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  • Malcolm X: Unconquered still

    Malcolm X: Unconquered still

    This week, in this year’s Black History Month, it is fitting to remember iconic African-American leader Malcolm X. At the Audubon Ballroom in Harlem, New York City, on 21 February, 1965, just as he uttered the Islamic greeting, “As-salaamu alaykum,” to his audience, shots rang out, and so ended his eventful life at the age of 39. Responding to the news of Malcolm’s death, his fellow African-American civil rights campaigner, Reverend Martin Luther King Jr, said: “The assassination of Malcolm X was an unfortunate tragedy, and reveals that there are still numerous people in our nation who have degenerated to the point of expressing dissent through murder and we haven’t learnt to disagree without being violently disagreeable.”

    At Malcolm’s burial on 27 February, 1965, Ossie Davis delivered a quintessential funeral tribute which included the following: “Here – at this final hour, in this quiet place – Harlem has come to bid farewell to one of its brightest hopes – extinguished now, and gone from us forever. … It is not in the memory of man that this beleaguered, unfortunate, but nonetheless proud community has found a braver, more gallant young champion than this Afro-American who lies before us – unconquered still. … Consigning these mortal remains to earth, the common mother of all, secure in the knowledge that what we place in the ground is no more now a man – but a seed – which, after the winter of our discontent, will come forth again to meet us. And we shall know him then for what he was and is – a Prince – our own black shining Prince! – who didn’t hesitate to die, because he loved us so.”

    Born Malcolm Little on 19 May, 1925, Malcolm was forged in the fire of White racism. It’s alleged that his father was killed by the violent White supremacist group, Ku Klux Klan, and that the experience devastated his mother. As such, Malcolm lived at a foster home and also with his aunt. In his autobiography, Malcolm reported that, in school, when his teacher asked him what he wanted to become in future, he replied that he wanted to be a lawyer. His racist teacher then told him that studying law was not for people like Malcolm. The teacher had, by that racist put down, done immense violence to the psyche of the innocent black boy. So, Malcolm’s uncommon courage could have been the culmination of the fatalistic conditioning that racist America had subjected him to and his belief, therefrom, that he didn’t have much else to lose.

    Malcolm therefore slid into the world of petty crimes, and before age 21, he was jailed for ten years. Malcolm L. Jarvis, the friend with whom he was jailed, said that they both resolved that they wouldn’t get out of prison as stupid and as dumb as they went in. So, they studied hard and read voraciously. Malcolm X also joined the prison debating society, where he honed his legendary oratorical skills. Moreover, it was in jail that his brothers introduced Islam to him, and he became a Muslim. When he was paroled after spending six and a half years in prison, Malcolm pressed the rhetorical skills and intellectual breadth that he had acquired, through self-education in jail, into the service of the Nation of Islam led by the much-revered Elijah Muhammad. Consequently, the membership of the Nation of Islam grew exponentially, and Malcolm became a force of note in the group and a voice for Islam at large.

    Malcolm, who acquired only the equivalent of a Junior Secondary School education, became world-renowned for his oratorical and debating skills. In fact, he was invited to take part in a debate with highly-scholarly opponents at the prestigious Oxford Union Debate in the United Kingdom on 3 December, 1964, and he got what was described as “ear-shattering applause”. The motion of the debate was “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice, moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.” The debate gave him the opportunity to defend Islam against negative stereotypes. In the debate, Malcolm declared: “I’m a Muslim. I believe in the religion of Islam. I believe in Allah. I believe in Muhammad. I believe in all the prophets. I believe in fasting, prayer, charity and that which is incumbent upon a Muslim to fulfill in order to be a Muslim. In April, I was fortunate to make the Hajj to Mecca, and went back again in September to try and carry out my religious functions and requirements.”

    Malcolm continued: “But at the same time that I believe in that religion, I have to point out I’m also an American Negro and I live in a society whose social system is based upon the castration of the Black man, whose political system is based on castration of the Black men and whose economy is based on the castration of the Black men. A society which in 1964 has more subtle deceptive, deceitful methods to make the rest of the world think that it’s cleaning up his house, while at the same time the same things are happening to us in 1964 that happened in 1954, 1924 and [as they probably would] in 1984.”

    Malcolm had an earlier opportunity to respond to the stereotype that the Nation of Islam was a violent organisation. In an 11 October, 1963 interview on American History TV, Malcolm said: “Well, the Muslims who have accepted the religion of Islam and follow the religious guidance of The Honorable Elijah Muhammad have never bombed any churches, have never murdered any little girls as was done in Birmingham, have never lynched anybody, have never at anytime been guilty of initiating any aggressive acts of violence during the entire 33 years or more that The Honorable Elijah Muhammad has been teaching us. The charge of violence against us actually stems from the guilt complex that exists in the conscious and subconscious minds of most White people in this country. They know that they’ve been violent in their brutality against Negroes and they feel that someday the Negro’s going to wake up and try and do unto the Whites as the Whites have done unto us.”

    Malcolm further notes: “We aren’t a violent group. We are taught by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad to obey the law, to respect everyone who respects us. We’re taught to display courtesy, to be polite, but we’re also taught that at any time anyone in any way inflicts or seeks to inflict violence upon us, we are within our religious rights to retaliate in self-defense to the maximum degree of our ability. … So, to accuse us of being violent is like accusing a man who is being lynched, who is being hung on a tree simply because he struggles vigorously against his lyncher. The victim is accused of violence, but the lyncher is never accused of violence.” He then calls the unjustified association of the Nation of Islam with violence as “propaganda” or “psychological warfare.”

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    About Malcolm himself, Ambassador Andrew Young, Martin Luther King Jr’s very close friend, said: “Malcolm never killed anybody. Malcolm never hurt anybody. Malcolm simply talked about self-pride and pride in your racial heritage.” To Malcolm, “Anytime you have to rely on your enemy for a job, you’re in bad shape. … The only way we’re going to solve our problem is with a self-help program. Before we can get a self-help program, we have to have a self-help philosophy [of] Black Nationalism.”

    Due to the seeming inability or unwillingness of the White establishment in America to be just to the Blacks in the country and protect them against savagery, Malcolm, in a June 1964 speech, had the following as a key declaration of his new Organization of Afro-American Unity: “We declare our right on this earth to be a man, to be a human being, to be respected as a human being, to be given the rights of a human being, in this society, on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by any means necessary.”

    As a wordsmith, Malcolm was the author of timeless and resonant sound bites such as “The Bullet or the Ballot”. Even when he did not seem to be the author of certain expressions, Malcolm had the rare gift of articulating those concepts with amazing lucidity. Examples include ‘House Negro’ and ‘Field Negro’ during slavery. He specified them as follows: “The house Negro … lived better than the field Negro. He ate better, he dressed better, and he lived in a better house. He lived right up next to his master – in the attic or the basement. He ate the same food his master ate and wore his same clothes. And he could talk just like his master – good diction. And he loved his master more than his master loved himself. That’s why he didn’t want his master hurt. If the master got sick, he’d say, ‘What’s the matter, boss, we sick?’ When the master’s house caught afire, he’d try and put the fire out.”

    Malcolm continued: “But then you had some field Negroes, who lived in huts, had nothing to lose. They wore the worst kind of clothes. They ate the worst food. And they caught hell. They felt the sting of the lash. They hated their master. Oh yes, they did. If the master got sick, they’d pray that the master died. If the master’s house caught afire, they’d pray for a strong wind to come along. This was the difference between the two. And today you still have house Negroes and field Negroes. I’m a field Negro.”

    Malcolm died in 1965, but we keep remembering him. In 2024, with the rise of a young Black woman, Kemi Badenoch, in the hierarchy of Conservative Party politics in the United Kingdom, the excitement of the Black world was tempered, because they remembered Malcolm’s concept of the “House Negro” – the vacuous, obsequious, self-hating Black soul who requires the White endorsement of their humanity. Malcolm nudged us on to a reality check.

