The Nation Newspaper

Category: Comments

  • 2016 Budget: Evolutionary or revolutionary?

    Now that President Muhammadu Buhari has talked the talk, now is time to walk the walk.  The budgets of Nigeria and national development plans since independence have always been exemplary and enough to whet ones appetite.  It is always in the implementation after years of ineffective monitoring and evaluation that they fail to deliver with their lofty promises. The President has acknowledged such sentiments of, “I have heard this before” , several times, over many decades one has lost count of.

    In light of this, the budget would be explored covering both the positive sound bites, the potential pit-holes to avoid and room(s) for significant improvement.

    One cannot fail to notice the first palpitation which is the rather optimistic projection of oil prices at US$38.  Considering oil market vagaries at the moment, Iran and Libya coming on board soon enough, Saudi Arabia ready to maintain oil production up to US$10 per barrel, major buyers looking for alternatives like there is no tomorrow, it is enough cause to raise eyebrows.  Twenty-five dollars would have been recommended but then it is all speculation.  In any case, it is expected to yield only N820 billion with N1.45 trillion and N1.51 trillion coming in from non-oil revenues and independent sources respectively.  This probably allows us space to breathe easy since oil is just over a quarter of projected revenue. To put a positive spin on it, it also puts in place the mechanism to practically diversify the country’s revenue sources rather than just talking and writing about it.

    That leaves borrowing and taxes as the major funding sources for the budget. The planned budget outlay is put at N6.08 trillion with a revenue projection of N3.86 trillion leaving a deficit of N2.22 trillion. Our GDP of 560 billion dollars (x N197 equals N110.3 trillion) makes the deficit according to the budget reading about 2.16% of our Naira GDP. This would be fiscally within nationally tolerable limits. Borrowing to finance this deficit would cost us N1.84 trillion including both domestic and foreign borrowing. On paper, this does not quicken one’s heart pulse. A high-level implementation ratio is however what we shall hopefully await.

    Non-oil revenues comprising of Company Income Tax (CIT), Value Added Tax (VAT) and Customs and Excise (C&E) duties, and Federation Account levies are meant to contribute N1.45 trillion.  This precludes a sizable chunk of the budget based on tax collection.  The companies paying tax in the formal sector, apart from the governmental establishments, are mostly in the banking, telecoms, aviation, petroleum and the lowly monitored informal sector and are majorly based in Lagos, Abuja and Port Harcourt.  This taxation expansionist dragnet revolves around an import-based economic paradigm poorly engaged with the productive activities or Gross National Product (GNP) of its citizens. The picture being painted is a push towards expansion of the tax net as opposed to a productivity-driven increase in tax revenue.   In an environment still characterised by relatively low level of productivity as is typical of ours, the cost of tax collection tends to be on the high side whereas a highly productive economy would invariably offset and thereby provide a tax revenue base with a relatively low level of tax administration cost. In the event that we succeed in expanding our tax net, does that necessarily translate into a proportional increase in our national productive capacity especially outside the major cities?

    Continuing this tax collection drive – are the plans being mooted to increase VAT in any way connected to the support being targeted towards small businesses – how would this work in a country with a very low productivity base in relation to its population?  Outside of Lagos and Port Harcourt, how many states can really boast of small to medium industrial or agro-commercial activities able to make a meaningful contribution to their states or the country for that matter? No need to add power challenges for now, that is a whole seminar paper in itself. Is increase on VAT the priority or getting productivity up and then there is something being produced or service being rendered to put VAT on? Something first has to generate or increase productivity by and for the nation’s citizens before it is taxed.

    Customs and Excise also falls under this category of the increase in tax drive as a major funding source for the budget. The irony is that the current operational framework under which the C&E performs its duties ensures that most of the taxes it collects are on an importation driven platform.  Considering our import-export container ratio is running at 92% to 8% respectively, most of its activities are more of a hindrance to economic development than the amount it purports to collect for the nation annually.  Whatever the C&E declares that it collects for the nation is from the 90% import-driven platform of which we export a paltry amount in comparison.  Any measures implemented to support in increasing our export ratio to the 45% to 55% mark would be a welcome development. For now, it means the C&E is just about collecting one-quarter to one-fifth of the nation’s revenue capacity.  If this is what forms a significant bulk of our tax drive, then we still need to reorient the C&E platform to provide all forms of support for our export drive as was recently intoned by its current head, Col Hameed Ali (Rtd.)

    Education in this budget seems to be on an upward swing. The budget makes a revolutionary statement of intent in its recognition of the role of Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) over the pen and paper pushing professions – BLAMES – Business, Law, Arts, Management, Environment and Social Sciences. Hopefully, the implementation of the STEM agenda and the criteria for recruiting the 500,000 teachers would be towards the original intent and not diverted towards funding the courses and curriculum producing more BLAMES graduates.  Most of the policy makers in the ministry and institutions are from the BLAMES background, implementation again is the watchword.  Remember our lessons from the 6-3-3-4 drive to explore the technical-vocational channel. We invested in and produced more BLAMES than STEMS resulting in over-abundance of educated or mis-educated youths with the current high level of graduates unemployed, underemployed or mis-employed. Investment in technical-vocational sector would yield returns faster on the nation and employ more proactive agro cum rural industrial entrepreneurs than the traditional reactive-oriented white-collar jobs only of use in mostly Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt and the state capitals.

    Allocation of 30% to capital expenditure is revolutionary in itself considering past budgets and the paucity of allocation to capital expenditure in relation to recurrent expenditure. A little bit of caution here though while reflecting on the prominent role given to power, works and housing.  The priority still persists with the construction of houses and roads with a roads’ building network predisposed towards transporting of imported goods inland. The people being transported to work are in the commercial sector in Lagos, the political machinery in Abuja and the petroleum sector in Port Harcourt who are significantly primed well enough to support this import-driven engine.

     

    • Owolowo can be reached on owolowo.dele@gmail.com

  • Averting crisis in health sector in 2016

    In his all-time classic, ‘The Art of war’, Sun Tzu narrated how a lord of ancient China once asked his physician, a member of a family healers, which of them was the most skilled in the art.

    The physician, whose reputation was such that his name became synonymous with medical science in China, replied, ‘My eldest brother sees the spirit of sickness and removes it before it takes shape. He cures sickness when it is still extremely minute. As for me, I puncture veins, prescribe potions, and massage skin when sickness has already settled in, and so, from time my name gets out and is heard among the lords. And so, by this, my eldest brother is the best.

    This ancient story is the premiere classic of the science of strategy in conflict as it teaches that the peak efficiency of knowledge and strategy is to make conflict altogether unnecessary. It shows that understanding a conflict as well as taking a rational, rather than an emotional approach to the problem of conflict can lead not only to its resolution, but even to its avoidance altogether. Pride, anger and greed are the fundamental causes of disharmony. Weapons of war are inauspicious instruments, not the tools of the enlightened. Winning without having to fight is the noblest.

    Everyone believes that there is an ‘incurable’ disease afflicting our health sector. It was earlier thought of as a teething problem. After it persisted for a while, we altered our perception of it as a perennial problem and right now, it has assumed the status of a terminal, and incurable disease. But we made it so!

    The pundits have said that in a year, an average Nigerian doctor in the public health sector spends six months working and the other six on strike, defying the Hippocratic oath (that some have re-christened Hypocrites’ oath) to which they swore an unconditional allegiance.

