The Nation Newspaper

Category: Discourse

  • Tunde Bakare: Activist cleric, politician at 70

    Tunde Bakare: Activist cleric, politician at 70

    By Dr. Segun Oshinaga

    PTB, as those of us who firmly believe in his national assignment call Pastor Tunde Bakare, is a paragon of public morality. His involvement in politics since General Muhammadu Buhari nominated him as his Vice- Presidential candidate is a study in how a believer can and should practice ‘contact without contamination, which he preaches and practices. His legendary feat as a strict and biblically accurate pastor and teacher is well known. His no-nonsense intolerance for any form or shape of extra biblical practice in the Church has caused very serious public fight within the Body of Christ, for which he is unapologetic.

    Most Christians who got involved in politics get lost to the filth of corruption. PTB was the ONLY believer who participated in the 2023 presidential election who didn’t give any delegate a dime. There were other believers who paid bribes of several billions to delegates and still lost. His contribution to Christian values in Nigerian politics is unparalleled.

    Let me lay out a few specific examples:

    In 1991 or 1992, somebody sent a green Mercedes Benz 300 or 500 (popularly called Shagari Model in those days) as a gift to him at the then Latter Rain Assembly, Akilo Street, Ikeja. I visited him one day and saw the car covered where it was parked. When I asked why he was not using it, his response was this: ‘I need to meet the person who sent it and ask him where he got the money from.’ The sender got angry and said it wasn’t his business where he got his money. PTB had the car returned. Later, the man was caught carrying drugs.

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    2. When his wife, the one we fondly called Mrs. B, turned 50, 14 years ago, the Governor of Ogun State who has been his friend since secondary school days donated some money at the birthday party at Sheraton Hotel, Lagos. PTB asked him publicly if the money was from his personal account or public purse. It was only accepted when the Governor announced that it was his personal money.

    When Citadel’s construction stated, PTB’s friend, President Muhammadu Buhari, donated N5M. PTB asked him if the money was from his pocket or taken from the public purse. Buhari was not amused. He promptly replied: ‘Pastor, I can personally afford this.’ PTB made the contribution public in Church along with their banters.

    When PTB turned 60 years in 2014, somebody in the Villa sent him a brand new 2015 Rolls Royce. He asked those who brought it: ‘Is this a gift any Nigerian who clocks 60 gets? They said no. ‘How do I justify such gift from the government?’ They took back their gift

    Just before the 2015 elections, a bag with $850,000 dollars cash was hauled into his presidential Suite at Transcorp Hotel, Abuja. This was when all kinds of people, including religious leaders, Christians and Muslims; traditional rulers across the nation were receiving such dollar gifts. He turned it down.

    During the 2023 primaries of the APC, there was dollar rain before, during and after the exercise at the Eagle Square. Men were bought like fowls and goats in the market. Only PTB didn’t bribe any delegate or trade his candidature. Others, including those that were notable believers paid out hundreds of millions of dollars to buy delegates. Some who traded their candidature and publicly announced they were stepping down were alleged to have received as much as $2M dollars each.

    PTB stood up on that platform and announced he was not stepping down but stepping up.

    It’s normal in our clime to use proximity to power for personal profit. Nothing particularly wrong if done properly. Till the day President Muhammadu Buhari left office, he lamented that PTB has not personally benefited from any government deal or largesse. About two years before the expiration of his presidency, the President attempted to give his friend a gift. PTB had just arrived Abuja. He came from Lagos with his lawyer, Tope Adebayo. Only the three of us were there that day. Not long afterwards, his phone rang. It was from Tunde Sabiu, the President’s nephew and Personal Assistant. He said the President had something for PTB. PTB sent his lawyer. Tope came back with an envelope. It was an offer of an oil block. Many would have jumped at it calling it divine supply. PTB went back to see his friend, the President to thank him for the offer. And then, he told him: ‘Thank you Mr. President but I cannot accept this gift. It will spoil my brand. Oil block is a national treasure and if I get it just because I’m the President’s friend, then it becomes morally indefensible. Thanks but no thanks.’