    Much earlier, in former United States President Jimmy Carter’s 15 July, 1979 “Crisis of confidence” speech, Carter said, allusively: “We were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot and not the bullet until the murders of John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr.” Malcolm also came to mind as Elon Musk bought Twitter and renamed it ‘X’. For Malcolm X in the 1960s, the X in his name represented the unknown name lost through slavery. For Elon Musk in the 2020s, X represented the limitlessness of information exchange.

    In the increasing clarity of his vision, and the continued resonance and sustained vitality of his ideas and ideals even today, Malcolm is unconquered still.

  • A lifestyle of generosity finds new frontiers

    A lifestyle of generosity finds new frontiers

    • By Maxwell Uzochukwu

    As he continues to impact our society positively and find new frontiers, Mr. Seyi Tinubu leaves no one in doubt about his generosity and care.

    To Borno with love

    For a state still nursing deep scars inflicted by years of violent extremism, the collapse of the Alau Dam, Borno, on December 10 was yet one tragedy too many.

    The flood from the dam overwhelmed two local councils in the state (Maiduguri and Jere), killed about 150 people, and displaced over 70 percent of its residents.

    Maiduguri and its residents, who never seemed to get enough help for their protracted misery, needed more help after the dam collapsed. 

    When President Tinubu’s first son, Mr. Seyi Tinubu, with his younger brother, Yinka, and a few others visited the state and announced a donation of N500m, it came as a prayer answered.

    The intervention was not only in cash. He also donated 10,000 pieces of mosquito nets, blankets, mattresses, kettles, wrappers, buckets, mats, sanitary pads and wash kits, as well as critical supplies to cover prescriptions for almost 50,000 children and adults, including anti-malarials, anti-hypertensives, anti-parasitics, anti-diabetics, analgesics and antibiotics.

    The gesture, which left many pleasantly amazed, caused a ripple in several quarters, especially among those unfamiliar with such heartfelt generosity from the children of Nigeria’s first family without official titles.

    Succour for PWDs

    Many didn’t know that Seyi wasn’t a stranger to looking out for the distressed and vulnerable. For him, philanthropic and humanitarian gestures not only preceded the Maiduguri tragedy, but it’s a practice he determined to honour, almost like a tradition.

    For example, in May 2023, during the Renewed Hope Concert at the MKO Abiola National Stadium in Abuja to celebrate President Bola Tinubu’s imminent inauguration, Seyi stirred emotions when he was seen handing out wheelchairs to some people with disabilities present at the venue. The event was attended by then president-elect Tinubu and Vice President-elect Shettima.

    The elated beneficiaries, who saw his generous and thoughtful gesture instantly upgrade the quality of their lives, couldn’t contain their joy.

    Youth and sports too

    Fast forward to 2025, to the Seyi Tinubu Basketball Championship, held at the Dogon Dutse Basketball Pitch in Jos, offered where he donated a total of N5m in cash prizes, with N3m naira awarded to the victorious team and N2m, to the runners-up. It’s clear that Seyi Tinubu’s tradition of uplifting others certainly knows neither tribe nor religion.

    For him, the championship—which the organisers said aligned with President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda—was enough to celebrate youth, community spirit, and the power of sports to unite people across Nigeria.

    A heart for healthcare

    However, his interventions have mainly focused on health, with maternal and child health taking the lead.

    Through his ‘Drug Banks for Indigent Patients in Obstetrics & Gynecology and Pediatric Pharmacy Intervention’ launched in August 2024 at the Ahmadu Bello University Teaching Hospital (ABUTH), Shika-Zaria, Kaduna State, he set out to reach about 600,000 indigent patients monthly across 60 tertiary institutions in Nigeria.

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    This ambitious project involves establishing drug banks in each of the 60 facilities mandated to service 10,000 indigent patients monthly.

    At the inauguration of the project at the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, Dr. Cole Ayodele, the National Coordinator for the Seyi Tinubu Maternal and Child Health Intervention Scheme, had noted rightly that Nigeria’s maternal mortality was about the 4th highest in the world – a grim record and narrative which this noble initiative from Seyi Tinubu is determined to change.

    While launching the same initiative at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), he further endowed an N1,000,000 scholarship granted to the best paediatric resident doctor.

    Dr. Gabriel Oyeleke, a senior paediatrics registrar who was reportedly distinguished himself in the line of duty by caring for children in the hospital, was awarded the N1,000,000 scholarship in cash the same day.

    The Chief Medical Director of LUTH, Dr. Wasiu Adeyemo, couldn’t hide his pleasure at the initiative. He noted that it would provide significant financial relief for countless indigent individuals who were financially unable to access prescribed drugs and medical treatments.

    Before then, the team had visited the Federal Medical Centre (FMC) in Asaba with the total package, including the N1m Residency Training Scholarship for final-year pediatric residents to assist with registering and preparing for final fellowship exams.

    Dr. Joseph Ajanwenyi, who got the scholarship award, thanked Seyi Tinubu for his generosity and also vowed to use the grant responsibly for its intended purpose.

    After that, the Seyi Tinubu healthcare intervention train also stopped at the Federal Medical Centre (FMC) in Abuja to donate Life-Saving Drugs Worth Millions of naira.

    While celebrating the donation on their Instagram page on September 24, 2024, the FMC Abuja management stated that the donation was Seyi Tinubu’s demonstration of his commitment to maternal and child care.

    They also celebrated Dr. Fatima Mohammed, who received the N1,000,000 Seyi Tinubu Residency Training Scholarship the same day.

    Medical bills cleared

    From Abuja, we head back to the South, this time to Lagos State precisely, where Ifeoluwa Ore, a young sickle cell patient at LASUTH who had been discharged but could not leave because she could not afford the medical bills, was recorded thanking Seyi Tinubu for clearing her medical bills.

    Unable to contain her joy and relief, she stated, “It has lifted a lot of burden for my family, and there is no way I can appreciate him enough. I want to say ‘Thank you’ for what he has done and what he is doing God will continue to bless you.”

    One of his humanitarian projects, Seyi Tinubu Support Initiative, cleared the medical bills of Ifeoluwa and the others who were stranded.

    •Maxwell Uzochukwu wrote from Lekki, Lagos.

  • DRC: The disabled giant

    DRC: The disabled giant

    By Olabode Lucas

    Many informed people on African affairs all over the world are of the opinion that the greatness of Africa and by implication, the black race, would be enhanced and accelerated if Nigeria, South Africa and Democratic Republic of Congo can get their acts together in their political and economic spheres. This lofty optimism is no doubt based on the tremendous human and natural resources of these three giant African countries.

    Unfortunately, these three countries are presently burdened by seemingly intractable internal socio-economic problems that dent their abilities to lift up the rest of Africa as the USA did to Europe after the Second World War. In the seventies, Nigeria showed some promise during the oil boom while presently South Africa is yet to empower its majority black population at home and also, it is unfortunately showing hostility to the rest of Africa currently. Democratic Republic of Congo, which is the third leg of the tripod, has been so burdened politically since its independence in 1960 that presently it has nothing to offer but its scintillating music to the rest of Africa.

    Democratic Republic of Congo, whose names have been changed so many times, has a history of years of rapacious slavery and inhuman colonisation of its people. After centuries of slavery, King Leopold of Belgium formally acquired the right to the Congo territory at the Berlin Conference of 1885 and declared it as his private property with the name of Free Congo State. Thus, the fiendish king took over a territory which was two-third the size of Western Europe and the 11th largest territory in the world as his own personal property!

    From 1885 to1908, his colonial military outfit forced the local population to produce rubber and those who defaulted were subjected to heinous and barbaric hand amputation. In 1908, King Leopold eventually ceded his so-called property to his country and the name of the territory changed to Belgian Congo.

