are advised to shelf their primordial/self-interests and come to the roundtable to dialogue with the federal government with a view to rescuing the nation from this critical period of economic recession.

    And on the part of the federal government, they should ensure that righteousness, justice and equity prevail and become their watchwords. Besides, those who come to equity should come with clean hands. The authorities need to carry along all the segments of the society/stakeholders in the various key/ strategic appointments that the government is making into federal establishments irrespective of religious or ethnic backgrounds. In other words, lopsided appointments or appointments that tend to sacrifice merit/competence on the altars of religion, ethnicity/nepotism or political affiliations should be jettisoned if the country must move forward in the desired direction. While the rest of us are praying for God’s intervention to come to our rescue and help us, the above enumerated facts are some of the things/the roles the key characters/lead actors should play and avoid playing politics with the destiny of this nation and the generations that are yet unborn.

    We should therefore couple our prayers with action; for faith without work according to the Scriptures, is dead. There is no other alternative to it. If the dramatis personae do not play their parts in this unfolding drama, God will not come down and play the human parts/roles for us.

    • Olakunle, JP is General Secretary, National Prayer Movement, Abuja.

  • Echoes from history

    History has an uncanny way of re-enacting itself. And it did so brutally last week when security agencies pulled the rug from under the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) regarding the Edo State governorship election billed for September 10.

    The Police and Department of State Security (DSS) had on Wednesday, barely 72 hours to the scheduled poll, called a joint press conference at which they advised the commission to shift the election. They cited intelligence at their disposal that terrorists planned to strike in some parts of the country during the present festivities, with Edo being among states marked for such attack. “While election is important, the security agencies cannot allow the peace of the country to be disrupted, and we will continue to remain vigilant and ensure consolidation of the successes gained in the current counter-insurgency fight. It is in regard of these that we are appealing to INEC, which has the legal duty to regulate elections in the country, to consider the need for possible postponement of the date of the election in Edo State in order to enable security agencies deal decisively with the envisaged terrorist threats,” they said in a statement.

    I am privileged to have a fair idea of present-day workings of election administration in this country, and I would say unless the security agencies had previously reached out to INEC in confidence with this intelligence and had been rebuffed by the commission, it was curious in the extreme that they chose a press conference to give their advice. All security agencies are together with INEC core operators in the Inter-Consultative Committee on Elections Security (ICCES), which does risk assessment and designs customised security architecture for every election. That committee was formed under the former commission led by Professor Attahiru Jega, and my understanding is that it is still very much functional. It is jointly presided over by the INEC Chairman and the Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA), and meets serially ahead of every election for definitive risk and security mapping. That the intelligence cited last Wednesday slipped through the crack is, speaking minimally, awkward.

    But it did anyhow, and obviously put INEC on the back foot. The electoral commission, following the security press statement, locked down in consultations with various stakeholders to get a handle on its next steps. You could well touch the commission’s dilemma. It began mobilisation for the September 10 election many months ago – with attendant quantum expenses, and not minding statutory provisions regarding time frame. National Commissioner Adedeji Soyebi specifically said 10 out of 12 conditions for the poll were already successfully met. And I happen to know that conducting elections is like steering a speed train: the momentum begins sluggishly, and builds up gradually until it hits cruising speed; you would as hard pressed in seeking to prematurely demobilise as you had been gathering the momentum to cruising speed. And that, of course, is not counting the sheer waste of expenses already incurred.

    Take my word: that was the reason the commission balked at the security advice to postpone and, in consultation with stakeholders, initially resolved to press ahead. But while it was gratifying to see INEC fiercely assert its independence, the brutal truth is that the practicable date for conducting elections in Nigeria isn’t at the behest of the commission alone – never mind express provisions in Sections 76 (i), 116 (i), 132 (i) and 178 (i) of the 1999 Federal Constitution, as amended, as well as allied provisions in the 2010 Electoral Act, as amended, conferring it with sole power to that effect. Proof? When INEC said it was late in the day to shift the poll because it already had everything in place and was therefore carrying through on September 10, security agencies simply pulled their services. Well, the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) Directorate could not in good conscience deploy its own wards that constitute the entirety of INEC’s Election Day staff, and so it also pulled them out. That scenario effectively left INEC as a brave general gallantly carrying on into battle, only to realise his rear was exposed because all accompanying troops have withdrawn from the push. What other reasonable option was available in such circumstance? The commission bit the dust, backed down on its umbrage, and rescheduled the Edo poll to September 28.

    There is the answer to anyone yet querying why the former Attahiru Jega-led commission had to reschedule the 2015 general election by six weeks. The elections were originally fixed for February 14th and February 28th, but had to be shifted to March 28th and April 11th. In that instance, former NSA Sambo Dasuki advised the commission to postpone – citing then raging insurgency in the Northeast behind the scene, but flying the kite of purported insufficient level of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) collection by eligible voters in the open. The debate on poll postponement is often a hot button partisan issue, and it was convenient for some partisans and their supporters to seize on Dasuki’s grandstanding and scapegoat the electoral commission for alleged insufficient PVC collection and allied allegations of its unpreparedness. But the crunch line for INEC was the categorical pronouncement by the apparatchik that they could not guarantee security for the elections.

    In the course of its consultations with stakeholders, the commission articulated two major posers namely: (i) should it ignore the strong security advice and proceed with the elections; and if it does, what alternative security arrangements were available? Or (ii) should it take the security advice and adjust the election schedule within the constitutional framework? Most stakeholders failed to address those posers and rather pitched into polar partisan sentiments. For INEC though, the issues at stake were beyond narrow passions: if the security services would not guarantee security and there were no alternative security arrangements, should the commission in good conscience deploy more than 600,000 staff – mostly youth corps members – in an environment where their safety was up in the air? If there were security breaches as Nigerian elections were prone to, and someone gets hurt, or worse, who takes the blame? Would the commission not be guilty of murderous carelessness for deploying people in an environment it well knew before hand had no security guarantees? Indeed, would INEC staff themselves accept to be deployed for the elections, knowing that their safety was not assured? Wouldn’t the elections therefore collapse ab initio if the staff decline heading out to polling units on Election Day because of lack of security guarantees?

    If you asked me, the shame in all these is that we have to depend so heavily and fundamentally on the active role of security services to conduct elections in this country. I had the privilege of observing elections in some countries where you would not see more than routine auxiliary security personnel at polling precincts on Election Day, which is a normal day like any other, without the encumbrance of movement restrictions. Prior to the rescheduling of the Edo poll, there was a vexed issue about its disruption of the General School Certificate Examination timetable. But by their constitution in the United States, general elections hold on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of every election year, and they do not have to shut down the country to hold those elections. And you would not even scantly find any behaviour by voters, or politicians and their supporters to warrant such shutdown. It is a big shame that our own electoral culture here compels such central role for security agencies that they could, as it were, hold the dice on the electoral commission.