    Their colleagues and partner in the same art (pharmacists, nurses and other health workers) are not any better, following the same vicious pattern. At some point, they turned industrial action into a relay race, passing the baton of strike over to each other as they play games with human lives, which they all swore at induction into their various professions to protect first, no matter what (except at the cost of their personal safety). Hence, they forget their humanitarian calling!

    Some years ago, I was practicing as a pharmacist in University Teaching Hospital, Ado Ekiti when something gory happened. Health professionals were on strike as usual, in a bid to press home demands from the state government when a sick woman, (probably pregnant too) was rushed to the hospital. On getting to the gate, they were first told that a strike action was on-going. Even though we claimed to continue to render emergency care services, the news of the strike killed the little life left in that woman, so she died at the gate! How many more such cases have happened, how many more of our fellow country men and women we have condemned to untimely death all in a bid to gratify our lusts and massage our ego or just to ‘make a statement’ to the government?

    Cataloguing the unfortunate incidents of the past or sorrowing in it will be like an east wind that blows no man any good. It is time to sit up and fix it. I belief this is very possible. How do I know? Yes, some pessimists or stoics had once thought Nigeria’s case (the polity) is beyond redemption; that the politics of ‘anywhere belle face’ will continue to have it, till kingdom come, until the 2015 general elections that proved them all wrong.

    Successive governments have tried without success to heal the public health sector. They failed because they were only using Dane gun to hunt mother elephant or attempting to cure metastatic cancer with Chinese balm! They came up with cosmetic solutions which only lasted as long as cosmetics do. They tried to change the fruits without first working on the roots. Little wonder those quick fix solutions never worked, or seemed to work for a while before another bigger problem erupted.

    To overcome a challenge, we must first of all understand it. We must go back in time to the era of no challenge, see where the challenge came in and how. Why other nations don’t have the same challenges as we do and see how to apply (domesticate) their methods to our situation. Some may criticize this as a neo-colonialism, but we shouldn’t give a dog a bad name because we want to hang it. Such should recall that the books we used in both secondary and tertiary schools were also written by them and we use the principles set forth in those books in practice and get good results. These are not matters of morality, which we can derive from Holy Scriptures. They are evidence-based, scientifically proved principles and we must apply them to our own situation in management to achieve any success.

    Now, they say a fool is he that does the same thing and expects a different result. You cannot clean a plate with dirty hand. Unfortunately in Nigeria, we appoint people to positions as policy makers, permanent secretaries, ministers, etc without an in depth drilling and grilling. Appointments are usually based on good political standing and networks of influence and individual has; and we think we’re going somewhere? Never. It will take some miracle of sort for that to happen.

    In all policy making positions, and more so in multi-disciplinary positions like in health industry, a thorough evaluation of individual’s antecedents is needed before giving them sensitive and decisive responsibilities. Their history from primary school, secondary level and tertiary institution; their professional history, relationship with other colleagues in allied disciplines over their career span, antecedents in leadership at all levels interdisciplinary conviviality personal and professional philosophies must be looked at very closely.

    As long as we continue to appoint individuals with adversarial philosophies as policy makers in health ministry, and not those with ‘esprit de corps’, we can only brace up for more crises in the sector; as they will only fan the embers of discord and compound the sectoral woes. They will continue to hold secret meetings with a particular group of health professionals and instigate them against others and even the government! And we said we are going forward? Never! It does not work out that way.

    I partially agree with the philosophy that you don’t appoint a Nigerian referee as umpire in a game that involves Nigeria and another country because, as long as blood runs in his veins, he will be prejudiced towards his fatherland. So, in this wisdom, a neutral umpire is usually appointed. But while the administration of health ministry is not a game, so to say, as that will give it an adversarial outlook, individuals to serve in policy making positions MUST be able to act rationally rather than emotionally on issues. They must detach themselves emotionally from their primary constituencies (their own personal professional fields), and act for the general good of all and in the best interest of the nation. It is only an irrational mind that will oppose a rational stance (not decisions or actions motivated by personal and emotional prejudice) and such a one need not be taken seriously.

    This kind of mind-set and approach will help avert crises in health sector altogether.

    In his address to Americans at the height of great economic depression of 1983, Ronald Reagan came out bold as he declared that the government could not address the economic problem on ground because the government itself was the problem! Did you get it?

    So, when lay people comment ignorantly, like Senator Godswill Akpabio recently did on shortage of residency positions for doctors, I just laughed at the height of his ignorance on such issues. He did not ask the policy makers whether they follow the terms on length of Residency Training first. The six-year term spelt out in the rule of engagement for the programme is flagrantly flouted as some people have been residents for over 10 years and still counting! Tell me then where and how new doctors will come in when the old students refuse to graduate and the institutions do nothing?

    When we begin to do things right, then we begin to get it right and the earlier we begin, the better, for harmony and prosperity for all.

    • Pharm. Olalekan writes from Airport Road, Abuja

  • Biafra and the National Question

    It does appear that there can be no comforting respite for Nigeria from the largely avoidable multifarious political and socio-economic issues buffeting its humanity. The reason for this grim conclusion cannot be divorced from the balding fact that the country thrives on hurting escapism in different forms, and is as comfortably beholden to the culture of denials in spite of lingeringly rebuking realities just as it is joyously inured to the distasteful habit of producing and electing myopic, dull and drab minds as leaders to occupy sensitive public positions. Nigeria pretends it is a normal nation founded on a viable, sustainable, and tenable foundation. It boldly ignores the National Question and the Political Question (masterfully delineated by Claude Ake) and pretentiously sallies on as if the more than 300 ethnic nationalities which constitute it freely and graciously agreed to cohabitate under one law and system.

    Nigeria, the unstable child of Lord Lugard, has not got the good sense to reconstruct itself, boldly engage the burning question of the togetherness or otherwise of its peoples, and redefine itself in a way that it comes up with a national identity and values that give meaning to citizenship. The unnerving lie that Nigeria is a nation founded on sure foundation and so is united, with its peoples determined to live as one, is at the core of the cause of the unending agitations, uprisings, and instabilities that more than the cankerworm of corruption define the country.

    The latest of such destabilising convulsions is the renewed quest on the part of the Igbo people of the East to exit from the Nigeria house of cards. The other day it was the Yoruba leaders of thought threatening to secede if the cattle-rearing Fulanis of the North do not quit disturbing the ‘peace’ of the southern Yoruba people. There are also the barbarous minds of the viciously terrifying Islamic sect, Boko Haram, seeking to establish a Caliphate, one which admits no non-Muslims.

    The truth is that different happenings since the end of the poorly resolved Civil War in 1970 have continued to call the country’s attention to the unsustainable contradictions in its structure and, more importantly, to the vexatious issue of coexistence among the ethnic nationalities within it. But thus far, the country’s successive leaders’ responses to this structural anomaly have been shallow, ineffectual, unorganised, and misplaced.

    With the reintroduced agitation for a Biafran nation, it is our contention that Nigeria is being presented with another superb opportunity to engage more sensibly and maturely the nagging problem of the country’s National Question – the matter of coexistence and the country’s defective structure. The South-North acute dichotomy, which is often evident in matters of appointment to public offices and uneven physical infrastructural development, needs such critical attention that only structured thinking can vouchsafe.