    As a Belgian colony, DR Congo suffered untold neglect. The Belgians were only interested in the enormous mineral resources of its colony, and they did nothing to improve the health, education and infrastructural facilities of the area under their control. The Belgians regarded the Congolese as sub-human.

    Despite the pre-historic era situation in Congo, the Belgians latched into the wind of change movement of the sixties to grant independence to Congo on January 30, 1960. It was nothing but paper independence. At independence, there was no Congolese doctor, engineer or trained local professionals to manage the newly independent country. In a country with a land area of 905,567square miles, the Belgian constructed less than 100 miles of motorable road. This parlous state of development of Congo at independence so irked the new Prime Minister of Congo, Patrice Lumumba, that he insulted openly the king of Belgium and his country for their criminal neglect of his country. From that day, the brave and charismatic Patrice Lumumba became a marked man and was gruesomely murdered in January 1961.

    At independence, Democratic Republic of Congo descended into political and administrative chaos because the political awareness and development in the new country was very rudimentary. The country was immediately confronted by a series of secessionist agitations fuelled by the West. There was the puppet Moise Tshombe in the mineral-rich Katanga province and the barely literate Kalonge in the Kivu province refusing to take orders from the central government led by Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba was eventually eliminated and the country descended to more chaos until Joseph Mobutu took over the reins of government in 1965.

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    The trauma suffered by DR Congo under the Belgian brutal colonialism is compounded up till the present time by successive inept and corrupt leaders who ruled the country since the country’s paper independence. The most notorious and infamous of these leaders was Joseph Mobutu, a failed journalist who was made the head of Congolese military by Patrice Lumumba who he eliminated through the urgings of Western power. Mobutu took over power in DRC in 1965 and he renamed the country Zaire in 1965.

    Mobutu who called himself Field Marshall Mobutu Sese Seko, Kuku Ngbendu Waza Banga was an unmitigated disaster to his country. He ran this otherwise well-endowed country aground. Mobutu’s reign was characterized by political repression, execution of political opponents and ostentatious lifestyle. He used his country’s money to acquire medieval estates in Europe while his people wallowed in abject poverty. He was removed in 1997 during the first Congo war led by Laurent Kabila who was supported by Rwanda and Uganda. Mobutu died in exile and his unmarked grave lies in foreigners’ cemetery in Morocco. Laurent Kabila who succeeded Mobutu was equally disastrous and was assassinated during the second Congo war between 1998-2003. The war claimed five million lives. 

    Laurent Kabila was succeeded by his son, Joseph Kabila who ruled from 2001 to 2019 with nothing to show except high level corruption and victimization of the people. He tried all the tricks in the book to elongate his stay in power. Joseph Kabila was succeeded in 2018 after a contentious election by the present President Felix Tshisekedi.  Tshisekedi is presently distracted by the war going on in the Eastern part of his country.

    Democratic Republic of Congo is in the news again for all the wrong reasons. The activities of the rebel group known as March 23 movement (M23) is again destabilising the Eastern part of the country. The group formed in 2012 is led by a barely literate man called Sultani Mekenga who knows nothing but war. This man has led its movement to capture Goma, the capital of Eastern part of Congo and his movement thoroughly routed DRC army with the support of Rwanda soldiers. 

    Paul Kagame, the President of Rwanda has denied that his country is supporting the M23 militia and said that his country’s troops at DR Congo’s border were there in order to prevent the Hutus rebel stationed in DR Congo from mounting another genocide war against the Tutsis in his country as it happened in 1994. It is difficult to believe Kagame who, despite his false credentials as a statesman is a war monger who has his eyes on the rich minerals in DR Congo. Already since the present conflict started in 2012, Rwanda has been trading in minerals taken from DR Congo. All efforts by UN, AU and other organisations to get Kagame to withdraw his troops from DR Congo have not been heeded by him.

    For more than 60 years, DR Congo has been in turmoil and there is no solution in sight. Africans can no longer afford to see such an endowed country in the heart of the continent being crippled economically and politically. The international community has a duty to do more to bring sanity to DR Congo through the UN, AU, and regional bodies like East Africa Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). First, the unwarranted invasion and suffocation of DR Congo by Rwanda under Kagame and Uganda should be met by the stiffest of sanctions. Secondly, the political governance of DR Congo needs to be re-examined. A country as vast as DR Congo with myriads of ethnic groups, coupled with infrastructure and terrain challenges cannot continue to be governed from Kinshasa which is thousands of miles from other major parts of the country in a unitary and ineffective way. There is a need for a decentralisation of governance in DR Congo.

    The conflicts in DR Congo are embarrassments to Africa. It is alleged that the conflicts are the bloodiest since the end of the Second World War. DR Congo is no doubt a crippled giant and a festering sore in the heart of the African continent. Something urgent has to be done to get this country out of this quagmire.

    •Prof Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan.

  • Awakening the sleeping giant – Nigeria’s urgent call for change

    Awakening the sleeping giant – Nigeria’s urgent call for change

    • By Timothy Oyegoke

    In the 64 years since Nigeria gained independence, true stability and development have remained elusive. Almost all its sectors are struggling to survive. While the country claims to be the Giant of Africa, the poor state of affairs is proof that the daydreamer is yet to wake up from its delusions.

    In the early 2000s, optimism was running high as Nigeria was included among the Next Eleven (N-11) emerging market groups in the world. Citigroup and other meaningful institutions projected that Nigeria could become the fastest-growing economy between 2010 and 2050, while the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank expressed similar confidence—citing the nation’s resource base and market size as key drivers for rapid economic expansion. Unfortunately, the promising nation has yet to fully realise these expectations. Like a baby whose becoming is yet to be eminent, the nation’s progress has been hindered by deep-rooted structural challenges and inconsistent policies. Years of mismanagement have overshadowed the potential shown by some reform-minded leaders.

    Adding to this economic malaise, it is disheartening to witness how rapidly the economy is deteriorating with little or no remedial action taken by the government. With a 34.8% inflation rate reported by the National Bureau of Statistics in December 2024, the grim state of the economy betrays the earlier hopes that Nigeria would emerge among the leading global markets. With inflation, poverty, and unemployment on the rise, our leaders have yet to implement robust policies to revive the struggling economy.

    Equally concerning is the country’s over-reliance on oil revenue, even as the world shifts toward technology and the digital economy. Nigeria’s dependence on oil exports has made its economy vulnerable to global price fluctuations and international politics. While a diversified economy could have leveraged other comparative advantages, Nigeria has failed to tap into the full potential of agriculture and other major sectors. Despite agriculture’s significant contribution to GDP, this sector remains underutilised in offsetting the vulnerabilities of an oil-dependent economy. In contrast, the nation’s steadfast commitment to oil has resulted in reduced national income and persistent economic instability—thereby prolonging the hardships endured by its citizenry.

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    The challenges, however, are not confined solely to the economic sphere. Turning to social sectors, the health system is on the verge of collapse due to the lackadaisical concern of those in power. Over the years, the health sector has consistently received less than a 5% allocation of the national budget, even as its condition continues to deteriorate.

    The dismal state of many medical centres and teaching hospitals across the nation underscores the chronic underfunding of the sector. Poor infrastructure and worn-out medical equipment contribute to Nigeria’s low ranking in global life expectancy ratings. Moreover, with a surge in chronic diseases, many hospitals cannot even boast of having a functional dialysis machine. To make matters worse, the cost of running tests in the few hospitals equipped with such machines is a nightmare for the average Nigerian.

    Consequently, disillusioned medical practitioners—true patriots striving for transformation—are losing faith. Many are leaving for countries with better healthcare systems and more reasonable reward structures. According to coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare Muhammad Ali Pate, approximately 15,000 to 16,000 doctors have left Nigeria within five years. In a recent report by Nairametrics, Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio stands at one to 10,000, highlighting how overstretched medical professionals have become. Amid this malady, there remains little hope at the end of the tunnel.