  • African time and African leaders

    Time is seen as three dimensional – the past, present and future. From the philosophical point of view, time is both conceptual and perceptual. By conceptual time we mean time as it is everywhere, irrespective of geographical locations or boundaries. This does not refer to time as measured by the clock. For instance, the instant time “now” is the same everywhere, irrespective of geographical locations. This is time as it conceptually is. But when we talk of time, say 3pm, in Nigeria, we are talking of perceptual time, i.e., time as measured by our clocks which is uniformly the same everywhere in Nigeria. In other words, 10am is 10am and not 11am or 12pm. Since the measurement of time is itself governed by the rotation of the sun, so that night and day occur at different times and places all over the planet earth (the world), perceptual time is relative. This is why perceptual time is measured differently in different parts of the world. Even if we take a trip to the planet Mars – our nearest neighbour – our clocks which measure perceptual time would read differently as it would have suffered from what is called Fitzgerald contraction, while the conceptual time remains spatio-temporarily the same.

    By African time we mean, first in the traditional sense, the substitution of what John Mbiti, an African philosopher –theologian, calls “phenomenon calendars” with “numerical calendars” in which the events or phenomena which constitute time are reckoned or considered in their relation to one another. Thus, an expectant mother counts the lunar months of her pregnancy. Among the Ankore in Uganda, cattle are at the heart of the people. Therefore, the day is reckoned with reference to events pertaining to cattle. Even in these cases, Mbiti’s contention is well supported by some examples from Nigeria. For instance, among the Moslems, the timing or Ramadan fast is tied to the rising of the moon. Among the traditional Yoruba people, the date of birth of a person may be calculated by specific events in the past. Thus, a person’s age can be reckoned from the point of view of a significant event during the time of his birth say, during the Kiriji war (1877-1886). It does not matter whether the war took two to five years to fight. The date of birth would be reckoned as occurring anytime during this period. A child born during the Biafra war (1967-1970) would, in the year 2016, be said to be between 46 and 49 years old while the exact date of birth becomes irrelevant.

    The rising of the sun, for example, is an event which is recognized by the whole community. So long as the sun rises, it does not matter whether it rises at 5am or 7am. This is why, according to Mbiti, when a person says he will meet someone at sunrise, it does not matter whether the meeting takes place at 5am or 7am, as long as it is during the general period of sunrise. But our main concern here is about mathematical time which suffers a great blow under what we call “African time”. For instance, when a person says he will meet another person at 8am, it does not matter whether the meeting takes place at 10am, 12pm, 8pm, 9pm or even 11pm. What matters is that the meeting takes place on that day. This is to say that it does not matter whether a particular meeting is fixed for 4pm, in so far as it takes place on that particular date, showing up two or four hours later at 6pm or 8pm is as good as being prompt in time. Time, therefore, is meaningful only at the date of the meeting or event, and not at the mathematical moment i.e. 4pm prompt.

    The above concept of African time should explain why, in Nigeria, mathematical time is never respected by our leaders whenever they turn out for events they themselves had fixed for say, 10am prompt. That was why the Nigerian university Vice-Chancellors were once summoned to Abuja less than 24 hours for a meeting fixed for 10am the following day by the Executive-Secretary of the Nigerian Universities Communion (NUC) sometime in the 80’s. Although the mathematical time for the meeting was fixed at 10am, it did not start until 2pm! In other words, 10am is not 10am but 2pm, a manifest contradiction and absurdity.

    It has become the general practice among our top political functionaries, especially the governors and ministers, to turn a 10am appointment or event to 12pm or 1pm, i.e., two or three hours late. In most cases, prominent personalities, including our royal fathers, would have to wait under a scotching sun for a governor or minister whose arrival would be heralded by the blaring of sirens to show their importance and majesty as a semi-god for whom the other poor mortals have to wait endlessly and who must wait, whether or not they like it, until their excellencies and honourables, enjoying time immunities, deem it fit to show up at the official event many hours late. This means that all our events as advertised are necessarily meant for local consumption by people already used to African time. Time is life, and any hours wasted in one’s life can never be regained. Time is no respecter of persons, and is too short to be wasted away in a nonchalant manner.

    However, not every Nigerian subscribes to this concept of African time. For example, the late Dr. Olikoye Ransome-Kuti was reported to have left an event that did not start at the time advertised. Some say the former governor of Lagos State, Babatunde Raji Fashola, would not tolerate lateness in the take-off of events. I once attended a funeral service where the casket was brought in when the priest was preaching, with just about 35 minutes to the end of the funeral service. That is how bad the effect of African time is in our lives.

     I remember a particular time when Nigeria hosted an international event – football/soccer event. The Head of State at that time was programmed to kick off the opening ceremony of the soccer event at 4 or 5pm prompt. But our Head of State was late while the whole world was waiting! He did not kick start the event until five minutes later, at which time the whole world was embarrassed as the television coverages that usually take off at the exact mathematical, though at different perceptual but synchronized, time all over the world were kept waiting by Nigeria for five wasted minutes! On that day, Nigeria complicated things for international television stations, advertisers and viewers!

    Perhaps our leaders should be told in strong terms that, in civilized countries, time is money and every hour lost translates to billions of Dollars and Naira, and that keeping to time is a mark of disciplined and civilized behaviour. Waste of valuable hours as well as lack of their judicious use is one of the reasons for our underdevelopment and lack of progress. Therefore, one would like to see a Nigeria where our leaders see time as sacred and never to be wasted or abused. When a president of the United States want to address the nation say, at 9pm, all television stations are at alert while viewers normally expect him to start his address at exactly 9pm. I believe he does this perfectly by waiting on the door from Oval Office five minutes before 9pm while the door is opened for him to start his speech on the dot of time. This is the culture we must imbibe in this country, i.e. preparing and waiting for the exact time a particular event is to start and keep to that time, no matter what. It is a mark of honour to do so. We must stop the culture of erroneous advertisement of an event for 10am prompt when, in fact, the word prompt is never respected anytime, anywhere by our leaders. Keeping African time, which is already part of our culture, is the bane of our lives in this part of the world. Something must be done about it as it does no good to our image in the international community.