    One contends that a truly Sovereign National Conference, one devoid of the asininities of the past ones, is critical to resolving the sore problem of sharp disunity, suspicion and distrust that continue to make lives miserable in the country. The question as to whether the peoples of this country want to be together and on what terms, or that they want to go separately must be pointedly put to them. There is nothing entirely sacrosanct about our borders as we have them today – it can be redrawn. Let no one be mistaken: Nigeria is not a nation! It is a conglomeration of many ethnic nationalities. And until we decide, either through a Sovereign National Conference or a direct referendum, whether we want to stay together or not, it will be good morning to one uprising or another from the different ethnic populations in the country.

    We are not against plurality or diversity. To be sure, that has its advantages as we continue to see in many plural societies of the world. But what should be taken into cognisance is the fact that no plural society made up of unhappy, frustrated or unwilling components can enjoy the benefits of diversity. The same is true of a society with defective federal system. Nigeria takes the front seat among countries with unsustainable or wonky federal system. We wish to observe that no country structured on a flawed federal system can harvest the good of federalism when the federating units federate in un-freedom or under duress. If the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and/or the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) is unhappy with its state in the Nigerian edifice delicately held together by spittle and so seeks to break off, then the response of the present leaders of Nigeria to that should not be one of force or tough words as was the case in the near past. That will exacerbate the situation and make the country more hobbled.

    The Federal Government led by President Muhammadu Buhari must come to the realisation that shooting live bullets as a way of dispersing a people asking to be allowed to find their exit if nothing effective can be done to address their frustration and alienation will never solve the National Question. This is the time for all Nigerians who feel genuinely concerned about the unviable state of the country to intervene and demand a more sensible approach to resolving the troubling problem of coexistence and defective structure in Nigeria. This becomes more compelling in view of the fact that there is a large retinue of unemployed youths in Nigeria who will always be willing recruits for all kinds of violent agitations.

    Indeed, pacification, a la colonists’ style, is not the solution. The response of the officers of the Nigerian Police and its Joint Task Force (JTF) component to the Onitsha protest, in which about 10 people were killed, a few weeks ago is evidently and largely colonial. If the country in its structure and system has not been redefined, the police also remain a clear vestige of colonialism. The men and women of the police are neither professional nor do they understand that their loyalty is to the Nigerian Constitution (again a document which weakly sustains the lie that is one Nigeria).

    The police regress when the rest of the thinking world is progressively reviewing their systems of policing. The regression of the Nigeria Police accounts for why they disperse protesting crowd with live ammunition. Police officers in Nigeria do not see human beings – they see animals which must be ruthlessly dealt with anytime the interests of the NAPOLEONS appear threatened. Ours is a country where the concept of citizenship and the sacredness of the human life are insufficiently understood. And crucially those are parts of the areas the Sovereign National Conference should address.

    While we are very convinced that National Question and all other socio-economic problems are not unsolvable, one is strongly less persuaded that President Buhari has what it takes to ingenuously design an effective solution to the problems. President Buhari’s appreciation of the country’s Byzantine complexities appears superficial. Concerned people of this country must intervene to ensure that the Federal Government under President Buhari initiate an effective, non-combative response to the hot potato that is the unfolding Biafra tension.

    • Ademola writes from Bodija, Oyo State.

  • Governor Ahmed: Story of hope

    The month of December is special for us in Kwara State in several ways, spiritual and mundane. The birthdays of the world’s greatest beings, Prophets Muhammad and Issa (may peace be upon them). This month the global community shares goodwill with one another in celebration of their lives.

    Coincidentally too, and possibly with deep spiritual connection, is the fact that the month of December also marks the birthdays of my principal and boss, Dr. Abdulfatah Ahmed, who equally became a year older this month.

    But no matter the degree of quietness we are commanded to observe in marking the birthday, it is still definitely not out of place to use this medium to celebrate Ahmed who is on the way to completing a second term in office as governor of Kwara State.

    Ahmed deserves commendation on a day like this; for keeping the flag flying; unwavering and untiring in the expected commitment to the ideals and ideology of the political structure that brought his administration into office. That ideology puts the well-being of the populace at centre stage and this celebrant has not only kept it at that but also himself moved to the same stage with the people.

    This commitment is noteworthy; given the array of betrayals around us, a greater majority of them doing so purely in the interest of their stomachs. The commitment is also commendable given the challenges that most states in Nigeria have had to pass through in the last one year and even more so states not under the control, then, of the ruling party. Those without a heart of faithfulness would easily abandon ship and like foul lovers, enmesh themselves with the offers of another suitor.

    Thus if there is one lesson I have learnt from standing, walking and working with Ahmed, it is that of faithfulness to common ideology in making the people happy and satisfied. Such ideology stood out late Baba Saraki. Such faithfulness will sometimes demand great sacrifices from partners which when done brings greater joy to the greater majority.

    Another great lesson I have learnt from Governor Ahmed is unlimited humility highly uncommon with people in his shoes. Ahmed not only recognises that God gives power to whom He wills, but determine to make the most use of it to the benefits of the majority of the citizens. Ahmed knows that power is transient and ephemeral and therefore remains constant and connected to his long standing constituencies, including his age long friends. To the admiration but amazement of those around him, my boss often forgets or ignores protocol while relating with friends, relatives and immediate staff. This singular but God-given act ensures that the cabinet works more like family and remains united and committed to the common goal of the shared prosperity mantra.

    It is not any secret that Dr Abdulfatah Ahmed faces one of the greatest challenges of governance any governor of the state had ever faced. The challenges of an unprecedented economic downturn resulting from profligacy of the immediate past federal government. But for a man from the private sector, schooled in the political economy of prudent resource management, he remained undaunted, resourceful, innovative and unyielding in getting positive results.

    Kwara deserves greatness and surely that must be why God allowed a man like Ahmed to take over from an achiever like Bukola Saraki notwithstanding the terrible war of attrition mounted by the few number in opposition during the last polls who believed that without casting their votes at home, Aso Rock would easily deliver Kwara to their laps.

    As we marked this birthday on Tuesday December 29, the story of Ahmed has given hope and confidence to every young person out there. He was not born into affluence. He was not brought up in wealth. He was not trained abroad. Like a typical Nigerian youth of his time, life did not offer him any golden handshake. But through perseverance, commitment to vision, humility and steadfast faith in the Almighty God, he got a break that has given him a breakthrough.

    His greatest break was through the political structure in the state which the ignorant vilify and call names when in actual fact it is a veritable platform for the fulfilment of aspiration without consideration for your background as influential factor. If background, rather than competence, resourcefulness and loyalty to common but collective good, were to have been a factor for succeeding in the Saraki political dynasty, then the likes of Ahmed would have remained outside the gate.

    And rather than closing the door of opportunities once he gained entrance as some would have done, Ahmed has worked within and without so tirelessly to see that many more people who were like him, have access to opportunities either in the political arena or in equally enabling engagements.

    Ahmed, the Share Ifelodun Local Government Area (LGA) of Kwara State-born politician does not hide his feelings, setting a veritable agenda for Nigeria and her people on any national discourse but with a cautious warning on the states of the nation’s economy, before its implementation.

    His views on the agitation for the creation of a state police attests to this claim. According to the governor, “state police is desirable to the extent of advance society, especially when you look at Nigeria that has population of over 150 million people and when you look at the current level of policing as we have it today vis-à-vis the level of crime, level of challenges of insecurity and other areas. But at the same time, the current political, financial and social situation we have found ourselves will require to be put into serious cognisance before taking that big step of moving towards creating the state police.”