    A similar crisis can be seen in the educational sector. Although the number of tertiary institutions and professors has increased, the retrogression in the overall quality of education is undeniable. The situation is even more dire in primary and secondary schools.

    Despite a recent upsurge in students passing their Senior Secondary School Examinations, the weak educational foundation becomes apparent when these students enter higher institutions. Recently, the chairman of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) lamented the declining quality of students admitted to universities; many young learners who once boasted of scoring an A in mathematics struggle to solve even the simplest equation in their first year. This decline also reflects on the quality of teaching, as many educators lack the motivation to work due to low pay and poor working conditions. Furthermore, some teachers, compelled by an exacerbating unemployment rate, are forced into roles they neither desire nor are adequately prepared for. Consequently, the deterioration in our educational system is hardly surprising.

    Similarly, chronic problems in the power sector with a collapsing national grid and poor transportation networks have further hampered the nation’s growth. Inadequate infrastructure has not only limited domestic production but also discouraged large-scale foreign investments that could have bolstered the economy. Coupled with other challenges, such as insurgencies and ethnic conflicts, it is evident that urgent action is needed to mitigate these escalating crises.

    Nevertheless, amid these challenges, it is worth noting that some brilliant minds are striving to put the nation back on track. The labour of hardworking youths across different regions, along with the unyielding patriotism of professionals worldwide, is a testament that the sleeping giant can still be revived, provided we commit to ending these deep-seated anomalies.

    Ultimately, the responsibility rests with every Nigerian. It comes down to our collective choice to pursue a better life: when we hold those in political office accountable; when we fight corruption and inefficiency in government institutions to the barest minimum; when policies are not only established but seen through to completion; when regulatory reforms, infrastructural development, and investment in human capital are given top priority; and when tribalism and religious bigotry are eradicated. In short, when everyone decides to make Nigeria great again.

    On whose shoulder will this responsibility lie? On whose mind will these burdens be borne? On whose heart will this vision remain? It is time for a serious rethink—a time to nudge ourselves back to reality. Enough of living in delusions, enough of living in “never enough.” It is time for Nigeria to regain its greatness across the continent.

    The call to make Nigeria great is here. How many compatriots will obey it?

  • Southeast’s exceptional case for additional state

    Southeast’s exceptional case for additional state

    • By IfeanyiChukwu Afuba

    Expectedly, criticisms greeted the recent statement by the House of Representatives Committee on Constitution Review on the creation of 31 new states. The disclosure which was wrongly presented as recommendation by sections of the media was later clarified as just list of requests from the six geo-political zones. And all were without satisfaction of constitutional requirements for effective demand.

    Regardless, opposition to the notion of state creation was swift and widespread. From socio-cultural organisations, ethnic associations to political leaders, the proposal met with resounding rejection. Dismissal of the idea was hinged on two main planks: lack of economic viability, and the weakening of states and associated threat to federalism. Not only do the size and resources of affected states shrink from state creation, the fact of multiplication leaves the states puny dots before a giant, federal government. The overviews cannot be faulted.

    But there’s a unique circumstance, the southeast case, which presses an exception and powerfully concedes creation of one more state in the southeast zone.

    A salient point to note at this juncture is that the constitutional requirements for creation of new states are very difficult to accomplish. The stringent provisions of Section 8 (1 – 3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) have stood in the way of state creation in over 25 years of the Fourth Republic. Similar conditions were applicable in the second and first republics ensuring that new states did not come into being. Yes, a breakthrough was achieved in the First Republic with the carving out of Midwest Region from Western Region. But it was an exception, which singular act does not vitiate the knotty nature of state creation during democratic order.

    As it is with state creation, so it is with birthing new local government areas. No new local government has been added to the list in the constitution since the return of democracy in 1999. The reason for rigid state creation process is not far-fetched. States and local governments are part of the power structure. Having exercised exclusive authority on the distribution of states through the military, Nigeria’s ruling establishment seeks continued control of the system with the very difficult conditions outlined in Section 8 of the Constitution. Procuring two-thirds consent of legislators from the affected areas, approval in a local referendum, followed by approval by majority of state legislatures and National Assembly are tough conditions by the conflicting nature of proposed state compositions.

    In some cases, some towns and local government areas are included in as many as three different requests. The only option in the present circumstances is to treat the issue of state creation, in this case, an additional state for the southeast east, as a national question.

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    We already hinted at the First Republic experience leading to the Midwest Region. The agitation was made a national agenda and subsequently endorsed by the governments of eastern and northern regions. Although the proposal was opposed by mainstream political leadership in the West, mobilisation and support in the inclusive constituencies was high. With respected leaders such as Dennis Osadebe, Anthony Enahoro, Oba Akenzua of Benin and others leading the movement, the ensuing referendum recorded over 90 percent approval. Today, the southeast presents a more compelling case than that of the Midwest. The minority position the southeast has been reduced to despite the Igbo constituting no less than 25 percent of Nigeria’s population, creates an imbalanced federation. Nobody has offered the criteria that justifies degrading the southeast with five states while other zones have six and seven states. The six geo-political zones have come to stay as enablers of Nigeria’s federation since the Constitutional Conference of 1995 and further serve to drive implementation of the federal character principle so boldly proclaimed in the constitution. But here is the same zonal structure under serious attack. The resulting political instability manifests in several ways, one of which is the IPOB campaign for secession.

    There is need to situate the marginalisation of the southeast in its proper context. It’s important to recognise the arbitrariness behind the relegation of the southeast to a minority. States and local governments’ creation during military rule was a power game of individual and ethnic dimensions. In the aftermath of the civil war, the Igbo were taken out of the equation in the armed forces. No known standard yardsticks were used in determining who got what states and local governments. Kano and Lagos states had an equal population of 5.8m and 5.7m respectively from the 1991 census result. But after the Babangida junta’s tinkering with the system that same year, Kano State ended up with 44 local government areas and Lagos 20. It’s a measure of Igbo suppression that the S.J. Cookey-led Political Bureau went beyond its mandate to recommend creation of a state in the southeast in the Panel’s 1986 report. The Bureau obviously considered a sense of social justice necessity for progressive political engineering.

    Significantly too, the 2014 National Conference concluded with a call for a sixth state in the southeast. These go to show that there is an unfinished business with the southeast.

    The point then is that Nigeria does not need another round of general state creation but specific, surgical action to remedy the disadvantage of the southeast. And it seems to me that much of the spadework for this assignment falls on the Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu and President Bola Tinubu. As chairman, House of Representatives Committee on State Creation, Kalu is familiar with the subject matter. He is in charge of certain processes therein, and evidently at home with the terrain. But beyond this official handle, there are other considerations that project Kalu for this role. The Deputy Speaker happens to be the highest Igbo political office holder in the present dispensation. That affords him clout and leverage to influence some policies in government – other things being equal. At the same time, the position places enormous responsibilities on his path. And it would appear that the seventh citizen by order of protocol is keen to discharge the responsibilities of his office. He is not laid-back as most deputies are wont. With regard to the southeast, the Deputy Speaker played an active role in realising the final stages of the Southeast Development Commission. Kalu has drawn attention to his leadership approach from his engagement with Tinubu’s presidency.

    Perhaps, it’s providential that the foremost Igbo holder of political office at this time is one with so much confidence in the president. Let the Deputy Speaker graciously convert his rapport with the president to realise one more state for the southeast. He will do well to lead a southeast front for the necessary consultations and consensus. This is a task that should commence immediately.