    • Professor Makinde is DG/CEO, Awolowo Centre for Philosophy, Ideology and Good Governance, Osogbo, Osun State.
  • Why Ojo cried

    Why Ojo cried

    Since the death of Chief Ojo Maduekwe on June 29th, 2016, I have been trying to find the appropriate words to pay him a tribute that truly reflects how I feel, the depth of pain in my heart, my understanding of his many controversial comments about our national predicaments; and his interventions and direct roles in trying to find realistic solutions.

    Let me start by saying that his death was a major loss to his family and friends and a monumental one to the nation.

    When I heard reports of his sudden death at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport Abuja after a long haul flight from the United States, I knew Ojo, as usual, was determined to fight to his last breath.  He fought death until he arrived in the country he loved with passion, a country he served well and defended to the last.

    Ojo’s last national service was as Nigerian High Commissioner to Canada.  He served in several ministerial and advisory capacities.  He also distinguished himself as a social activist, a politician, a writer who wrote about his country with passion, without fear or favour.

    When his death went viral on the social media, it was obvious that some commentators had not, in my view, fairly interpreted his comments within the context in which they were made.  Perhaps, the most controversial comment was about the highly contentious issue of when and how to elect an Igbo as president of Nigeria which Ojo phrased as the Igbo presidency project; a project he criticized for not being properly conceptualized, articulated, packaged and sold. Ojo, not the one to run away from committing “heresy’’ dismissed the “anger driven’’ campaign as improper. His main argument was that the Igbo should campaign for a qualified president of Nigeria from the Igbo stock and not an Igbo president of Nigeria. The Igbo presidency project could not be sold to other Nigerians in Igbo language but a pan Nigeria language which appeals to all. To do otherwise, was to expect an unrealistic outcome and this according to him was “idiotic’’.

    I believed the Igbo felt outraged because they expected Ojo to support the campaign no matter how it was framed. This choice of word created a storm. Ojo spent a greater part of his life trying to explain what was to him a straight forward argument. I believe Ojo misread the mood of his people. The devil was not in the words used but that the word or words came from a man of such cerebral mind who is widely admired by friends and foes alike. It was only to be expected at his death, that the controversy will erupt again.

    A mutual friend, wasted no time in throwing an upper-cut. Another activist called him a traitor who betrayed the Igbo. I beg to disagree.

    I knew Ojo well enough and intimately to plead his goodness as a man and as a “great and consistent friend”, the words he used to describe me.  I am proud to say Ojo lived a great and consistent life.

    On August 20th, Ojo was laid to rest at his ancestral home in Asaga-Ohafia in Abia State where he was born on May 6, 1945. I could not join his family to bid him good bye but I will never forget him. How can I forget my two visits to Asaga and several parts of Abia State with him? I felt at home in his home and in his community. As to be expected, the cream of the Nigerian society turned out in full force to celebrate a true Nigerian, a man who lives lasting impressions once you engage him.  A man who will live forever.

    According to Princeton Lyman former US Ambassador to Nigeria “Ojo provides a clear and forthright pathway to understanding the Nigerian community, he speaks first and foremost as a citizen of the country he loves.  He speaks as a social and political critic and as an intellectual whose readings span political economics and literature.  This exceptional combination gives his words a formidable character.”

    Ojo was not afraid to stand alone firmly in his beliefs. He was never swayed even if the whole of humanity descended on him.  Not vile language, spurious allegations or injurious innuendoes will sway him.

    His singular passion was how to transform Nigeria, a country he loves passionately.  Besides his immediate family, now headed by his Main Heart Ucha, whom he loved with deep passion, Ojo celebrated the “growing band of men and women who represented islands of integrity in a new Nigeria”

    Ojo used the word “integrity” frequently but carefully.  If you don’t have it, he would say it without apologies even if heaven falls.  If you have it, he would praise you effusively and to high heavens. As a Nigerian, Ojo compared favourably with Awolowo.  To be a better Nigerian, he was a good Igbo man as Awolowo was a good Yoruba man.  Ojo was as comfortable in being an Igbo man as he was a Nigerian.  I have many fond memories of him to say categorically that anytime an Igbo man fails to meet his expectation, he would take it personal.  He believed the Igbo people have a special role in Nigeria and he yearned for the best of Igbo.  With his cerebral mind, quick wit and a sheer force of intellect, Ojo would handle any issue with confidence or without emotions.  Let me recall a few instances.  At the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, Ojo defended the Abacha regime forcefully even though we had both campaigned together all over the US against the nullification of the June 12, 1983 election by the Military Regime.  As a friend, I could not muster the courage to publicly fault or disagree with him.  I seethed quietly with anger but I could not express it publicly, not in America anyway.  However, Dr. Eddie Okparaji, also a friend of Ojo’s and prominent pro-democracy activist, had no such problem of intimacy.

    “Ojo, you are a coward and a traitor, an apologist of military dictatorship,” Dr. Okparaji thundered.  Ojo replied calmly: “Eddie my brother, I commend your courage, I am sincerely happy that you are a man with rare courage.  However, I am too old to live in exile.  I will rather live under a dictatorship than express the anger of a cripple here in America. There are many strategies you can use to end a dictatorship especially the type that is ready and willing to bring the down the roof over the heads of everybody.  That is why I am campaigning not for Abacha but against another war, I have lived through one.’’

    Shortly after this encounter, Eddie and Ojo were shaking hands and exchanging pleasantries outside the conference hall. “Jisike”, Eddie said, “Ka”, Ojo replied in Ohafia dialect. After this encounter, I approached him reluctantly.  “Chief, I disagreed with you, but I could not raise my voice.” He replied “Abdul, my brother, you think I don’t know that? I saw your expression.  Even though you didn’t say a word, your expression was more deadly than Eddie’s empty outburst.”  We all laughed and moved on.

    Ojo and I had gone to the United States in August 1983 to represent MKO and the pro-democracy movement respectively.  We attended press conferences, granted radio interviews, attended congressional hearings and Nigerian-American events.  We lobbied for sanctions against the Military dictatorship and called on the international community to respect the democratic wish of the Nigerian people. With Abiola back home after the fall of Babangida’s Administration, Ojo also returned home but was to join the Abacha regime as special adviser to Babagana Kingibe the new foreign minister who was Abiola’s vice-presidential candidate  Shortly after MKO Abiola returned home from exile, he saw Ojo in an international flight to Lagos.  Ojo related the encounter with MKO to me this way:

    MKO:    “Ojo I hope your new master (Abacha) is taking care of you?”

    OJO:     “Chief after you went into exile, only a few people had the courage to continue, those in exile and those underground.  The rest are in prison or dead.”

    MKO:    “God will deliver us.”