    Speaking out his mind on his aspirations for his people in Kwara he said, “I remain focused on my resolve to empower the people of Kwara and grow the state’s economy through this administration’s robust “Shared Prosperity Programme. I pledge to serve wholeheartedly without sentiments in bringing continuous developments and progress to my humble State..Insha’Allah!”

    Therefore, as we had marked the birthday of this scion of our generation, it is my special privilege to send these words of appreciation to a dynamic and humble personality whose way of life has given meaning and living  to many around him. Thank you, sir, for sustaining this structure. Thank you for putting our collective aspiration over personal consideration. Thank you for taking Kwara to the path of prosperity. Thank you for giving us hope for a better tomorrow. Thank you for giving us these rare opportunities to contribute our quota towards achieving the Kwara of our dream.

    • Abdulwahab is Chief Press Secretary (CPS) to Governor Ahmed of Kwara State.

  • COMMENTS

    For Olatunji Dare

    The lesson in today’s insightful article is that bad things can happen to bad people too! Nigerians must know that no one is immune to retribution, no matter how fat their political war chest. Those absconding felons and certified reprobates still among us should at least know that the real change for good governance is in place. From Adegoke O.O. Ikhin, Edo State. 

    Whoever is behind arms procurement scam should be brought to book to deter others who may engage the same act of looting the treasury in future. From Nnorom

    The infringement on the freedom of movement of Nigerian soldiers by Zakzaky followers which brought about the recent crisis in Kaduna should be condemned in very strong terms by every well-meaning Nigerian.There should be no pandering of any kind to such unruly conduct. Nigeria is a sovereign nation and can’t allow another republic that may want to emerge under whatever cover within its territory. Religious sects or whatever groups in the country can be free to practise what they believe (as aproved by the law of the land) in whichever way they would ONLY within the confine of their encirclements but must adhere strictly to what the nation’s constitution allows for such groups or sects when in public. The soldiers may have overreacted but the Zakzaky group has no right whatsover to restrict their movement or that of any law-abiding Nigerian for that matter, in the first place – Emmanuel Egwu.

    The issue of N250 million claimed to have been collected by one of the legislative houses need to be probed. This is to prevent the insinuation that the on going probe is selective. From Ishola M Abdulsalaam (Ilorin).

    Your ‘Obtainer Unlimited’ was very revealing. Jonathan though loving the country was really out to do his best for Nigerians, was at a point appeared confused with the type of strange problems thrown up in his government from all over the place and being desperate for solutions became vulnerable to dubious manouvring of some of his functionaries who,understanding his predicaments, quickly cashed in to line their pockets hence the Dasukigate, etc.And by this, one is simply reminded of what hapened during Shagari era when the former head of state was merely contented being the president of the country while some officials of his govt such as Akinloye,Umaru Dikko, Uba Ahmed and Joseph Wayas determined what happend in that administration. But even so, could it be possible that Jonathan would approve of such huge amount of money for the procurement of arms and at the same time authorise its diverson to such manner of frivolous settlements?  From Emmanuel Egwu.

    On “Annals of obtainement”. I agree entirely with your write-up on the above subject except where you wrote that “is it possible for 20 educated and intelligent adults could agree on every important issue unless none thinks very much” ? I beg to disagree entirely with this statement. The Dasukigate was perpetrated by more than a thousand intelligent and educated adults, (some displaying adult delinquency and some displaying senile dementia. All of them agreed with one thing, “share the loot”. May your ink never dry. From Dr Tunde Obaoye, Lagos. 

    Jankara journalism must also include the type that uses its opinion column to speak for a “veteran” aka criminal receipient of stolen public funds, who, the writer asserts, “was minding his own business when they brought him $230k”. The ‘journalist’ went on to claim, on behalf of the grand larcenist, that “… they didnt tell him the source. They didnt tell him what it was for. Jankara everywhere. Poor Nigeria! Anonymous.

    “He apparently assumed that it was for old times sake, or for business as usual, not knowing that it was stolen money”Anonymous

    Nigeria will be doing itself a lot of service if the duo of Olisa Metuh and Ayodele Fayose are sent to the quarantine for proper observation. They are not just what they are but they are possessed by some unexplained demons which are far above their control. They need deliverance. From Bayo.

    I salute your courage and respect your opinion. But are the JUDGES not going to frustrate this effort against corruption? Niyi, Ijebu Ode.

    Re:Annals of obtainment: A poscript. On his first fist to Africa as a President, Obama went to nearby Ghana instead of Nigeria, the dysfunctional”Giant of Africa”. Obama’s given reason then was because ‘no nnstitution was judged functional in the country. Instead of self-examimation, a dysfunctional but lucky President was enthroned, and it became an ‘Annal of Obtain the Obtainable’. Hence, the advent of some dysfunctional Professor of Journalism writing controversial pieces as columnist as “Jankara journalism”. This qualifies them to be recommended to ‘obtain’ from Dasukigate. Or probably targetting the post of Minister of Communication/Information had Jonathan been successfully rigged in for the second term. Our controversial Professor of journalism surely has some “obtainment” as target. He has failed and needs to be pitied. From Elder L .O David; Efon Alaaye, Ekiti State.   

    Having got so pained and disgusted about the appalling way our commonwealth was bestially looted via obtainment, I have further limited my newspaper reading to a few logical, honest and devoid of ‘Jankara’ journalists and Alzheimeric Professors who have gravely and shamelessly compromised their filthy conscience to utter betrayal of their fatherland. From Chief Ade A.Omiata, Ijanikin-Lagos.

     

    For Gbenga Omotoso

    On Prodigal Country- Nigeria is very prodigal in that she imports everything for her use. Nigeria is a consuming, not a manufacturing nation. Until our leaders realise this fact we shall cöntinue to be importing all useles and needless goods. The Minister of Solid Minerals should turn the fortune of this country round by embarking on the excavation of our numerous hidden minerals to finished products,while the CBN shouldn’t grant foreign exchange for finished products. Enough of foreign mentality. From Pastor Odunmbaku.   

    It’s merry CHRISTmas and not merry Xmas.

    Let us eat moderately at this festivity period to avoid illness after festivity season. Good health is better than wealth. From Gordon Chika Nnorom, Umukabia, Abia. 

    I read your piece titled – A staple’s apotheosis with rapt attention. It is a matter of grave concern that one of the variables to have emerged after 16 years of our uninterrupted democracy in the fourth republic is the transformation of a vast majority of the electorate into rice rats. Using bad leadership as a model, the political elites have inflicted incalculable poverty on the average Nigerian citizen. Faced with wanton poverty, rice has metamorphosed into an “electoral weapon that never fails to deliver the votes” as you rightly put it. Even at the end of 2015, rice remains a political game changer when it should largely be one of the staple crops that can be consumed as food by the average Nigerian if only the country’s leadership had an action plan for food security. It is now left to Audu Ogbeh, the Agriculture Minister to release the rice grip the political class has on the common people in our country. The thing to do is to develop a simple food production policy that can guarantee massive food production that would help citizens to achieve the physiological need for food and demystify the privilege of rice as a knight in golden armour used in dehumanizing the same citizens who ironically look up to the political class for succor. From Dr. West-Idahosa.

    For Segun Gbadegesin

    I am sorry that you are retiring from The Nation newspapers but reassured that you will continue to be heard from time to time on issues of national interest. While we will miss your column that has endeared you to our heart, we will like to wish you a happy and wonderful retirement into the loving care of your dear wife. Have a wonderful time. From Iyabo Fagbulu.