    As father of Nigeria’s community, no one would appreciate better than the president the duty to foster a sense of equity and social cohesion. Accommodating a zone that made other electoral choices at the presidential election shows statesmanship. And Tinubu has a history of progressive activism. The struggle for democratisation, restructuring and federalism starting from the Senate of the still-born Third Republic through the NADECO storms; to governorship and the twists and turns of Fourth Republic politics has definitely come a long way. It’s our hope that a leader who has travelled such challenging route, will rise to the challenge of history.

  • From governor to gadfly – What’s next for El-Rufai?

    From governor to gadfly – What’s next for El-Rufai?

    By Emameh Gabriel

    It is both ironic and tragic that Malam Nasir El-Rufai, a man whose political career has been marked by series of self-inflicted missteps, now finds solace in amplifying alarmists’ musings.

    The embattled former governor of Kaduna State, whose tenure left more scars than solutions in his eight years stint, seems to have taken up the role of a social media scavenger, clutching at every straw of discontent to soothe his frayed nerves. It is no surprise that he has latched onto one of Diala’s latest piece, rebranding it with a sensational title to stoke ethnic flames. But let us be clear: this is not a stitch in time saving nine; it is a desperate attempt to fan embers of discord in a nation already grappling with enough challenges.

    I am not speaking as an individual with a vested interest; while personal or collective interests may exist, my focus is squarely on the national interest and the unity of our great nation. It is, however, regrettable that this opinion being promoted by Malam, a man I also respect so much, comes from someone I hold in the highest regard, Dr. Uche Diala, a person I consider not merely a friend but a brother.

    Diala’s piece, while dressed in the garb of concern, is a thinly veiled exercise in fear-mongering and historical revisionism. To suggest that the Southwest and supporters of President Bola Tinubu are “playing with fire” is not only hyperbolic but also a deliberate distortion of the political realities of our time. Diala’s narrative, much like El-Rufai’s recent antics, oiled with nostalgia for a bygone era when political power was wielded like a cudgel, and regionalism was the currency of relevance. But Nigeria has moved beyond such simplistic binaries, and it is high time El-Rufai and his cheerleaders caught up.

    Please take note: El-Rufai does not represent the interests of the North, nor does he possess the authority to do so. He cannot implicate the entire northern region in his personal disputes with his successor, regardless of any grievances he may harbour.

    Now, let us address the elephant in the room: the North as the so-called “kingmaker.” This tired trope, regurgitated ad nauseam, is a relic of a past that no longer holds sway in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape. While the North remains a critical bloc, the idea that it alone holds the keys to the nation is a myth perpetuated by those who benefit from its propagation.

    Just this morning, I read an opinion by my elder brother, Prince Kasim Afegbua, with the title: “2027: The North and the Rest of Us”, in which he stressed the importance of equity, fairness, and collaboration among Nigeria’s geopolitical zones in the pursuit of the presidency. Drawing from his 28 years of political experience, Afegbua argued that no region can single-handedly produce a president without the support of others. He cites the example of former President Muhammadu Buhari, whose initial three presidential bids failed because he neglected to campaign in the South. It was only when Buhari built a coalition with the South that he succeeded in defeating an incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan. Afegbua expressed concern over whispers of northern plans to dominate the 2027 presidential race and disrupt the existing power rotation framework.

    People should know that Nigeria’s politics is no longer a zero-sum game of regional alliances but a complex interplay of ideas, performance, and inclusivity. President Tinubu’s administration, far from alienating any region, has consistently emphasised unity and equitable development. To suggest otherwise is to peddle a false narrative designed to sow division.

    Diala’s comparison of President Tinubu to President Jonathan is not only flawed but also disingenuous. Jonathan’s administration faltered not because of regional politics but because of its inability to deliver on its promises and its failure to unite a fractured nation. Tinubu, on the other hand, is a seasoned political strategist with a track record of building bridges across regions. To reduce his presidency to the whims of “tribal and geopolitical politics” is to underestimate the man and the moment. Tinubu’s leadership is not a one-man show, as Diala claims, but one working to steer Nigeria towards prosperity. The attempt to paint his supporters as “rambunctious” or “arrogant” is a cheap shot aimed at undermining their legitimate enthusiasm for a leader who has earned their trust.

    As for El-Rufai, his sudden concern for the APC’s fortunes in 2027 is laughable, given his own role in the party’s internal crises. This is a man who, not too long ago, urged the opposition to mobilise against his own party. Now, he positions himself as a guardian of the APC’s future? The irony is as thick as the smog over Abuja.

    El-Rufai’s political career has been a masterclass in contradictions, and his latest theatrics are no exception. Rather than offering constructive criticism, he has chosen to amplify divisive rhetoric, further exposing his own place in the current political equation.

    To both Diala and El-Rufai, I say this: Nigeria is not a chessboard for political gambits, and its people are not pawns to be manipulated. The challenges we face as a nation require unity, not division; solutions, not scaremongering. If you truly wish to contribute to Nigeria’s progress, focus on building bridges rather than burning them. The era of playing regional politics is over, and those who fail to adapt will be left behind.

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    In the words of Chinua Achebe, “When the rain falls on the leopard, it does not wash off its spots.” No amount of alarmist rhetoric can mask the fact that Nigeria is moving forward, with or without the likes of El-Rufai.

    The notion that any single region holds the key to political power is an outdated concept that fails to account for the dynamic and interconnected nature of modern Nigerian society. The Southwest, North, Southeast, and every other region are integral parts of a whole, and their collective strength lies in their unity and cooperation.

    President Tinubu’s administration has consistently emphasised the importance of inclusivity and equitable development. His policies and initiatives are designed to address the needs of all Nigerians, regardless of their regional or tribal affiliations.

    El-Rufai doesn’t speak for the North but for himself. His tenure as governor of Kaduna State was marked by countless controversies, some of which his successor, Uba Sani is working tirelessly to address and his recent actions suggest a continued preference for stirring the pot rather than offering constructive solutions. By amplifying Diala’s alarmist rhetoric, El-Rufai is contributing to the very divisions he claims to be concerned about. This is not the behaviour of a statesman but one seeking to remain relevant in a changing landscape.

    El-Rufai would do well to heed the lessons of history and recognise that the future of Nigeria lies in its unity and collective strength. The era of regional kingmakers and divisive politics is over. In the words of Nelson Mandela, “It is in your hands to create a better world for all who live in it.” Let us rise above the petty politics of division and work together to build a Nigeria that we can all be proud of. The fire we should be playing with is the fire of unity, determination, and hope for a better Nigeria.

    •Gabriel wrote from Abuja.

  • Restoring integrity in universities: The UNIZIK case

    Restoring integrity in universities: The UNIZIK case

    By Chukwudum Okoye

    One of Nigeria’s fundamental problems is the systematic degradation of state institutions by Nigerians themselves, particularly politicians who wield significant influence. Among the institutions most affected is the education sector, which has not been spared from this unfortunate trend. A glaring example is the manner in which universities are managed during leadership transitions, often marked by political interference and a departure from merit-based processes.

    Recently, several tertiary institutions have experienced leadership crises, most of which were exacerbated by politicians appointed to their governing councils. A notable example is Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, where the situation has been particularly disheartening. The chairman of the governing council, it seems, arrived with a premeditated agenda. Despite widespread awareness of his intentions, he executed his plan without hesitation – facilitating the emergence of an unqualified individual, someone not even holding the rank of professor, as vice chancellor. To compound the issue, he also appointed his sister, from the same town, as the registrar.

    During this period, many of us – including the writer, who had initially opposed Prof. Ikechebelu – found ourselves rallying behind him. What swayed our stance was the remarkable maturity and professionalism with which he handled the entire situation. In time, it became evident that his real challenge was his commitment to doing things the right way.

    The public outcry was further fuelled by the reckless actions of the unqualified individual who assumed office. From the onset, he displayed an alarming disregard for prudence, indulging in extravagant expenditures. He secured luxury hotel accommodations for himself and his associates at the university’s expense, costing UNIZIK millions daily. He even resorted to commuting to work via helicopter on at least three occasions. Such brazen extravagance, driven by an epicurean lifestyle, left the entire university community deeply wounded.