    OJO:     “Amen”

    The other incident I would like to recall which inspired the title of this piece came home to all Nigerians on August 20th.  At Asaga-Ohafia Ojo was buried in a way befitting a statesman.  At Ezigbo village, in Ihiala Local Government Area of Anambra State, Izuchukwu Ezinoha, 35, was buried by his family as a “hero’’ at his multimillion Naira country home. Professional mourners were hired as street bands played in what was clearly a street carnival.

    Ojo as Minister of Foreign Affairs flew for over 24 hours to Jakarta to plead for the lives of the Nigerian drug lords who were sentenced to death in Indonesia.  The South East Asian country and her immediate neighbours Malaysia and Singapore have zero-tolerance for drug trafficking.  The penalty is death. Izuchukwu Ezimoha knew this.  He chose the ignoble route to wealth even if it will cost him his life.  He was convicted and publicly executed.  His family repatriated his bullet riddled corpse home for burial.  That was the right thing to do.  However, they dishonoured Ojo and all Nigerians by turning the tragedy into celebration of a “life well lived.”

    This drug lord, like many of his likes, were languishing in the same Indonesia prison which Ojo and his team visited. An experience that drove him to tears and humbled all of us, in Indonesia, over forty Nigerians had been tried, convicted were awaiting execution for drug related offences.  Three had been executed before our arrival.

    As Nigeria’s Foreign Minister in 2008, Ojo received a report about some Nigerians who were sentenced to death in Indonesia for drug related offences. The news created a storm at the National Assembly. Ojo felt the best approach was to intervene quietly without offending the national pride of the Indonesian Authorities. Nigeria and Indonesia enjoyed good diplomatic relations and trade between the two countries was growing. Both countries having just defeated military dictatorship, were working hard to deepen democracy. Coincidentally, both countries had retired generals as elected presidents and they both have the largest Muslim population in Asia and Africa respectively. A few days to his trip to Jakarta the Indonesian capital, Ojo called me and asked that I should join his team. Having left the National Assembly in 2007, I did not expect to be in an official delegation. Ojo thought differently, “I need your wise counsel,’’ he said. I felt flattered but I agreed to accompany him. Ojo as Minister of Foreign Affairs flew for over 24 hours to Jakarta to plead for the lives of the Nigerian drug lords who were sentenced to death in Indonesia.  The South East Asian country and her immediate neighbours Malaysia and Singapore have zero-tolerance for drug trafficking.  The penalty is death.  Izuchukwu Ezimoha knew this.  He chose the ignoble route to wealth even if it will cost him his life.  He was convicted and publicly executed in Indonesia for drug related offences.  His family repatriated his bullet riddled corpse home for burial.  That was the right thing to do.  However, they dishonoured all Nigerians by turning tragedy into celebration of a “life well lived.”

    The Nigerian inmates were 90% Igbo, many of them carried fake passports from several African nations like Zimbabwe, Sierra Leone, Zambia, The Gambian and Equatorial Guinea.  Because of this, the Nigerian High Commission had refused to extend consular support to them.  Ojo’s intervention changed it all.  Ojo told the inmates to provide   proofs of their Nigerian origin through birth certificates or baptismal certificates.  The kingpins had mobile phones.  They called home and these documents were provided in a few days.

     After series of meetings with Indonesian leaders starting with the  vice president, minister of foreign affairs, minister of justice, speaker of parliament and civil society leaders, we were left in no doubt of the resolve of the Indonesia Authorities to enforce the laws prohibiting drugs in the country.

    As we gathered in Ojo’s hotel suite to review our next moves, for the first time since I knew him, Ojo was lost for words.  He broke down and cried.  I joked with him that he had been broken.  “No Abdul”, he replied, “I am crying for my people the N’digbo.  Look, all these boys transited through Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, look at all the time and expenses, the risk involved.  To gain what?  To achieve what? I think Igbo need a new leadership that will imbibe a new set of values.  We have failed to provide that leadership.”

    I told Ojo that it was not his fault. It was a Nigerian problem and I blamed our common quest for materialism, fame and fortune no matter how acquired or the cost or consequences. “No” he ended the conversation.  “I know what I am talking about. You want to make me feel good. This is a tragedy for the Igbo.”

    As Ojo once said,  “We must be one of the  best in the world in managing personal guilt which perhaps explains why we have one of the lowest suicide rates in the world.’’ As I look back and recall these events, I conclude by saying Ojo is a national hero. The drug lord who got what was coming to him, all for wealth and fame and died in an ignoble way, a shame to his generation and his nation is not a hero but a villain. The people of Ezigbo should be ashamed of themselves, while those of Asaga-Ohafia should rightly be proud that a man from that community called Nigeria home and served her and N’digbo well.

  • Audacity of change

    President Buhari in a recent interview on May 29 lamented the parlous state of the naira and he promised to achieve one-to-one exchange rate parity with the dollar while in office. His political opponents have since ridiculed him on his statement and accused him of having no workable plan and resolution for the recession and economic growth.

    Naira and dollar one-to one parity is possible and achievable by re-denomination of the naira. If ever and whenever the naira to dollar exchange rate stabilizes at N100 to one dollar (100:1) or depreciates further to N1000 to one dollar (1000:1), the government can re-denominate and knock off the two or three zeros and create a new naira at one-to-one parity with the dollar. Well said, but is it necessary?

    The Japanese yen traded approximately between 100 to 125 yen to the dollar in the last one year (2015-2016). Does that mean that the yen is inferior to the dollar? Of course not! It is well known that the Japanese economy remains one of the most productive and innovative economies of the world. One hundred and twenty-five yen to the dollar makes same Japanese goods cheaper than at 100 Yen to the dollar and cheaper Yen gives Japan a favorable trade advantage in a competitive global market place.

    Productivity, competitiveness and sound economic fundamentals like balanced budget or budget surplus, low inflation and interest rates differentials, favourable balance of trade, low public debt and political stability are the characteristics of a stable currency exchange rate. It is not difficult or problematic to attain one-to-one parity with the dollar, but it is difficult to maintain one-to-one parity with the dollar.

    The essence of the new floating exchange rate regime is to stabilize and instill market confidence and certainty in the naira. Purchasing power parity (PPP) or international dollar method is based on law of one price and dual concepts of currency and fungible consumer goods or basket of goods. If a basket of consumer goods cost 10 dollars in the United States, what will the same goods cost in Nigeria? If it costs N4000, then the dollar to Naira exchange rate is (1:400). In addition, the difference in inflation rates of two countries is equal to appreciation or depreciation of the currencies in the two countries. Low inflation rate (US 0.8%) appreciates the dollar by 15.9% and high inflation rate (Nigeria 16.7%) depreciates the Naira by 15.9%. The Buhari administration must focus on lowering inflation rate and stop incessant depreciation of the Naira. PPP is a better method for comparing GDP among countries. According to CIA World Fact Book, purchasing power parity GDP of Nigeria is $1.1 trillion (2015) and ranked the 23rd largest economy in the world. In comparison, South Africa’s GDP is ranked 31st in the world with 723.5 billion dollars (2015).