    PTB has demonstrated beyond measure that he is a man of conviction of steel. There are more than two dozen incidents like this but each time, he overcame; seeing them as test of his character and his readiness to be a leader without greed and covetousness.

    Not a few people have wondered why he combines his pastoral calling with political activism. To some, these roles are mutually exclusive. In holding this view, the assumption is that pastoral work is a holy calling while politics is a vocation for sinners.

    Truth be told, PTB is not a politician in the conventional traditional sense. PTB is a nation builder who is deploying the tool of politics as a means to achieve an end; an end which includes the liberation from hunger, provision of infrastructure, and security of life and property.

    The bane of politics in Nigeria is selfishness and greed. Politics is often a racket, not different from gangsterism with money making as sole objective. What we have presently in Nigeria are merchants pretending to be leaders. We have raiders holding political offices throughout the length and breadth of the Nigeria landscape. To the contrary, PTB is not driven by the mundane or compulsive material acquisition at public expense. Rather, PTB is driven by the vision of how better Nigeria can become. And this is what informs his common mantra ‘Nigeria will work in my life time.’

    PTB’s patriotism didn’t start with the Save Nigeria Group; although SNG became a veritable and potent vehicle for concrete visible action. Since the early 90s, PTB has been a watchman for the Nigerian nation, preaching, prophesying, praying and rallying many towards the Nigerian cause. He is a man uniquely burdened for Nigeria. Hardly can he finish a message without a mention of the rot in the land and proffering solutions. The truth is that PTB is not your ordinary do-gooder, political activist or politician. The uniqueness of his intervention is that he is acutely aware of his sense of destiny in being an active participant in making Nigeria a nation that will be blessed to become the envy of other nations.

    Perhaps, I need to share how I came about this conviction. The year was 1991 and the venue was the church office at The Latter Rain Assembly. PTB has always been a gracious host. He offered me lunch that was delivered from ‘Pintos’ on Allen Avenue after which he saw me off to my car. Just as he turned back to return to the office, the Lord opened my eyes and mind to have a glimpse into the future. By the way, this is a gift that the Lord gives me occasionally. In this state, I saw PTB helping to fix a broken down nation. I called him back and told him what I saw. Of course, he was amazed. He turned and walked into his office. I am persuaded that we are entering that season.

    One distinguishing feature of leadership is selflessness. Unfortunately, this is oftentimes lacking within the political class. This virtue marks PTB out. When he was nominated to the 2014 national conference, he served the nation at his own expense. He was one of the few who refused the fat cheques that the government offered. Virtually all politicians are driven by ambition of ‘I want to be this or that.’ What drives GBB (Gbolahan Babatunde Bakare) as his precious wife, Mrs. B. (Layide Bakare) fondly calls him, is not ambition; not at all. Individuals driven by ambition are often slaves to their vanities and egos.

    I completely, unequivocally and intentionally trust that God will perfect all He has put in His servant’s heart for our dear and great nation. Hear PTB shout this daily – Nigeria shall be SAVED. Nigeria shall be CHANGED. Nigeria shall be GREAT.

    May his prophecy for our nation come true in our lifetime and may we all be partakers of Nigeria’s great and illustrious future.

     • Oshinaga is the President of Inspirational Global Network and long term close confidant of Pastor Tunde Bakare

  • Beyond profits, Kyari-led NNPCL gives back, uplift Nigerians

    Beyond profits, Kyari-led NNPCL gives back, uplift Nigerians

    By Ademola Bankole

    The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, as a public company is of critical interest to Nigerians. In recent times, following the removal of the petrol subsidy, the national oil corporation leadership has come under intense criticism, following issues that arose as a fallout of the government decision to save the nation from further hemorrhage by plugging the wastes and fraud of the subsidy regimes.