    Compliments of the christmas season. I want a copy of your book: “All the way”. Please assist on how I could a get a copy including cost, the freight and delivery. I am in Ikere in Ekiti. Anonymous.

    How much is a copy of your book All The Way: Serving with conscience. From Feyi Akeeb Kareem, Change Makers, Ogwashi-Ukwu, Delta State.

    Re-All the way: Serving with conscience. Sir, are copies of the book ready? Are they on shelves? Where can we buy? Thanks. From Lanre Oseni.

  • Hand over or took over power?

    Time passes so swiftly. On Friday January 15, 2016, it will be 50 years that the military took over power or were handed over power—depending on one’s interpretation- in this country. During the encounter there were casualties on that day. I am aware that the children, friends, grandchildren and supporters of those who were killed in the encounter, are making arrangements to mourn the 50th anniversary of the demise of their loved ones. I am aware that Kole, Gbenga and Solape, all children of Brigadier  Samuel Ademulegun are making preparations to remember their late father. Likewise the children and grandchildren of late Chief Okotie-Eboh are equally making arrangements in Warri to remember their dad and grandfather. Same goes to the children and grandchildren of late S.L. Akintola who will remember him in Ogbomoso.

    In Kaduna, arrangements are also being made to remember the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello. Those who were murdered in the January 15, 1966 coup are the first and only Prime Minister of Nigeria, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (1912-1966), the Premier of Northern Nigeria, Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto (1909-1966), the Premier of Western Nigeria Sir Samuel Ladoke Akintola(1910-1966), the former Finance Minister, Chief  Festus Sam Okotie-Eboh (1912-1966), the wife of Brigadier Ademulegun, Lateefat Ademulegun, the wife of the then Premier of Northern Nigeria, Hafusat Sardauna Zarumi Sardauna, the Senior Assistant Security for Security to the then Premier, Ahmed Ben Musa and the driver to the then Premier, Ahmed Pategi. The military and police officers who died in the encounter were Brigadier Sam Ademulegun, Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari, Colonel Ralph Shodeinde, Colonel Kur Mohammed, Lt-Colonel Abogo Largema, Lt-Colonel Yakubu Pam, Lt-Colonel Arthur Unegbe, Sergeant Daramola Oyegoke, PC Yohana Garkawa, Lance Corporal Musa Nimzo, PC Akpan Anduka and PC Hagai Lai.

    There is an ongoing debate whether the military took over power or were handed over power by the President of the Senate, Dr. Nwafor Orizu, who later became Acting President in place of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. Only five ministers are still alive to tell the story of what really happened on that day, January 15, 1966. And they are Alhaji Yusuf Maitama Sule (86), Chief Richard Osuolale Abimbola Akinjide (84), Alhaji Shettima Alli Mongunu (89), no relation to the present Security Adviser, Major General Baba Gana Mongunu (rtd.), Alhaji Abdul Ganiyu Folorunso Razak (88) and Alhaji Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari (91). The sixth Minister, Alhaji Inua Wada died recently in Kano. He was an uncle to the former Head of State, Late General Murtala Mohammed(1938-1976). Alhaji Shagari who later became President (1979-1983) is still insisting even till today that the military took over under duress. In his book, “Beckoned to Serve” he wrote that “ I was about to break the Ramadan fast on Sunday 16th January, when all ministers were asked to report to the Cabinet Office at 6.30pm. The whole premises were surrounded by soldiers in battle order that some of us initially hesitated to enter. In the cabinet chamber were Major General Ironsi, Bukar Dipcharima and Ibrahim Tako Galadima. There were no officials present. Major General Ironsi admitted to us that he had been unable to suppress the rebellion, which he said was getting out of hand. He stated that the mutineers were in control of Kaduna, Kano and Ibadan, and had killed two regional premiers, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Akintola. They had also murdered a number of his best officers, including Brigadiers Maimalari and Samuel Adesujo Ademulegun, the Commander 1st Brigade Headquarters in Kaduna. Ironsi was full emotion and even shed some tears. When we asked him about the whereabouts of Sir Abubakar and Chief Okotie-Eboh, he said he still did not know but averred efforts were being made to locate them. At this stage Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe (1917-1990) broke down and kept crying:” Please where is the Prime Minister?” When we reminded Major-General Ironsi if he needed to avail himself of the British privilege of assistance, he replied it was too late as the army was pressing him to assume power. Indeed, he confessed his personal reluctance to take over because of his ignorance of government; but insisted the boys were adamant and anxiously waiting outside. He advised it would be in our interest, and that of the country, to temporarily cede power to him to avert disaster. Accordingly, we acceded to his request since we had no better alternative. Ironsi then insisted that the understanding be written.

    Surprisingly, there was no stationery to write the agreement; and all the office were locked while no official was around. Alhaji AGF Abdulrazaq, the Minister of State for the Railways (former NPC legal adviser), managed to secure a scrap paper on which he drafted a statement, which we endorsed. That was the so-called voluntary hand-over of power by the Balewa Government to Major General Ironsi! It was agreed that the statement would be typed and Dipcharima would sign it on our behalf. We were then asked to return home and await further instructions. I only got to break my Ramadan fast around 9.30pm”.

    In taking over power on January 16, 1966, the then Head of State, General Ironsi made the following broadcast to the country – “The Military Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria wishes to state that it has taken over the interim administration of the Federal Republic of Nigeria following the invitation of the Council of Ministers of the last government for the army to do so.

    For some time now there have been escalating political disturbances in parts of Nigeria with increasing loss of faith between political parties, and between political leaders themselves. This crisis of confidence reached a head during the elections in the Western Region in October last year. There were charges by the opposition parties rigging of the elections and general abuse of power by the regional government in the conduct of the elections. Riots, arson, murder and looting became widespread in Western Nigeria since October. The situation deteriorated and certain army officers attempted to seize power.

    In the early hours of the morning of 15 January 1966, these officers kidnapped the Prime Minister and the Minister of Finance and took them to an unknown destination. The revolt was widespread throughout the country and two Regional Premiers and some high-ranking army officers were killed. The whereabouts of the Prime Minister is still unknown. The vast majority of the Nigerian Army under the command of the General Officer Commanding the Nigeria Army remained completely loyal to the Federal Government and immediately took steps to control the situation.

    The Council of Ministers of the Federal Government met and appraised the problems confronting the government. They appreciated the immediate need to control the serious situation which threatened the Federation. They also saw quite clearly a possible deterioration of the situation in the light of developments on Saturday, 15 January 1966. On Sunday, 16 January, the Council of Ministers unanimously decided to hand over voluntarily the administration of the country, with immediate effect, to the Nigerian Army. This was formally done the same day by the Acting President of the Federation. The Government of the Federation of Nigeria having ceased to function, the Nigeria Armed Forces have been invited to form an interim Military Government for the purpose of maintaining law and order and of maintaining essential services.

    The invitation has been accepted and I, GENERAL JOHNSON THOMAS UMUNAKWE AGUIYI-IRONSI, the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army, have been formally invested with authority as Head of the Federal Military Government and Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces”.

    In his own words, Chief Akinjide said the Ministers did not hand over to Ironsi. In 2000, he said” under the law, that is, the interpretation Act, as acting President, Nwazor Orizu had all the powers of the President. The GOC said he wanted to see all the cabinet ministers. And so we assembled at the cabinet office. Well, I have read in many books saying that we handed over to the military. We did not hand-over.