    The Buhari government’s plan to further diversify the Nigerian economy to earn better export revenue from petrochemical (oil refining), agribusiness (rice, sorghum, soya beans, cocoa, etc..) solid minerals and manufacturing (steel) and ICT (skills training) is laudable and a huge opportunity to boost local contents and productivity. Successful execution of the plan will help Nigeria to both save and earn additional foreign exchange from export markets from targeted industries and develop a highly trained workforce with portable skills.

    For decades, intra-African trade stagnated at an abysmal 12%. Comparatively the rate is 40% in North America and 60% in Europe. In order to grow the Nigerian economy and balance the budget, Nigeria must encourage intra-African trade especially in the West Africa sub-region as a first step. It is a potential catalyst for growth. Integration of the West African economies must encourage sound economic fundamentals. Monetary and fiscal policies in the region must ensure low differentials between interest and inflation rates of 2-4%, efficient tax collection rate of 21% of GDP, and 3% annual productivity growth rate. Also, creating a West African stock exchange for high capitalization companies with potential global reach will enhance capital formation and single common currency like the proposed Eco will facilitate investment and accelerate economic growth in the region.

    Nigeria is ranked #127 of 144 countries in the global competitive index. In order to reverse the trend, the Buhari government must ease business formation processes and encourage well established global companies interested in the West African market to make their products in the region with significant local contents and input from the region where possible. In addition, N-Power initiative by the Buhari government to train young Nigerians below 35 years old is commendable but its execution should be done in collaboration with the states, private and non-profit sectors and colleges of technology for continuity and sustainability. Widespread participation will ensure development of multi-dimensional and unique skills targeted to states, local governments and private sector needs.

    There must be zero tolerance for corruption; the Buhari administration must be proactive, aggressive and continue to pursue and prosecute ugly and corrupt Nigerians, political muggers, vandals, and economic saboteurs to the fullest extent of the law. Sooner or later they will get the message that crime doesn’t pay anymore in Nigeria. Furthermore, institutional corruption caused by mismanagement and maladroit oversight should be replaced with abundant choice and open government principles because sunshine is the best disinfectant.

    In Nigeria, our trade imbalance and budget deficit creates an anomaly. We consume more of what we don’t produce (food and manufactured goods) and we produce more of what we don’t consume (oil and gas). Our economic focus must change to produce more of what we consume locally while building a more export- oriented economy. We must be more innovative, focused and nimble. We are very fortunate to have the Buhari government and his talented team of audacious, assiduous and talented consummate professionals who are in my humble opinion the best federal government ever. In the long run, I am bullish on the Nigerian economy joining the G-20 in five to 10 years. The time for change is now and we must straighten up and fly right.

     

    • Adetayo writes from Takoma Park, Maryland, USA.

  • Getting the economy out of recession

    Just as many nations experience economic prosperity, so do many others pass through economic recession, but numerous nations work hard to entrust economic prosperity on their people while many others, because of failure to plan ahead, bring recession on their people resulting in hunger, poverty, malnutrition and various sufferings. The recession being experienced in Nigeria presently was triggered by the great decline and sudden fall in the external price of crude oil in the world market, on which the nation depended for running the economy particularly as the gains from such values were mismanaged. The failure of our leaders to utilize the abundant cheap money from crude oil sales to develop other resources through diversification especially agriculture and other essential infrastructures which are needed to sustain the economy are responsible for the current recession ravaging the country.

    The federal government under the leadership of President Muhammadu Buhari who is now in charge of the Nigeria economy for about one and half years now, should now take prompt action to revive the dilapidated economy. It is obvious that the mismanagement of over many years by the PDP government has resulted in the growing recession and gloom ravaging price of crude oil has drastically reduced our foreign earnings and the foreign exchange reserves. The insecurity in the land producing the crude oil due to the activities of the militants has also reduced the amount of crude oil available for sale.

    We can not fail to take note of the failure of the PDP federal government to utilize the earnings from the oil boom to diversity the economy through agricultural revolution, production of diesel, petroleum and kerosene for home consumption and export of such refined products into other African countries. If Nigeria has succeeded in managing functional refineries, the product for internal consumption and export purposes would have enhanced the economic prosperity of the country. The federal government ought to have improved greatly on the development of infrastructural facilities which would have enhanced the prospect of industrial development resulting in the provision of employment opportunities. If the country had willingly and successfully utilized the numerous opportunities available to it through earnings from crude oil sales to transform the economy, we would not be confronted today by the widespread recession afflicting the economy. If Nigeria cared to manage functionary refineries, the earnings from sales for internal consumption and export purpose would have enhanced our economic prospect. There would be large scale employment opportunities through agricultural diversification, development of refineries, opening up of opportunities in numerous solid mineral resources which would improve our earnings at home and abroad. Nigeria needs to work hard to revive the non-oil resources which are abundant in this country.

    The previous PDP government woefully failed to plan ahead to industrialize the country so as to provide employment opportunities for our youths even when they are still studying at various schools and colleges. We should learn from what Chief Obafemi Awolowo did when he was Premier of Western Region when he ensured that for every prospective graduate at the colleges and universities, there would be numerous employment opportunities awaiting them. It needs to be emphasized that the unavailability of employment opportunities have resulted in various criminal activities embarked upon by unemployed youths such as armed robbery, kidnapping, and numerous kinds of militancy, the existence of groups engaged in sabotage and property vandalisation. A lot of people are also engaged in menial jobs that are not commensurate with their qualifications. Apart from the tumbling crude oil prices, the vandalism of facilities by militants must not be allowed to continue. The persistent dependence of the managers of our economy on imported fuel and other products of crude oil to run our economy must be reversed in favour of home refinery. While the federal government is playing a leading role in the management of the national economy, it should work in harmony with the state governments and other leading economic developers in the country. The federal government should embark on the assemblage of economic experts to prepare an Economic Master Plan for the country, in which roles are earmarked for every level of government and all other players in the economy, and solutions to the problems of the country suggested. The country for many years has depended on only the export of crude petroleum, the collapse of which has crippled the economy. While the PDP government at the federal level for many years had mismanaged the copious resources accruing from crude oil sales, most governors have also mismanaged their shares of the crude oil money from the federation accounts. It is therefore not surprising that about 27 state governments have now failed to pay the salaries of their workers for over seven months. The federal government should therefore work in harmony with the state governments to embark on the diversification of the economy. For example, while the federal government can play a leading role in agricultural development particularly in the preparation of the masterplan of the projects, the states will key in by embarking on the production of crops for which they are best suited for.