    While many, out of ignorance, accuse the leadership of the NNPCL for doing little, the well-oiled smear-campaign set in motion by fraudulent petrol cartel, who had fleeced the nation of billions of dollars under the opaque subsidy scheme, were even more voracious. However, despite the orchestrated campaign of calumny against the NNPCL Chief, Kyari remained on top of his game, expanding exciting energy infrastructure, enabling other sustainable energy options, like the Compressed Natural Gas, CNG among others, above all, the company under his leadership is not just fixated on swelling the bottom line, and making the company a continuous thriving going concerns. NNPCL is also giving up to distraught Nigerians, and communities through various humanitarian endeavors, using the company’s Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR.

    In a historic step towards cancer prevention, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPC Ltd), through its Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) arm, the NNPC Foundation, has embarked on an initiative that underscores its commitment to the health and well-being of Nigerians. The Cancer Awareness and ZSX Screening Campaign was a free, nationwide initiative that aims to provide cancer screening, health education, and consultations, especially for the underserved. The campaign reflects NNPC Ltd’s commitment to social responsibility, addressing Nigeria’s rising cancer crisis and showing the company’s dedication to a healthier, more equitable future.

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    The intervention became extremely important as cancer remains one of the most serious health threats in Nigeria, with over 79,000 cancer-related deaths each year, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). The most common cancers affecting Nigerians include breast and cervical cancer among women, and prostate and liver cancer among men. Despite these alarming statistics, access to early detection resources remains a significant challenge, particularly for the economically marginalized Nigerians, particularly those living in the rural areas. The NNPC Foundation’s Cancer Awareness and ZSX Screening Campaign takes a vital step in addressing this gap.

    Driven by its commitment to promoting healthcare equity, NNPC Ltd has leveraged its resources and reach to address this health crisis directly. The campaign reflects the vision of a company that sees the health of its people as an integral part of national development. By focusing on early detection, the initiative not only aims to save lives but also to educate the public on the importance of preventive healthcare and early cancer detection.

    The Cancer Awareness and ZSX Screening Campaign, aims to make cancer screenings accessible to approximately 3,000 individuals across Nigeria. The initiative will establish screening centers in six states—Kaduna, Rivers, Ondo, Benue, Imo, and Gombe—strategically covering each of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. This expansive reach is emblematic of NNPC Ltd’s dedication to inclusivity and equity, making screenings accessible to people in both urban centers and rural areas.

    Ms. Emmanuella Arukwe, Managing Director of the NNPC Foundation, emphasized that this initiative is about more than just medical check-ups; it’s about saving lives and creating a healthier Nigeria. “The fight against cancer requires a collective effort and a commitment to ensuring accessible healthcare. This campaign is about more than just screening; it’s about saving lives, building awareness, and creating pathways to preventive care for Nigerians who need it most,” she said. Her words resonate with NNPC Ltd’s broader mission to ensure every Nigerian, regardless of socioeconomic status, has access to quality healthcare.

    Over the years, NNPC Ltd has demonstrated a deep commitment to Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), addressing critical issues that extend beyond its primary focus in the energy sector. The NNPC Foundation, as the CSR arm, has championed various projects that tackle healthcare, education, community development, and more. The Cancer Awareness and ZSX Screening Campaign reflects NNPC Ltd’s broader CSR philosophy, emphasizing the idea that corporate success should be aligned with societal benefit.

    By addressing healthcare inequities in Nigeria, the NNPC Foundation is setting an example for other corporations. This commitment to healthcare shows the far-reaching potential of CSR, going beyond traditional charitable donations and engaging in sustainable, impactful projects that address urgent societal needs. NNPC Ltd’s initiative is not only a step towards a healthier Nigeria but also a testament to the company’s belief that the private sector has a vital role in national development.

    NNPC Ltd’s Cancer Awareness and ZSX Screening Campaign is a groundbreaking effort that embodies the company’s commitment to the well-being of Nigerians. The campaign serves as a beacon of hope for individuals who may otherwise lack access to essential health services, offering them a chance at early detection and, potentially, a longer life.

    Through this initiative, NNPC Ltd is doing more than addressing Nigeria’s cancer crisis; it is laying the foundation for a healthier, more equitable future. This campaign is a powerful reminder that corporate responsibility, when driven by genuine commitment to social good, can create transformative change. As NNPC Ltd continues to champion health initiatives and lead by example, the future looks brighter for the people of Nigeria.