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    Thus, when he was eventually removed, there was a universal sense of relief and jubilation. For the university community, it marked the first step toward an epistemic rebirth – an opportunity to restore order and integrity to the institution. During those tumultuous months of leadership instability, the university suffered greatly. Numerous appointments were made and subsequently overturned, creating an atmosphere of uncertainty and confusion.

    However, upon assuming office as acting vice chancellor, Prof. Ifeanyichukwu Ikechebelu, in his wisdom, swiftly restored the status quo, reversing the arbitrary decisions that had disrupted the institution. His decisive and pragmatic approach further reinforced the belief that his leadership was essential for fully stabilising and repositioning the university on the path of academic excellence.

    Amidst all that has transpired, we must extend our gratitude to President Ahmed Bola Tinubu. His intervention at UNIZIK demonstrates not only his attentiveness but also his deep understanding of the affairs of the state. It reaffirms that he is actively monitoring developments across various sectors and institutions.

    As part of what could be described as an educational revolution, President Tinubu took decisive action by removing certain vice chancellors, including those of the University of Abuja and Alvan Ikoku University of Education. Their appointments were fraught with irregularities and without regard for due process. This same disregard for due process was one of the primary reasons behind the removal of the vice chancellor of Nnamdi Azikiwe University. If we fail to uphold integrity and excellence in our universities, the nation’s future is at grave risk. Universities are the bedrock of intellectual and national development, and any compromise in their leadership threatens the very fabric of our progress.

    The president unequivocally stated, as a precondition, that those appointed to replace the removed officials would not be eligible to contest for the substantive positions. This measure ensures that the selection process remains fair and devoid of undue advantage. For those who believe they are qualified and are already preparing to contest, the choice is clear – they have the option to decline the appointment if they wish to pursue the substantive role.

    However, as soon as the announcements were made, troublemakers at UNIZIK swiftly retreated to their trenches, reigniting their disruptive agenda. I came across demands insisting that the same condition be applied to UNIZIK, as though they were the ones who originally advised Mr. President to take that decision. What this clearly implies is that Mr. President, who has access to a vast array of intelligence and information, must have carefully considered the unique circumstances of each university before making his decisions. His approach underscores the fact that governance is not driven by external noise but by informed judgment and strategic reasoning.

    Ultimately, the key question for those agitating for the same condition to be applied to UNIZIK is this: What does the University Act say about the selection of a vice chancellor? Why the specific pronouncement on Abuja and Nsukka? It is important to note that acting vice-chancellors have often gone on to become substantive vice-chancellors, as seen in the recent cases of Prof. Bashir Garba. This practice has long been part of the tradition in higher institutions, particularly when the goal is to appoint individuals with proven experience and institutional knowledge.

    While certain universities faced peculiar circumstances that warranted conditional appointments for their acting vice-chancellors, it would be misguided to demand that this become a standard practice across all institutions. Each university’s situation should be evaluated on its own merits, in line with established laws and best practices. I am not necessarily an advocate for Ikechebelu, but he is undeniably a man of destiny. Being an acting vice-chancellor does not affect the fundamental process with a neutral governing council, as it is designed to be beyond manipulation if properly followed.

    However, after the university experienced two vice-chancellors following his departure, only to witness his eventual return, it has become evident that maturity – a quality he possesses in abundance – plays a crucial role in high-stakes appointments. His leadership has, in many ways, underscored the value of experience, stability, and wisdom in steering an institution towards progress. The unfolding events in our higher institutions serve as yet another clarion call to re-evaluate the criteria for appointing members to University Governing Councils.

    The actions of the recently dissolved UNIZIK Governing Council within just a few months stand as a glaring example of how deeply entrenched political interference has corrupted the system. If we are to preserve the sanctity of academia, urgent reforms are needed to ensure that only individuals with a genuine commitment to educational excellence and institutional progress are entrusted with such responsibilities. Like Hercules cleansing the Augean stables, President Tinubu has stepped in to restore order. He must, however, remain steadfast and not succumb to the distractions of those driven by selfish interests – particularly those advocating for policies that, while suitable for UniAbuja, want it imposed on UNIZIK.

    Mr. President is on the right path. He should be left to execute his reforms without undue interference.

    •Okoye is a doctoral student at UNIZIK, Awka, Anambra State.

  • Nigeria’s real estate market: What to expect in 2025

    Nigeria’s real estate market: What to expect in 2025

    By Victor Okonkwo

    The past year ended with 33% headline inflation and over 200% loss in the Naira value in the last 24 months.

    What is happening in Nigeria’s real estate market? Are prices going up or down? Is Lagos still a hotspot for foreign investors? How is Nigeria’s government impacting real estate policies and taxes in 2025?

    These are the questions everyone is asking us every day—professionals, buyers, and sellers alike, from Abuja to Port Harcourt and beyond.

    Nigeria’s real estate market is one of the most dynamic in Africa. It is driven by a high population growth and a rapid urbanization.  The real estate sector had a growth projection of 7.24% in 2024, amounting to a value of $2.14 trillion. By maintaining a similar trajectory, the demand for real estate, particularly in key cities will remain high.

    Success in the Nigeria Real Estate would require more than just capital. It will require a careful understanding of the market, good timing, strategic thinking and partnerships that work. Let’s go through a number of things to expect this year 2025.

    Boom in residential buildings

    Nigeria is staying true to the global trend of rising residential demand. The scale and evolution are unprecedented, ranging from luxury towers to stretched-out villas, multi-family developments and new town projects and more.

    This isn’t just about homes — developers have perfected alternative products such as Site and Services, Shell and Core, and Gated community schemes. These create distinct opportunities for increased profitability in real estate business without the necessity to inject more funds. 

    The driving forces will be Diaspora remittance and urbanization.

    Many residential buildings will be funded by Nigerians abroad. Due to their unique experience and exposure to luxury we should expect more creative housing delivery solutions to emerge. Internationally branded residences will debut in Lagos, Abuja and some other parts of the country.

    Inflation and devaluation: Challenge meets opportunity

    The sudden increase in local inflation and foreign exchange levels dominated industry discussions last year. This was bad news for many investors. Yet within these challenges lie a greatest investment opportunity. Just as water always finds its path, consumers will always make ends meet. The exit of many foreign companies has created some investment opportunities.

    Health, education and leisure tourism are poised to experience a domestic resurgence. There is likely to be a surge in acquisitions, upgrades and strategic partnerships to develop hospitals, schools, apartments and leisure centres targeted at demand that typically gets this service abroad. The value of naira will consequently improve.

    Infrastructure will ease business

    The access to infrastructure (especially energy and transportation) will clearly determine the preferred location of factories and industrial parks. This will continue to keep most activities and supply traffic for development concentrated in the old industrial hubs.

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    SEZs (Special Economic Zones) will remain the popular destinations for new investments. The Lagos Free Zone (Tolaram), Eko Atlantic City, Alaro City and others are at the forefront of these trends. These Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) are present conditions that reduce the initial risk and challenges of real estate investment and the cost of navigating the complex regulatory environment.

    Business operators will seek for stability, reduced operational cost and a shock-proof supply chain more than ever to remain profitable amidst competition.

    Facilities management: Rise of property technology

    Facilities Management & Maintenance will stand out as an important currency for the property industry. With over 6.9 million sq. ft. of prime offices and retail stock and as the cost of newer buildings sky-rocket, how to maintain older infrastructure will become a significant competitive factor. A well maintained infrastructure will retain its economic value throughout its lifetime.

    Despite the economic challenges there is a growing appetite of property end-users for experiential amenities, luxury and class. This will compel investors to prioritize maintaining highly functional services.