    The development of agriculture will not provide tremendous opportunities for the availability of food for the consumption of the populace to end the widespread hunger ravaging the land. It should be recalled that some years ago, the federal government embarked on the provision of numerous silos for the storage of food crop. The silos were provided, but they have been left empty since their construction.

    A recent publication credited President Buhari as declaring that, “Nigeria will be prosperous again “. This will depend on the preparation of all partakers in the economy to work hard in the attempt to diversify the economy. The leaders of this nation must work hard to provide an enabling environment by ensuring that peace and security prevail in the country. The leaders must work hard to ensure that the infrastructural facilities are working efficiently; infrastructures such as energy, transportation systems, to facilitate the development of industrial projects and provisions of employment opportunities. All efforts to redeem the economic potentials of this country should be handled by the federal and state governments who are joint stake-holders in the development of the country. Many state governors have mishandled the economic development of their states; hence many of them are before EFCC and ICPC where they are facing enquiries in respect of the mismanagement of the finances of their state. The Federal Government should therefore seek the co-operation of every state government, irrespective of the political party that sponsored their elections, to work together and jointly work through a Master Plan for the economic transformation of the country.

     

    • Farukanmi, a Second Republic senator writes from Akure, Ondo State.

  • Restructuring demands now in highest gear

    The demand for the restructuring of the Nigerian federation has switched to what I would call the ultimate highest gear.  Some pieces of news in the past week or so have switched the debate up to that level. As things stand at this point, if President Buhari chooses to continue to ignore the heated demands for the restructuring of the Nigerian federation, his silence may push Nigeria over the precipice. My reading of the situation is that Buhari and Nigeria under his watch do not seem to have much time left.

    At least from the Nigerian South and the Nigerian Middle Belt, which together amount to over 65% of the population and land area of Nigeria, virtually all conceivable centres of influence, virtually all known civic bodies, virtually all citizens of note, have joined their voices to the demand for the restructuring of the Nigerian federation, and virtually all have warned that continued refusal to start the processes towards restructuring would cause the collapse and breaking up of Nigeria.

    From the South-east and South-south regions where some citizens have already risen in revolt or insurgency against Nigeria, even the most extremist of the insurgents who are demanding outright secession of their regions from Nigeria, and even those who are wrecking assets critically important to the Nigerian economy, have nevertheless repeatedly added that they would be satisfied with a restructuring of the Nigerian federation.

    President Buhari has been manoeuvring to reach some peace with the insurgents on some other terms (including, reportedly, large sums of money to the insurgents), but the effort is yielding no measurable fruit. Whenever any insurgent group shows signs of readiness to negotiate with the president, other groups immediately attack them as traitors trying to betray the cause.  The president is thus reduced to a pathetic dance in the South-south, talking peace today and threatening war or throwing bombs tomorrow – a pathetic dance that is taking all the lustre away from him as a leader.  Dead set against the one thing that seems most probable to buy peace – that is, start the process of restructuring the federation – President Buhari would, apparently, rather let himself and his country be destroyed.

    Yet, the arguments that Nigerian’s are putting forth for restructuring are very difficult to turn away from. Viewed from any angle conceivable, the present structure of the Nigerian federation has seriously hurt, and is seriously hurting, the welfare of Nigeria. The 36 states have proved too many, and have saddled Nigeria with a patently unbearable burden of administrative costs. The over-concentration of power, resource control and resource development in the hands of the federal government has resulted in the destruction of far too many pillars of the Nigerian economy and society. Mesmerized by the huge flow of revenue from the Delta’s petroleum after 1970, an ignorant and short-sighted federal establishment turned Nigeria into an economy based only on oil, and systematically took over other resources that had traditionally been managed by the regions and that had traditionally upheld the Nigerian economy (such as cocoa, groundnuts and palm produce), and, by shoddy management, destroyed them all. Unable to carry out a seizure of all the land of the federation, the federal establishment, while leaving the land for the state governments to control, federalized the rivers that flow through the land, the river banks, and the coastal lands – all in an almost insane urge to seize and control everything.

    Determined to control all sections of the country, the federal establishment lured the state governments into dependence on federal monthly dolls and other hand-outs from the oil revenue, and thus turned the state governors into agents submissive to federal control. All over the country, development by states deteriorated, local spirit of enterprise crumbled, and poverty escalated. Dizzyingly awash with the oil money, the federal establishment became hideously incompetent and corrupt, and turned corruption into the philosophy of governance in Nigeria. As hopeless poverty grew, corruption by rulers and leaders became acceptable to Nigerians as a means of getting some share, and crookedness and fraud became more or less the virtue of Nigerians. And, now that the oil revenues have crashed and the Nigerian economy has gone into deep recession, and the federal government is no longer able to dole out money bountifully to the states, almost all the states have become near-bankrupt and comatose, and poverty has risen to heights that threaten Nigeria with massive protests that could trigger even greater disasters.

    With the federal government insisting on being the sole controller of police services in Nigeria, police officials in all Nigerian localities looked more and more like occupation officials in the service of a foreign power, and crimes and insurgency had a field day – giving Nigeria the reputation of being one of the most dangerous countries in peace time on earth. With the people in control of federal power determined to decide the result of all elections, every Nigerian election is now a horrendous cash riot and a war to the death.

    In the relationship among the various peoples of Nigeria, harmony disappeared, inexplicable enmity spread, and acts of inter-ethnic and inter-religious violence became the dominant tone of Nigeria’s national life – leading often to pogroms, terrorism, and even attempted genocide.

    And, strangely, the only known reason why Buhari is so stubbornly refusing to consider the restructuring of the Nigerian federation is that his own people, the Hausa-Fulani elite, oppose restructuring. Since independence in 1960, the Hausa-Fulani elite have held on to the doctrine that the only way to allay their fears and protect their interests in Nigeria is for them to hold on to federal power at all costs and for the federal government to control Nigeria as fully as possible. But, in recent times, the near-uniformity which they have seemed to enjoy over that doctrine has been showing some signs of waning. The most potent such sign has been coming from one of Nigeria’s most eminent citizens, the former Nigerian Vice-President Atiku, who is Fulani. Atiku has said repeatedly that the present structure of the Nigerian federation is very bad for Nigeria and has been hurting Nigeria (including the Hausa-Fulani North-west) in many ways, and he has strongly urged that restructuring needs to be carried out. In fact, he has written what many Nigerians regard as one of the most carefully considered statements on the issue of restructuring.