    In the same vein, the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC JV), operator of the NNPC Limited, SPDC, TotalEnergies and Nigerian Agip Oil Company Joint Venture, has announced the donation of $1 million to provide comfort for  over half a million people displaced in flood impacted communities of Borno.

    Disclosing the monumental plan, the Managing Director, SPDC, and Country Chair, Shell Companies in Nigeria, Osagie Okunbor, said the donation would go into the procurement and distribution of relief materials and medical supplies for displaced residents who are now in urgent need of critical aid,

    He said, “We consider providing this support to be of necessity to demonstrate our commitment to our society and the duty of care to our people. It expresses our deep concern for the victims of the devastating floods in Borno State,” Okunbor said.

    •Bankole writes from Abuja

  • Gbenga Omotoso: 63 garlands for a humanist

    Gbenga Omotoso: 63 garlands for a humanist

    By Steve Omolale

    With hillcrest hope of getting a new job in my dream newspaper, I sauntered into the expansive newsroom of The Guardian this sunny Friday afternoon in April 1994. My mission was clear: to see the then editor of the now rested Guardian Express, the much-sort after evening tabloid of The Guardian stable, Mr. Gbenga Omotoso, who is the current Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy.

    Armed with a colourful, glittering complimentary card of my uncle, Prince Emmanuel Daramola, then operative of the dreaded military-era State Security Service (SSS) and Omotoso’s senior at Ajuwa Grammar School, Okeagbe-Akoko, Ondo State, I was ushered into the newsroom from the reception after a brief intercom phone call by the receptionist.

    Omotoso’s secretary, Dan, a clean-shaved elderly man, breezed into his office and breezed out within seconds and in a clear tone, said, “you can go in.”

    Sitting confidently behind a table littered with heaps of  offcuts with stories written in different handwriting, newspapers and other materials and a cup of steaming hot tea in his front, Omotoso warmly welcomed me to his moderate-sized, chilly office.

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    After collecting the complimentary card and reading what my uncle wrote on the flip side, he told me to bring my Curriculum Vitae (CV) the following Monday. Within minutes, I was out of his office, satisfied. The encounter was brief but very enchanting. It marked the beginning of my a little less than a decade journey to The Guardian newspapers.

    Unexpectedly, within two weeks of submitting my CV and starting work as a “test candidate”, The Guardian’s way of testing the ability and capability of anybody seeking a job as a reporter in its establishment, which usually lasted for four weeks, I was hired as a full-time reporter on The Guardian Express desk, having been a staff writer with The Republic newspapers for four years before then. The dream I had right from my undergraduate days in the University of Lagos (UNILAG) in the mid-1980’s had been fulfilled, courtesy of Omotoso.

    The period I worked under this gentleman, whose birthday is today, was one of the most fulfilled years of my journalism career, for he laid a rock-solid foundation for me to build an exciting career.

    With the likes of ebullient Joe Idika; the late Nnamdi Inyama; gentleman Gbenga Ohiani-Jegede; man of a few words Dokun Omojola, now a university don; the brief and quarrelsome Ibe Uwaleke; gentle giant Austin Agbonsuremi; fast-talking David Ogar; Idowu Ajanaku, who resumed same day with me in Guardian Express, and a few other reporters under Omotoso, we took the tabloid to greater heights before the dark-goggled late General Sani Abacha’s heavy hammer fell on The Guardian stable, leading to the death of the evening publication.

    However, with Omotoso as our  editor in The Metro Section of The Guardian daily, where some of us in Guardian Express were moved to after the reopening of the establishment, we soldiered on as a formidable team.

    His red ink with which he marked our stories never ran dry. He was the quintessential editor that even if your brain was made of sawdust, you would be forced to learn under him.

    Gradually, our relationship moved from the realm of an editor and his reporter to that of brothers. And as part of my training as a reporter under his tutelage, Omotoso would bombard me with difficult assignments that made me to traverse Badagry to Ibeju-Lekki, Ikorodu, Ijebu-Ode, Ijebu-Igbo, Ilodo, Iperu-Remo, Ikenne, Sagamu,  Ibadan, Oyo town, Kogi State, Ekiti and several other towns and many parts of the Lagos metropolis.