    Ironsi told us that” you either hand over as gentlemen or you hand-over by force”. Those were his words. Is that voluntary hand-over? So we did not hand over. We wanted an Acting Prime Minister to be in place but Ironsi forced us, and I use the word advisedly, to handover to him. He was controlling the soldiers. The acting President, Nwafor Orizu, who did not cooperate with us, cooperated with the GOC. Dr. Orizu and the GOC prepared speeches which Nwafor Orizu broadcast handing over the government of the country to the army. I here state again categorically as a member of that cabinet that we did not hand-over voluntarily. It was a coup”.

    A lot has happened to our country since then and a lot will still happen. As we enter the New Year, it is my hope and prayer that the best years of Nigeria, are still to come.

    • Teniola, a former director at the presidency, writes from Lagos.

     

  • How not to play the opposition

    Looking closely at the current socio-political and economic situation, it will be an understatement to say that the growth and image of the country have been greatly battered by the mismanagement of the pasts. It is not surprising to see the pervasive and alarming rate of insecurity, unemployment, corruption, infrastructural decay, political intolerance, moral decadence and other societal vices that have eaten deep into the system. Though, the present administration is battling tooth and nail to tackle the problems head-on, it will require the highest level of patriotism/commitments and contributions of all and sundry to make headway and positive impact. However, misplaced priority and irrational criticisms on the part of those that form the oppositions are major issues that are capable of throwing spanners on the wheel of progress. It will be very difficult (if not impossible) for any government to achieve much progress if the opposition adopts unpatriotic and inconsiderate tendencies in their desire to take over power.

    In a democracy, the common priority of the opposition is to replace the people in government. Therefore, they employ different types of tactics and measures in the course of achieving their aim. Though, there is nothing wrong in forming opposition to government if this priority is reasonably, objectively and patriotically pursued; it becomes a problem and undesirable if dubious, criminal, unreasonable, wicked and unpatriotic tendencies are devised in their pursuits. In other climes, the people in opposition put the interest of the country and citizens foremost in their criticisms and other activities against the government. They constitute themselves as checks to forestall the ruling party from derailing in governance. They study the policies and programs of government and devise ways of improving on them and presenting same as manifestoes to swerve the electorates’ votes in their favour in subsequent or future elections.

    In the Nigerian context, opposition is seen as an avenue to pull down the ruling government and take-over governance. The politicians are known for pursuing their selfish interest not minding the negative effects such actions will have on the country and the masses. Every steps and policies of government are condemned or made to look worthless and appalling in the eyes of the electorates just to justify their sentimental and selfish aim of pushing the rulers out of power and take over control. This trend is synonymous with our democracy and it has persisted since independence which explains the numerous military interventions in the country’s politics. The efforts put-in by all patriotic and well meaning Nigerians and the international community before democracy was eventually restored cannot be quantified. With the coming of the Fourth Republic, one would have expected that the people have learnt their lessons and handle things more naturedly by drastically curtailing, if not permanently eradicating the trend, but, reverse is the case as the situation is getting worse by the day.

    The issue of oppositions’ misplaced priority is not an ideology of a particular party, ethnic group or religion; most politicians are guilty of this anti-democratic and progress-killing activity. In as much as this piece recognizes the fact that in politics, there are no permanent friends or foes but, permanent interest, our politicians have misconstrued this principle to mean personal and selfish ambitions/interests.  As a result, the permanent interest of the people in opposition is to pull down the government in power at all cost not minding the damage or pains it will inflict on the innocent masses and the growth of the nation. The people in government also see the opposition as enemies of the nation who should not be trusted come rain or shine. The situation is so bad that even if it is obvious to the whole world that something is white, the opposition will always see that thing as red, blue, black, green or any other colour (but not white), so as not to be perceived as agreeing or giving credence to the policies and activities of government in power. In such situations, it will be difficult (if not impossible), for a nation to progress because mutual suspicion will pervade the polity.

    When the issue of Boko Haram started, the government and opposition played politics to the gallery until it got out of hand to becoming a mountainous problem that has gulped billions of naira and wasted several innocent lives. If the issue had been handled with all sincerity and patriotic zeal (by all and sundry), those billions would have been used for developmental projects (if not transferred to private pockets) and most of those deaths, averted. No wonder, the whereabouts of the Chibok girls is still a mystery.

    Today, a lot of sensitive issues are springing-up and our people are still handling it with levity and in the usual mannerisms. The ongoing anti-corruption war; secession agitation in the East; Soldiers/Shiites’ clash in Zaria; persistent fuel scarcity; election violence and alleged malpractices in Southern Ijaw; political imbroglio in Kogi and numerous others deserve unwavering commitments and co-operations of all well-meaning Nigerians to tackle. Expectedly, the masses continue to suffer endlessly and instead of the opposition to join hands with the present government to fight the problems and find lasting solutions, they are trading blames and accusations. Their relationship is still like that of cat and mouse.

    It is obvious that the people do not seem to have learnt any lessons from the past and are gradually walking into another tight corner. We must not allow this to happen again for the sake of the nation’s survival. Consequently, the aim of this piece is to prick the conscience of those concerned and remind them that there is need to have a rethink and embrace national interests in place of misplaced priorities which have done us greater damages than good. All hands must be on deck to handle issues objectively and patriotically without fear or favour. There is no gainsaying the fact that the efforts of the present administration are gradually yielding results hence the need for all well-meaning Nigerians to come on board so that the dividends of democracy will be fully brought to bear on the lives of the masses.

    The government on its part should also handle all issues with patriotic zeal and must not apply political sentiments. They must go to equity with clean hands. Criticisms and advice of the opposition should be perused to determine those that will be beneficial to the generality of the people. We should forget about political affiliations in this fight for total freedom from poverty and all societal vices. Interestingly, it is only names, symbols, ideologies and manifestoes of political parties that differ; the members are citizens of this country. Parties will come and go; governments will come and go; politicians and administrators will come and go; people will come and go; but, the country will remain. The country gained independence in 1960 (55 years ago), and we have less than 40% of our population in that age bracket today. Possibly, in another 50 – 60 years that generation would have been completely wiped off but, the country will remain. So, let us put in our best for the benefits our today and posterity.

     

    • Oise-Oghaede, a public policy commentator, writes from Surulere, Lagos.

  • Is something fundamentally wrong with Nigeria(ns)?

    Some years ago, I got an article titled ‘Blacks Don’t Read’ that had been circulating on the Internet. The most provocative part of that article reads: ‘If you want to hide something from a black person, put it in books.’ This statement has been iterated so many times that it takes many forms. Sometimes the ‘black people’ is changed to ‘Africans,’ and the method for hiding is sometimes conceived as ‘writing it down.’ This provocative statement is founded on an enduring racial stereotype of the black, or specifically the African, as being a creature of orality rather than writing. Another dimension to this stereotype is that blacks are more materialistic than reflective. In other words, we think more of the belly than of tomorrow. We are creatures of the now rather than the future. And so, in the racially demented white mind, blacks are still slaves despite the best of their freedom rhetoric. And the best methods of containment are ‘Ignorance, Greed and Selfishness.’

    Recently, Donald Trump, the Republican top contender for presidency of the United States, is alleged to have remarked that Africans are lazy fools who are only good at eating, lovemaking and thuggery. Well, the message here is clearly from a racial perspective: Something is considered to be fundamentally wrong with blacks and Africans. And these are not just scattered opinions of a few insane personalities; on the contrary, it is actually an ingrained perception that has endured for a long time. Everything seems to be wrong with Africans: Africa is the hungry continent; it is the poorest; it is the least developing; it is the least democratic; it has an enormous leadership deficit; and it is the very Dark Continent par excellence!