    Of a different character is another important statement made only this past week by another prominent Hausa-Fulani citizen, Prof. Ango Abdullahi, former Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University, former holder of high positions in the Nigeria federal government, and a leader of the Northern Elders Forum. Prof. Abdullahi is well known as an opponent of restructuring. But last week, he made a statement which has surprised many. In answer to people who are demanding that Nigeria’s unity be renegotiated, President Buhari had said some weeks ago that “Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable” – thereby provoking widespread opposition. Last week, Prof. Abdullahi contradicted President Buhari frontally. Pointing out that we have seen many countries break up in our time, he asserted that there is no country whose unity is sacrosanct. As for Nigeria, he concluded, if we find that we cannot live together in harmony and give our people good governance, we should consider breaking up, so that each people could find their own way.

    Even though some commentators have opined that Abdullahi’s statement cannot be taken at face value, I think his words are a sign that we Nigerians are becoming very realistic  in our perception and handling of our membership of Nigeria. It is almost sure that when any ethnic nationalist groups hold meetings in the days ahead, Abdullahi’s statement will show up as one of the pointers to the road ahead for them. And that brings me back to my earlier statement above that President Buhari and Nigeria may not have much time left. President Buhari needs to wake up.

  • Osun at 25: The beat continues

    Let me say that divine providence, coupled with very selfless urge to serve the people, primarily informed my incursion as they would say into, “the murky water” of politics. In 1989, I saw the need to join the foray to participate actively in the politics of old Oyo State, out of which Osun State was later carved out. I took the plunge and was determined to prove my mettle, though I was the youngest of all the contestants, where we have the likes of Late Chief Kolapo Isola, Haruna Elewi, Chief Oderinu, and Hon ‘Dosu Ladipo among others.

    I travelled the length and breadth of old Oyo State, making overtures to the electorate as to my intention to serve them. When eventually, Osun State was created, the job became a lot easier,as I had fewer places to touch in campaigning for the governorship race. Osun is a well knit state, with clusters of towns hence, campaigning was a bit easier. The primaries took place under the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and by God’s grace, I won the general election and became the first elected Governor of Osun State on January 2, 1992 at a memorable occasion held at Osogbo township stadium.

    When I resumed office as governor in 1992, the priority was to get the staff deployed from old Oyo State to settle down to work, because the bedrock of any administration is her human resources. Hence, we were determined to make the new state grow in leaps and bounds. We made efforts to give the civil servants all encouragement necessary, though accommodation posed a lot of problem. But we succeeded in laying a solid foundation. And Osun today could boast of one of the best civil service in the federation.

    One important lesson, which our government learnt from the past development plans in Nigeria is the inadequate co-ordination and integration between physical plan and economic development plans itself. We discovered early enough in the life of our administration, that Osun State is highly urbanized and the conglomeration of the satellite towns was used to an advantage. The government I led, went ahead and built a state capital, that was functional and beautiful. A Capital Territory Development Authority was established for the planning and development of the 40,000 hectares of land designated as the Osun State Capital Territory.

    A masterplan was worked out by our administration, through which, areas were marked out for development into residential, industrial, agricultural and forestry purposes. In pursuit of the urban renewal programme of our administration between 1992 and 1993, the first thing we did, was to build a ring road (that is today called Oba Adesoji Aderemi Road), to remove the flow of traffic from the inner city to ease passage of commuters coming from Ikirun, Iwo, Ilobu, Halleluyah and Dada Estate and going to Ile-Ife and beyond.

    We also built the Isiaka Adeleke Freeway, to ease traffic flow for people going from Oke-fia axis to Ilesa road, through Odi-Olowo, Asubiaro, Isale –Osun. To achieve this noble goal, I went to the World Bank in Washington, and obtained a loan with which we started the Ring Road project now Oba Adesoji Aderemi Way.

    Through the same World Bank Loan, our administration was also able to open up the Ojo-Ara-Ejigbo road, Apomu-Orile owu among others. I am happy, that the roads under reference were completed by succeeding administration, thus opening up the areas to faster economic progress.

    I was totally poised for a new era in Osun State, but the abrupt termination of our government by the Abacha junta, brought an end to the realization of some of these goals.

    But I thank God, that succeeding administrations, also contributed immensely to the urbanization of towns in Osun State, particularly, the far-reaching urban renewal programmes, embarked upon by Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola’s government. It is my prayer, that he will see all his laudable projects to fruition for the benefits of the people at the grassroots.

    As for the agitation for the creation of Osun State, I must commend the laudable roles of the founding fathers of which my own father – Papa Raji Ayoola Adeleke was one. Together with late Chief Kola Balogun of Otan Ayegbaju, they co-chaired meetings which were always held at my father’s house in Ede with Chief Tunji Abolade, as secretary and Chief Diran Fagbougbe, as publicity secretary among other foremost traditional rulers and other eminent citizens. They fought tooth and nails against many odds, to see that Osun State was created by the administration of General Ibrahim Babangida (rtd). It was a herculean task, as so many innuendoes came up, among which was where the capital would be sited. But at the end of the day, sanity prevailed and Osogbo was chosen.

    Scarcity of funds was among the major challenges that my administration faced at inception. My maiden budget, christened, “FOUNDATION BUDGET” was of N964,102,850.00, which was meant for provision of free and functional education for our children; eradication of diseases through provision of free basic health services; agriculture amongst other. These lofty ideas were greatly threatened with the reduction of the share of state government in the federation account from 30% to 25%. We tapped into other internally generated revenues, without hardship on the people. I should also recall, that our government was able to turn the satellite campuses of Ibadan Polytechnics at Iree and Esa-Oke to full-fledged polytechnic and Colleges of Technology, while not losing sight of the upgrading of colleges of Education at Ilesa and Ila.

    Other challenges we faced as a government was the absorption of school teachers and non-teaching staff of Osun origin who were forced to return home, thereby bringing additional financial burden.

    Cabinet formation in my time was a seamless exercise. Men and women of proven integrity were brought on board, presented to the state Hose of Assembly for screening and they performed optimally. Round pegs were in most cases, put in round holes and where there were lapses, I did not hesitate to apply the big stick, no matter whose ox was gored.

    Osun State in my profound judgement has not done badly since its creation. The Military Administrator did their humble best, while I commend successive civilian administrators. Chief Adebisi Akande was able to put up one of the best secretariat in Nigeria today. It is infact second to none. Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola was pragmatic and courageous in establishing a state university,with satellite campuses in different zones of the state. He tried his best under the prevailing circumstances that he found himself. Government is a continuum. Each man, his own time.

    Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, I should say, is giving his best to the service of Osun State. He has put forth giant strides that will only be appreciated after his departure from office. Leaders with conviction often shape the outcomes in that arena. Politics is flooded with moments of joy, excitement and anxiety; hence, the Abacha coup that ‘swept’ me from office was an act of God. The Almighty puts into position of authority, Whomsoever He willeth and removes from office, whomsoever He wills. To God alone, belongs the sovereignty of the heaven and the earth. So, I have no regret leaving office via Abacha coup, afterall I am alive to tell the story, waxing stronger.

    As for my message to Osun at 25, I call on all citizens at home and in diaspora, to continue to contribute their quotas to the accelerated development of the state.  Concerted efforts should be put in place by every well-meaning Osun indigenes to practically transform the state positively for the benefits of the less privileged and the voiceless, whoare in the majority. Let us rally round our leaders, who should in turn, show compassion and love to the governed. In Osun, we still have many hurdles to cross. We should re-discover ourselves and know that, self-help is the best help. We should stop buck passing, and grasp the bull by the horn and move Osun many steps ahead of its peers. At 25, Osun should be a giant, a shining star; a reference point in everything progressive and developmental. Let us learn to love ourselves and continue to sharpen our destinies and those of generation yet unborn, so that in the next few years, our dear state would be Dubai of Africa. Yes we can! We should.

    • Senator (Dr) Isiaka Adetunji Adeleke (CON) is first Governor of Osun State.

  • Between Dogara, Abubakar and Bauchi people

    I recently read comments credited to the governor of Bauchi State, Mohammed AbdullahiAbubakar, that the Speaker of the House of Representatives, YakubuDogara is leading other federal lawmakers to wage a political battle against him because he was not in support of his emergence as Speaker of the House of Representatives. It is instructive to note that the Speaker himself has never been on record to have said anything negative about the governor. I have searched in vain for a shred of evidence.

    The governor reportedly told State House Correspondents after a meeting with President Muhammadu Buhari on Wednesday August 31, that, “My problem with Rt Hon DogaraYakubu started during the election for the leadership of the National Assembly. I stood on the side of the party. I directed every Bauchi lawmaker to toe the line of the party by voting Femi Gbajabiamila as speaker. At that time, nine out of the 11 Lawmakers did that, and later the candidate of Bauchi (Dogara) won.”

    The governor also said that the Speaker, who hails from the same Bauchi south zone with him, is the brain behind the troubles he is witnessing in the state and federal level.

    This came as a surprise, considering the well-known fact that it was the Speaker who gave Governor Abubakar a consolidated bloc vote of delegates from Bogoro/Dass/Tafawa Balewa during the primaries where he ran against his fellow lawmaker and friend, Hon. Yusuf Tuggar and former federal minister, Dr Yakubu Lame and won by 36 votes only. There is no informed Bauchi indigene including the governor that will deny the known contributions of Dogara to his emergence as governor of Bauchi State.

    On the contrary, this gesture was not returned by the governor, as he himself confessed that he refused to support Dogara during his race for the seat of the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Instead, he mobilized Bauchi members to vote against him. But the Speaker is not one to bear grudges.

    Interestingly, the governor presently does not have the support of 11 out of these same 12 Reps members. As a testimony to what the Speaker stands for, even Hon (Dr) M S Abdu, his own brother from Bauchi State, who nominated his opponent during the Speakership election is now a committed ally; ditto so many honourable members who voted against him. He is also not known to hold any resentment against his main challenger, Femi Gbajabiamila who later became the House Leader. The question agitating my mind is why should the case of Governor Abubakar be different when the Speaker has reconciled with those who worked against him?

    Instructively, all the three senators from Bauchi State have parted ways with the Governor because they are not happy with the hardship his style of governance is bringing to the good citizens of the state who fought hard to bring him to office.

    The question governor Abubakar should be asking himself is: Why is it that nearly all National Assembly members from the state are not with him?  Why are nearly all Bauchi elites not with him? Why are preachers and traditional rulers against him? Are all these happening to him simply because he refused to support the emergence of Speaker Dogara? Certainly not.

    Indeed, not even a fool would fail, in the present circumstances, to see that the governor’s problems are much deeper than just a mere issue with Dogara over his emergence as Speaker.  The sooner the governor realizes this, the better for him. It seems it’s the entire people of Bauchi State or an overwhelming majority of them that have had enough of the governor and his antics and have decided to face him on their own.

    Why is the governor scared to mention other reputable stakeholders like MallamAdamuAdamu, Sen Ali Wakili, Senator NazifGamawa, Hon Yusuf Tuggar, Dr Yakubu Lame and others too numerous to mention who are all strongly united in rejecting his retrogressive brand of politics?  Is it cowardice or sheer brinkmanship? Is he saying they are not important enough to warrant his attention? Is he telling us that all these principled and distinguished stakeholders from Bauchi have abandoned him and joined forces with Speaker Dogara to fight him for no reason other than what he alleged?  Where are the marines that would buy the governor’s story? He talked about lies been spread about him without telling us what the lies were in specific terms. Has Speaker Dogara become so central to the politics of Bauchi so much so that he can orchestrate a counter revolution at will or spread lies so well that the mass of Bauchi will start voicing their displeasure at the governor in all the Local Government Areas he visits? Is that how Bauchi people have become, jeering at their governor for an election that was settled more than a year ago? Who really believes that?

    From all indications, Governor Abubakar does not have to look far to identify the cause of his woes. Neither the Speaker nor the federal lawmakers are responsible for his troubles. His anti-people policies and actions are clearly the reason for his estranged relationship with the Bauchi people. As if that is not enough, the governor is incurring the wrath of Bauchi people for sabotaging the APC in Bauchi in making his key appointments including composition of Local Government Area caretaker chairmen and committees.

    Since 2015, he sanctioned an unending salaries verification exercise for all public service staff to remove “ghost workers” and all this while, most workers and pensioners who have been denied verification have not received their salaries and entitlements – an exercise which the governor himself admitted in a BBC Hausa interview is a failure.

    It is time to focus on building the state and its institutions to serve the people of Bauchi. This can be achieved faster if there is a synergy between the governor, Speaker, Malam AdamuAdamu, senators, legislators and other stakeholders. Honestly any fight with any or all the major stakeholders, as is presently the case, will not do the governor any good. It’s the governor’s responsibility to provide the needed leadership by uniting the people behind him and to deliver on the APC change mandate. No smart adviser would counsel otherwise. But if the governor hopes that he can go alone and still succeed, then good luck. Ti

     

    • Mohammed wrote in from Alkaleri, Bauchi State.