    Stricter building regulations will raise construction costs, affecting property prices

    As a result of the high incidence of building failures experienced in 2024 there will be stricter building regulations in some major cities in the country. These stricter measures will make our houses safer but more expensive.

    The price of steel rods, which are essential materials for construction, has gone up. This isn’t just a random spike; it’s partly because builders now have to meet new, tougher standards. When materials cost more, developers don’t just absorb the hit—they pass it on to buyers. So, if you’re looking to buy, expect to see property prices rise as a result.

    It is not just materials that are getting pricier. Stricter rules from building regulators will also mean higher operational costs for construction companies. Think about skilled labour and transportation—both are getting more expensive, thanks to factors like exchange rates and inflation. The depreciation of the naira over that of its fellow West African countries has led to the exit of many expatriate semi-skilled building professionals (carpenters, masons etc.). All these factors combined will push property prices up.  The federal government has however embarked on massive training of these artisans to cushion this effect.

    Abuja under the current government is buzzing with new infrastructure projects, thanks to a boost in government spending. The federal government has approved a total of N159.5 billion for five major projects aimed at enhancing road networks, transportation, and estate access across the Federal Capital Territory (FCT

    In 2023, the Federal Capital Executive Council gave the green light to contracts worth N33.24 billion for key projects, focusing on transportation and housing. These developments are set to transform the city, making it more appealing for both residents and businesses. One of the standout projects is the Abuja/Kaduna/Zaria/Kano road rehabilitation, which is expected to be completed by 2025. This road will significantly enhance connectivity, making travel smoother and faster.

    With better roads and transport, Abuja will become a hotspot for property seekers. The demand for homes and commercial spaces will rise, driven by factors like population growth and urbanization.

    The government’s focus on these improvements will attract more people and businesses to the Abuja and its neighbourhood. This influx is expected to continue pushing property prices upward, making it a good investment destination.

    Trump policies

    Economic experts think that Trump’s policies will be consistent with strengthening the US economy, having a stronger dollar and maintaining continued strength in US equities. Without doubt, I expect general economic activities to increase in the US as he would likely borrow more and increase government spending.

    However, there will be two potential impacts on Nigerians living in the US. If US residential prices increase, they would likely spend their excess income on acquiring more real estate in the US as opposed to investing in Nigeria. On the flip side, Trump’s insistence on deportation of illegal immigrants may see some Nigerians returning home to invest their savings and start all over again. There is no place like home.

    But prices aren’t coming down

    Property prices are not going to come down in 2025. The provision of cheaper mortgages, reduced interest rates, availability of funding will still take a few years before it can start to significantly affect real estate prices. Demand is still too strong and far ahead of supply due to increased urbanization. Limited infrastructure in areas people want to live, and slow and inadequate supply of new homes in these areas would continue to marginally push property prices up this year or at best, keep it stable.

     The Gen Xers are coming back home

    Nigerians living abroad who are already in their 50s/60s are likely going to start the wave of ‘Japada’ not just due to the return of Trump to the White House, but also as they are now empty nesters and have excess cash. They will be looking for retirement estates, homes to live in. Homes in Nigeria would become more affordable and attractive to them. Location, security, neighbourhood infrastructure and functionality of the homes in terms of services and spaces will guide their decision on which estate to buy into.

    •Okonkwo is an educator and entrepreneur.

  • For Nigerians to have light

    For Nigerians to have light

    By Michael Owhoko

    The unending darkness permeating Nigeria today, unarguably, was the mistake of 2013 when majority stakes in the electricity distribution companies (DISCOs) were sold to private investors as part of larger efforts to improve electricity supply, which was hitherto, disrupted by constant power failure across the country.

    Unfortunately, after 12 years of practical operations, these private investors have turned out to be technically incompetent with severe illiquidity challenges that weaken their capacity to perform, demonstrate competence, and deliver electricity satisfactorily to customers in line with policy and public expectations.  Worse still, there is nothing suggestive that the DISCOs can improve in performance and efficiency, translating into a burden for Nigerians, in the absence of government’s interference.

    By their poor conduct and performance, the DISCOs have undermined the intention and objective of the federal government’s electricity reforms which was aimed at strengthening the power sector through private sector participation for delivery of efficient and quality service.  The reforms which started with the enactment of the Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005 (EPSRA), led to formation of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) and creation of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN).  The PHCN was later segmented into Generation, Transmission and Distribution, from where the DISCOs were created.

    The reforms were essentially necessitated at the time by constant power failure induced by poor condition of the network of power assets, including moribund facilities and equipment together with government’s poor handling and management of the electricity sector.  These challenges were identified as obstacles impeding efficient and regular supply of electricity to consumers, leading to eventual sale of six GENCOs and 11 DISCOs to private investors. 

    So far, the DISCOs have failed to inspire public confidence, as they often attribute their failure to inherited obsolete and unviable equipment, a defence mechanism evidently too weak to attract public sympathy.  Inability of the DISCOs to identify from the onset, the depth of facility decay before agreeing to take up responsibility for the job, exposes the gaps in their technical knowhow.  And failure to replace most of the moribund equipment and facilities is a confirmation of their poor financial health, a factor that should have been activated for their disqualification.

    Perhaps, as device to mitigate this financial deficit, DISCOs resort to sharp practices, using estimated billing, varied service bands, passing incidence of cost relating to faulty equipment replacement to consumers and unjustifiable blackout.

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    For example, consumers are fraudulently asked by DISCOs to pay for faulty distribution facilities and equipment, including wires, cables, conductors and transformers, despite leveraging government and banks.  Even after compelling consumers to fund replacement of faulty equipment, ownership of such assets reverts to the DISCOs. Yet, no payment waiver or concession is extended to customers for electricity consumed. 

    Implicitly, consumers indirectly bear part of the DISCOs’ operational cost despite payment for electricity bills.  And because the consumers are caught up between the deep blue sea and the hard rock, the DISCOs have now made it a bureaucratic culture to make incessant demands to consumers for replacement of faulty lines and equipment, including transformers.  Field electrical engineers of the DISCOs capitalized on this unwholesome practice to constantly push cost of maintenance down the throat of consumers.

    Besides, estimated billing has become part of DISCOs’ trick for defraying cost of operations.  Consumers are billed based on estimation as against prepaid metering, a preferred option to support their balance sheet.  This explains why the process for obtaining prepaid meters is cumbersome and frustrating.  Even where the prepaid meters are available, the DISCOs deliberately make the issuance process difficult, just to discourage consumers. 

    Categorization of consumers into different bands is also a strategy to shore up revenue, particularly in Band A.  This category of consumers is allocated a minimum of 20 hours a day, but receives less supply quality, despite associated high tariff of about N207per kilowatt/hour (KWhr). 

    Consumers that are migrated to bands B, C, D and E also complain of inadequate supply that is not commensurate with their service bands.  From approved minimum, Band B is entitled to 16 hours, Band C – 12 hours, Band D – 8 hours, and Band E – 4 hours per day, yet, blackout persists with supply at variance with approved service minimum in the different bands.  It appears to be a ruse designed to fleece consumers.

    This inefficiency has so negatively robbed off on the DISCOs to the extent that their reputation and public trust have waned.  It is so bad that, for example, pickup ladder trucks conveying field workers of DISCOs, now conjure image of crooked personnel going around to extort consumers over non-existent faults.  The presence of these field engineers trigger apprehension among consumers over possible alteration of electricity balance.  All these are in violation of regulatory operating standards as depicted in the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) set by NERC. The KPIs are metrics designed to measure performance of the DISCOs.

    When organizations entrusted with responsibilities to deliver electricity to final consumers have consistently failed to achieve target, resulting in poor quality of life and business downturn, with implications on gross domestic product (GDP), government has the obligation to mediate, and put the sector on a new trajectory to guarantee improved and regular supply of electricity.   