    However, beyond the Western gaze which we may accuse of a racial ordering of the African self, Africans themselves have deployed a very critical realism that questions Africa and her predicament. I have a long-standing example in mind: Areoye Oyebola’s Black Man’s Dilemma (1976). There are three serious issues which Oyebola lamented about the continent. First, contrary to the anger we collectively felt about colonialism, Africa participated actively in her own decimation and domination, especially through the Trans-Atlantic slave tragedy. Two, African countries have failed to make any significant incursion into modernity. And third, and the most controversial: Africa has not made any significant contribution to world civilisations. Of course, Oyebola’s book generated the expected debates (with most scholars dismissing his realism about the African predicament). But then, he has also contributed his quota to the issue. And the question remains: Is something fundamentally wrong with us?

    Close to 60 years ago, there was a mighty euphoria all over Africa as we celebrated what was called the African year of independence. In that year alone, 17 countries became independent from colonial servitude—Cameroon, Togo, Nigeria, Madagascar, Somalia, DR Congo, Benin, Niger, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Ivory Coast, Republic of Congo, Gabon, Senegal, Mali, Mauretania. More than 50 years after independence, reality has burst the euphoria of regaining freedom from colonial domination; the decolonization process has been stalled and development is arrested. All we need do is simply consider the 17 countries, and we see critical similarities that cut across Africa itself—wars, refugees and IDPs, infrastructural dysfunction, democratic deficit, and the protracted leadership predicament. The paradox of the continent is terrifying: Mandela and Mugabe; Botswana and DR Congo, African Renaissance and African underdevelopment, democratisation and Boko Haram, religiosity and criminality.

    I doubt if there is any university curriculum in Africa that teaches Oyebola’s Black Man’s Dilemma, but one is forced to ask whether, other things considered, his Afro-realism was not pointed in the right direction. In recent years, there has been an optimistic reportage of consistent economic progress in Africa. The catchphrase of ‘Africa Rising’ is meant to stand as a counterpoint to the many years of progressive underdevelopment on the continent. Thus, scholars, intellectuals and economists have been brimming with hope founded on Africa’s economic resilience in the face of global financial crisis as well as the slow but steady economic growth. But then, economics has been considered as a dismal science. In this case, economic statistics do not match sociological reality on the continent.

    Two stark facts contradict the optimism of ‘Africa Rising.’ First, Africa is considered the most youthful continent because of an accelerating youth bulge. This simply implies that the youth population, ranging from 15 to 24 years old, is growing faster than any other continent. And there are roughly 200 million youths in this category. This demographic fact signals a source of tremendous hope for participation in labour markets, as well as being a budding resource for innovation and governance. Unfortunately, close to 60% of the 200 million youth are unemployed or unemployable. Thus, the youth which by their very name signals hope are themselves caught in the terrible cycle of deprivation; the African crisis that has been reproduced from one generation to the other. The second fact is that of poverty. Bessie Head, the South African writer sums up the situation: ‘Poverty has a home in Africa—like a quiet second skin. It may be the only place on earth where it is worn with unconscious dignity.’ I am not sure how long such a dignity will last. This is because protracted unemployment is a further insult that makes poverty a threat; poverty and unemployment are two sociological facts that portend a possible African Spring.

    On another level, and since I read the ‘Blacks Don’t Read’ article, I have never stopped ruminating about the three elements of self-containment: ‘Ignorance, Greed and Selfishness.’ When we manage to overcome the high emotion induced by racial slur on the African image instigated by the article in question, maybe we can then return to a more sobering and realistic assessment. If these sociological elements are not fundamental to our predicament, what else is? Let us begin with ignorance. In Africa alone, 182 million adults are illiterate; they are joined in this category by 48 million youths. Presently, the adult literacy rate is 63%. The 70% of youth literacy rate in sub-Saharan Africa is the lowest in the world. But whatever hope we might want to entertain is snuffed out by a further consideration—what is the content that the literate youth consume? How many of today’s African youths are intelligent readers? How many youths are even historically aware of Africa’s past and present? How many have heard of Fanon, Nkrumah, the Nigerian Civil War, the great civilizations in Africa or even Africa’s economic dilemma? If the African youth is ignorant, are we not all ignorant?

    Greed and selfishness are Siamese concepts in my view. And there can be no other terrible combination to explain how stagnant we have become in terms of socio-political dynamics of elite activities that undermine any progressive initiatives in Africa. John Maynard Keynes could have been talking about Africa when he remarked profoundly that ‘The moral problem of our age is concerned with the love of money.’ In Nigeria presently, the populace is being treated to an alarming reportage of corruption of such an alarming proportion that its very thought deadens one’s consciousness.

    • Dr. Olaopa is a retired Permanent Secretary

  • Help us NASS, we have Malaria

    A few days ago at the National Assembly, President Muhammadu Buhari presented the 2016 budget of N6trillion. That event couldn’t have gone without certain flips and flops: it was the President’s first time, and he didn’t know that he had to bow to the duo of the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House, and thereafter bow to the legislators. There were some Senators who slept right through the President’s presentation but what made headlines was that there were certain broken seats in the hall where the President made his budget presentation. Why the National Assembly cannot fix broken seats in the house beat most of us especially against the backdrop of a curious piece of information that the National Assembly have spent as much as N4.2billion out of the N227billion it was allocated in 2015 for the purchase of brand new cars for its new members. Yes folks, that figure is correct because my source for that information was from Eze Onyekpere in his policy brief, National Assembly and the cost of governance. According to Onyekpere, the actual figure allocated to the National Assembly for 2015 by the RMARC is N120billion but if you add the cost of erecting the National Institute for Legislative Studies (N6billion), the National Assembly Clinic (N1billion), together with a lot of miscellaneous costs, the same runs true for the figure above. From Onyekpere’s document, it is clear that from year 2000, the budget of the National Assembly increased from N29billion to N227billion in 2015. Now whether or not the National Assembly is deserving of such a budget in a Nigeria where the cost of living for the average Nigerian shoots up astronomically is something I refuse to comment on. Whether or not the National Assembly is deserving of such a budget in a Nigeria where human and physical development remains one of the lowest in Africa is for us all to talk about.

    But there are other issues which arise from having a National Assembly that has a budget of N227billion, and from having only N221billion allocated to the entire health ministry from the N6trillion recently announced by the President. Such issues arise from the realization that in the whole of the West African sub-region, Nigeria is the one country where all the funds for Insecticide Treated Nets, ITNs, for children in primary and secondary schools, are not from domestic funds but come from international donations. From 2011 to 2013, countries like Cape Verde, Algeria, Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire have collaborated with the World Health Organisation WHO to contribute something from their purses for anti-malarial treatment. South Africa does not receive any international contribution for anti-malarial treatment for children. As a matter of fact, I know of a certain South African organisation which distributes an anti-malarial drug for children on the African continent free of charge. Even though a lot of these donations and contributions may have certain unseen pecuniary gains attached to them, they underscore the fact that malaria is still a big issue in Nigeria, and especially with children. World Malaria Report 2013 has it that over 300,000 children under the age of five die from malaria every year. If that infomation is correct, it means that every minute in Sub Saharan Africa, and Nigeria in particular a child is likely to die from a disease as preventable as malaria.