    After leaving The Guardian as its Saturday editor, he had wanted me to come along with him to The Comet where he was the pioneer editor, but I politely turned down the request for personal reasons. Then as the pioneer editor of The Nation when The Comet changed ownership, Omotoso invited me again as an assistant editor (features), an invitation I honoured this time.

    Even when I left the newsroom for the corporate world after pioneering the Nigerian Compass with others, Omotoso stood with me like the Rock of Gibraltar. His unflinching support contributed in no small measure to my success as the head of corporate communications of Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited, operators of the Murtala Muhammed Airport Two (MMA2), Lagos. He was there for me like a father would for a toddler trying to learn how to walk. Even up till now, I keep drinking from his ceaseless fountain of knowledge.

    Omotoso’s contributions to my family have made us achieved what we ordinarily would not have achieved, for he keeps supporting us unconditionally. To us, his compassion knows no bounds.

    Testimonies also abound of how he has been quietly supporting many organisations and individuals and how he has been giving water to quench many people’s thirst.

    While some men are easily intoxicated by power, position and money, Omotoso remains his humble and easily accessible self as a two-term commissioner for information and strategy under the administration of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State, where he is discharging his duties in a unique and professional way expected of a man of his calibre. And this is adding immense value to the Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s administration.

    While to those of us whose paths crossed his in journalism, he remains our “Editor”, to his old school and classmates, as well as his friends, he is simply Gbenga or “Gbengulu”.

    Born on November 11, 1961, Omotoso, who hails from Osun State, a multiple award-winning journalist, editor and columnist, obtained a Bachelor of Arts (B.A. Hons) degree in English and Literature from the University of Benin (UNIBEN) in 1984 and Masters in Public and International Affairs from UNILAG in 2007.

    He has won many awards in the course of his career, including the DAME Award in 2010, the Nigeria Media Merit Award (NMMA) Editor of the Year in 2013, 2015 and 2017, among others.

    As you celebrate your special day today, I wish you the best in good health and sound mind. God Almighty will keep you for long to continue contributing to the development of your fatherland. 

    •Omolale, a journalist and media consultant, can be reached via somolale@gmail.com.

  • 2024 NDHS: A wake-up call for Nigeria’s maternal health community

    2024 NDHS: A wake-up call for Nigeria’s maternal health community

    • By Stanley Ukpai

    The Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare and the National Population Commission have unveiled the 2023-24 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) snapshot, igniting important conversations in the Nigerian maternal health community.  The snapshot highlights positive trends in fertility rates, family planning, health facility births, antigen coverage, and childhood mortality. While the contraceptive prevalence rate among married women has risen from 16.6% in 2018 to 20%, this increase is still below Nigeria’s target of 27% by 2024 and far from the global average of 57%. Although Nigeria’s total fertility rate has decreased from 5.3 to 4.8—a 9.4% drop, the steepest since the 1990s—over 51% of the country’s demand for family planning remains unmet. Unmet need increased from 18.9% in 2018 to 21% in the current 2024 NDHS.

    The finding on unmet needs is perhaps the most significant biggest takeaway from the 2024 NDHS with   significant implications for the maternal health community in Nigeria. Unmet need for family planning is defined the gap between women’s reproductive intentions and their contraceptive behaviour. Simply put, it is the percentage of women who want to avoid pregnancy but are not using any contraceptive methods either due to lack of access or socio-cultural and economic factors. Use of modern FP allows for healthy timing between pregnancies and protects the health of mothers, infants and families. The figure of 21% unmet need is no doubt the result of deep investment in campaigns; service provider trainings; and introduction into the market of innovations in FP commodity and technologies led by the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare with the support of partners such as UNFPA; USAID/Nigeria; and many other partners. The BMGF strategy of supporting Health Professional Associations and CSOs to advocate for increased commitments from state governments to fund FP commodity procurement as an integrated component of maternal health services delivery programs in the PAS project implemented by the development Research and Projects Centre (dRPC) led to expanded access for FP commodities, increased demand and contributed to unmet need. The irony of unmet need is that while it is the outcome of the successful FP programs it is also signals that more work needs to be done.