    This is where the NERC, which was established to oversee the activities of the DISCOs, is expected to act on behalf of government to compel them to operate within the framework of the established KPIs, through regular monitoring and enforcement of compliance.  The KPIs include management accountability, increased operational performance, improved electricity delivery, customers’ service satisfaction, metering, customers’ complaints resolution, estimated billing and quality of service delivery.

    But so far, the NERC has not lived up to its billings as evident by failure of the DISCOs to meet their KPIs, coupled with flagrant display of nonchalance, impunity and inexperience.  Besides 5% reduction in operational expenditure as penalty for non-compliance with energy offtake, no serious sanctions have been slammed on the DISCOs, a gap they have been exploiting to perpetuate darkness in the country.

    Put differently, apart from management accountability which is beyond consumers’ determination, other KPIs are observed more in breach by DISCOs than in compliance.  For example, there is no improved performance and increased power delivery to consumers.  There is also poor metering system fuelled by non-availability or indiscriminate issuance of meters, as well as estimated and delayed billing.  Besides, consumers are also compelled to pay for equipment, including cables and transformers. These are part of growing customers’ dissatisfaction over poor services by DISCOs.  

    While power generation companies (GENCOs) and Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) are not immune from the general inefficiency web of the power sector, if the approximately 5,000 megawatts (MW) of electricity currently generated was optimally and efficiently distributed by DISCOs, using functional and reliable equipment and facilities, the magnitude of blackout currently being experienced in Nigeria would have been slashed.  

    The spotlight on the DISCOs is informed by their crucial role in the electricity supply value chain.  They deliver electricity directly to consumers which provide them the opportunity to interact with customers. The GENCOs and TCN do not interact directly with consumers, and this removes these organisations from public attention despite their importance in the supply value chain.  

    In other words, the DISCOs are the barometer the general public and consumers use in measuring the power sector performance.  Regrettably, none of the DISCOs has shown excellence in their performance.

    The DISCOs are today, part of major reason Nigeria is referred to as a “generator republic”.  Until the DISCOs are dissolved and replaced with technically competent investors ready to invest heavily in distribution equipment and facilities, homes and industries will continue to suffer from poor electricity supply, posing serious threat to government’s planned provision of reliable and sustainable electricity.  In other words, let the DISCOs die so that Nigerian can have light.

    •Dr. Owhoko is a Lagos-based public policy analyst, author, and journalist.

  • Machine learning through mentorship

    Machine learning through mentorship

    By Ugochukwu Charles Akajiaku

    In the fast-paced world of machine learning (ML) and deep learning (DL), keeping up with advancements can be overwhelming, particularly for newcomers. Theoretical knowledge alone is no longer sufficient — hands-on experience, guidance, and mentorship are crucial for nurturing the next generation of Artificial Intelligence (AI) leaders. Mentorship serves as the bridge between academic learning and real-world industry impact, ensuring that budding AI professionals can transition effectively from education to practice.

    In recent times, there has been an increasing need for mentorship in AI utilisation. The availability of online courses, research papers, and open-source frameworks has democratised access to ML and DL knowledge. However, this abundance of information presents its challenge. Many early-career professionals struggle with structuring their learning path, implementing research in practical applications, or contributing to open-source projects. Without guidance, years may be spent attempting to break into the field with limited success.

    Additionally, the rapid evolution of AI technologies means learners must continually update their knowledge and skills. Mentorship plays a transformative role in this process, providing direction, insight, and encouragement to those entering the field.

    Mentorship helps bridge the knowledge gap through structured guidance, career advice, or industry exposure. By having mentors, mentees gain access to insider knowledge, networking opportunities, and the ability to work on impactful projects that might otherwise be inaccessible.

    The role of thought leaders in AI mentorship is important. Experienced ML practitioners and researchers hold a responsibility to share knowledge and provide mentorship. Thought leadership in AI extends beyond publishing research and developing cutting-edge models — it includes fostering a culture of learning and collaboration.

    Mentorship can take various forms, including through structured learning paths that involve guiding mentees through a logical progression of foundational mathematics, algorithms, and programming before advancing to deep learning; code reviews and project guidance by encouraging participation in real-world projects, open-source repositories, and industry collaborations; career and research advice by helping mentees identify career paths, research interests, and networking opportunities.

    Furthermore, mentorship can take the form of ethical AI discussions, ensuring that mentees grasp the broader implications of AI technologies, including fairness, bias mitigation, and accountability. Industry exposure would provide mentees with exposure to industry practices, corporate AI strategies, and the expectations of working in a professional AI environment. And, finally, personal development would help build soft skills such as problem-solving, teamwork, and communication, which are equally important in AI careers.

    The real-world impact of effective mentorship is germane. As a mentor, I have witnessed the transformative effects of structured guidance. For instance, one of my mentees, who struggled to break into the industry, secured a top-tier AI research role after working on an open-source natural language processing (NLP) project under my mentorship. Another transitioned from a non-technical background into a full-time ML engineering role through a structured learning plan and hands-on project support.

    Such stories are not isolated cases. In the United States and Canada, many universities and tech incubators run AI mentorship programmes. Organisations such as OpenAI, DeepMind, and AI4ALL provide mentorship opportunities to aspiring AI professionals. In the United Kingdom, the Alan Turing Institute actively promotes AI mentorship by connecting researchers with industry experts. In India, AI research fellowships and mentorship-driven initiatives are gaining traction, encouraging students and professionals to enter the AI field. Finally, in Singapore, government-backed AI programmes emphasise mentorship and collaboration with industry experts to nurture local talent.

    By dedicating time to mentorship, AI experts not only help individuals grow but also contribute to the overall advancement of the field by cultivating a steady pipeline of skilled professionals.

    Mentorship in academia versus industry is worthy of mention. For an aspiring AI professional, leveraging mentorship from both academia and industry can lead to a well-rounded skill set. In academia, mentorship often focuses on theoretical concepts, research methodologies, and scientific discovery. On the other hand, industry mentorship is more application-oriented, emphasising real-world problem-solving, software engineering best practices, and business impact. They also help mentees understand industry trends, regulatory concerns, and the competitive AI landscape.

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    Now, the question is: How does one become an effective AI mentor? For those with expertise in ML and DL, becoming a mentor can be a highly rewarding experience. Some of the practical ways to engage in mentorship are by joining AI communities and engaging with online forums, participating in and contributing to open-source projects, and offering structured learning programmes and participating in mentorship programmes that guide mentees through structured learning paths.

    Furthermore, by providing career guidance and helping mentees understand different career trajectories, promoting ethical AI discussions and encouraging mentees to think critically about AI ethics, and encouraging hands-on experience and guiding mentees in working on real-world projects. By taking these steps, experienced AI professionals can play a pivotal role in shaping the future of the field.

    Mentees could find the right AI mentors by leveraging online platforms and engaging with AI professionals on social media, attending AI conferences and workshops, joining AI communities and meet-ups, being proactive and showing initiative, and engaging in open-source projects.

    I must emphasise that the future of AI depends on mentorship. The future of AI hinges not only on technological advancements but also on the cultivation of talent. Mentorship ensures that innovation remains accessible, ethical, and impactful. Without mentorship, the AI field risks becoming an exclusive domain where only a few have access to high-level knowledge and career opportunities.

    By fostering a strong mentorship culture, we can empower the next generation of AI practitioners to drive meaningful progress in the field. Whether you are an AI expert or an aspiring learner, investing in mentorship — either by guiding others or seeking guidance — could lead to exponential growth for individuals and the AI community as a whole.

    In a field where collaboration fuels progress, mentorship is the key to unlocking the full potential of AI. The more we share, the more we innovate, and the more we collectively push the boundaries of what is possible in artificial intelligence.

    •Akajiaku, a geologist, project manager and data scientist, writes from Port Harcourt.