    What is needed to prevent malaria from killing our children is money. We need money for insecticide treated nets. We need money for safe and clean neighbourhoods. Nigeria needs a lot of the monies that are lying fallow at the National Assembly. And at a time like this in Nigeria when everybody is conscious of the fall in the price of oil, and at a time when the administration of President Buhari is considering the application of zero-based budgeting for capital projects and for recurrent expenditure, I do not see the rationale in the bogus allowances that members of the National Assembly and indeed every office at the three arms of government collect. In theory and practice, a zero-based budget does not take into cognizance that you were once a beneficiary of a certain amount of money. What is gorgeous about the concept of zero-based budgeting is that it operates from a zero-baseline, and ignores the fact that you once got N20million because a certain statute says so. If you need that N20million this year, then it behoves on the institution that wants to collect that amount of money to do a line by line analysis of what it actually needs that amount of money for. In the final analysis today, and in the face of the fact that a Nigerian child dies of malaria every minute because there is no money to buy vaccines for children, can the National Assembly truly convince itself that it still needs furniture, vehicle maintenance, wardrobe, entertainment, recess and domestic staff allowances? The annual salary of a Senator is just a little above N2million; but it is the allowances for a single senator, running into more than N400million annually each for the 109 Senators, and nearly a billion annually for the 360 members of the House of Representatives that run the bills as highly as they do.

    In his recommendations in the executive Summary of National Assembly and the cost of governance, Eze Onyekpere said that he would like for the NASS to continue to be a full-time job whilst the bicameral federal legislature should be retained. I agree. The National Assembly is the arm of government that checks the executive. Without it our democracy would be armless. But because we would need a lot of the money being used to maintain our Senators and MPs for children dying of malaria and other diseases, I’d rather that participation and membership of the National Assembly be voluntary and un-paid for. The Salaries they can keep but the allowances we need for malaria treatment for our children with malaria.

    • Etemiku writes from Benin City

  • A Worldview from Ghana (1)

    Ghanaians will be heading to the poll in November 2016 to elect their President and parliamentarians for another four-year term. General election dates in Ghana are statutorily predetermined, different from the Nigerian model where the electoral commission sets election dates within a statutory time frame; and the November 2016 schedule is a recent adjustment in the country’s laws from December when general elections used to hold – including that in 2012. The 2016 elections are nearly one year away, but the Ghanaian polity is already charged with partisan jostling for advantage and leverage ahead of the scheduled poll. Although there are 23 political parties currently on record in the country, the political landscape is sharply polarised between the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP). These are the two major parties that drive electoral contestation in contemporary Ghanaian democracy and historically alternated in the control of power.

    For elections that are yet many months away, partisan pitches on issues of mutual interest in the country struck a strident note rather early. This may because the two major parties have already settled for their presidential candidates: Incumbent President John Dramani Mahama is running for re-election on the NDC platform, while Nana Akuffu Addo is carrying the flag for the NPP. Again, this is different from the Nigerian model where, by law, candidates emerge definitively just about three months to the date of election. The line-up for the 2016 presidential race portends a rematch of the 2012 contest that produced a slim victory for the incumbent over the opposition candidate.

    Many Ghanaians are fascinated by the 2015 general election in Nigeria and are keen to learn a thing or two that worked for our country as they approach their own elections. Consequently, a leading public policy think-tank, the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) Ghana, invited the former Chair of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Attahiru Jega, to come share Nigeria’s experience of the last general election with Ghanaian stakeholders and, thereby, enrich ongoing political conversation in the country. Professor Jega was in that neighbouring country for the whole of the penultimate week at the instance of the IEA Ghana, and he invited me along.

    First, the general context: Partisans have dug deeply into polar trenches on nearly all issues about the Ghanaian political process, and there was high expectation in the polity ahead of the ex-INEC Chair’s visit that what he would have to say might strengthen one position against the other in the raging conversation. But no expectation could fail more woefully, as Professor Jega decidedly stayed out of the partisan fray and stuck to the middle ground of simply telling the Nigerian story and leaving the stakeholders to pick whatever lessons they could therefrom. Thankfully, there is convergence of opinions across the partisan divide on many aspects of the Nigerian electoral process. Most Ghanaians, for instance, were impressed by Nigeria’s chip-enabled Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) and the verification of voters by Smart Card Readers, which overreached the bar code-scanning device that was deployed in their country for the 2012 general election. Many also confessed their fascination with the transparency of the Nigerian collation procedure. They were particularly enamoured with the role of senior academics – including vice-chancellors – as Returning Officers and Collation Officers at different constituency levels, and the fact that collation was done and results announced under live telecast by media cameras. The live telecast afforded them watching first hand on television in their country as former Niger Delta Minister Godsday Orubebe held up the collation of presidential results during the 2015 general election, and Professor Jega’s calm but firm response. Many recalled staying glued to their screens as they witnessed the infamous drama play out.

    Pertaining to the Ghanaian process, however, there were a number of issues on which opinions sharply diverged among stakeholders, and for which they looked to the Nigerian model for usable lessons. The sorest point seemed to be what to do with the country’s biometric Register of Voters that was compiled in 2012, and which many perceived as dubious because of an allegedly substantial presence of multiple registration records and ineligible persons like the deceased, minors as well as foreigners on it. The concern in the polity stemmed from a common expectation that there will be a marginal difference in the votes for the two leading presidential contenders in the forthcoming election, hence the possibility of the ineligible numbers being added up to the tally could effectively but falsely determine the outcome. But while there is agreement across the partisan divide that something needs to be done with the register, what is to be done is far from being settled: Whereas the opposition camp and supporters would want the existing register jettisoned and a fresh voter registration conducted like Nigeria did before the 2011 elections, the ruling party and allies prefer that the register be cleaned up and optimised like Nigeria did before the 2015 elections. What makes the issue a bit complicated, perhaps, is the fact that Ghana’s present mode of voter identification is rather permissive – like Nigeria’s discarded Temporary Voter Cards (TVCs), and unlike the PVCs that were products of an optimised Register of Voters where multiple records of registration have already been eliminated.

    In his meetings with the Ghanaian stakeholders, the ex-INEC Chair declined to prescribe one way or the other on the partisan preferences, as many desired him to do only to strengthen their own positions. He rather admonished politicians and their supporters to shed partisan moulds and jointly undertake a rational and dispassionate reality check on the existing register to determine the acceptable threshold of credibility that would advise whether to dump it or clean it up. That was what Nigeria did in 2011, and upon which it built ahead of the 2015 elections. A true reality check must necessarily take account of available time before the impending elections and cost implication for the Ghanaian treasury in determining the viable option.

    Meanwhile, there is already a raging debate on the budget for Ghana’s 2016 elections – even without the component for compiling a new Register of Voters or cleaning up the existing one. Not a few stakeholders considered the budget by the country’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) bogus, and there were reports that the government had indicated it would only be able to part-fund the budget and require assistance from Donors to underwrite the balance. But Donor representatives mentioned to Professor Jega that the size of the proposed budget was a hard sell for them to convince their parent bodies to come up with the required support. The ex-INEC Chair shared Nigeria’s experience as being that the government wholly funds election budgets, leaving only ancillary programmes for Donors to provide support.

    If you asked me, it was a humbling experience seeing Nigeria being looked up to for guidance by another highly regarded country. But it was also a monumental challenge, I think, for role modeling that this country has a tough task ahead sustaining.