    What is this work that needs to be done? At the national level it is critical for Nigeria’s maternal health community to maintain a focus on the important role family planning plays in preserving the health of women through healthy timing between births. The current government has introduced several new health policies and programs with implications for addressing unmet needs and improving maternal health outcomes. This is critical and important and women’s health must remain a central focus of the new government’s health reform agenda.  Nigeria’s high maternal death rates (maternal mortality) must be halted and indeed reversed through investment in cost effective and sustainable family planning interventions integrated into maternal health programs and addressing unmet needs.

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    The upcoming Biennial Family Planning Conference convened by the Association for the Advancement of Family Planning (AAFP) and with a focus on unmet needs is the next big event on the calendar of maternal health community across Nigeria. Since 2015, the Biennial Conferences have been convened by AAFP with support from BMGF through the dRPC’s PAS project. The 2024 Conference is scheduled for 4th-6th December 2024. Among the important themes to be discussed during the Conference will be strategies for addressing unmet family planning need in cost effective and sustainable ways. A recent market survey by the dRPC, the AAFP leadership and Nigeria Health Watch revealed that current price hikes for contraceptive products is a significant deterrent for uptake of family planning commodities and services.

    The government’s Health Sector Strategic Blueprint for 2023-2027 together with the Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative and guided by a Sector-Wide Approach (SWAp) provide a comprehensive mechanism for scaling up essential health services including family planning and reproductive health services through the basic minimum package. The Honourable Coordinating Minister, Prof Ali Pate must be commended for this policy direction. Despite these directions, Nigeria must continue prioritizing family planning in its development policy making and health budgeting. It is critical to ensure adequate funds are allocated for contraceptive supply and continuity of services. A good start is to focus on implementing the FP2030 commitments made by the government, particularly the pledge to allocate 1% of the health budget to family planning at both national and sub-national levels. These issues and more will be engaged and hopefully resolved as government officials; maternal health professional associations; development partners; the media and CSOs convened at the Biennial Conference of AAFP in December 2024.

    • Ukpai is the Director of Projects at the development Research and Projects Centre, dRPC and can be reached at s.ukpai@drpcngr.org

  • Dangote and the Nigeria petrol pricing crisis

    Dangote and the Nigeria petrol pricing crisis

    • By Michael Adetunji Alao

    There is an ongoing debate among Nigerians which revolves  around the incessant increase in the price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) more popularly known as petrol in the country. And, in this debate, accusing fingers are, sadly, wrongfully pointed in the direction of the  Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). It is generally believed, albeit wrongly, that the NNPCL is responsible for the recurring increase in the pump price of petrol. The latest of such wrong accusations came from a former presidential spokesman, Dr Doyin Okupe, on Friday. He urged that the NNPCL and other oil marketers must not to make President Bola Tinubu look bad before Nigerians.

    Okupe, in a statement on Friday titled: ‘Dangote Refinery, NNPCL, Oil Marketers and the Voodoo of PMS Pricing’, urged all oil stakeholders to be sensitive to the plights of Nigerians.

    According to him, the emerging scenario in PMS pricing appears to aim at making the government, which is no longer involved in petroleum pricing, look bad and indirectly heap undeserved blame on President Tinubu. What Okupe failed to admit is that the NNPCL has been and will always be the representative of the government in anything that goes on in the oil and gas industry. And if Okupe is saying that the government no longer dictates the price of petrol, he has indirectly admitted that the NNPCL no longer dictate the price of petrol.

    Whatever the case, it must, however, be emphasised that this perception by the  public is grossly wrong. When one scrutinizes what many stakeholders, who are more familiar with the goings on in the industry than casual observers are saying, the preponderance of opinion is that Dangote and his Refinery is to blame and not the NNPCL.

    If the truth must be told, the Dangote Refinery is primarily to blame for the current situation. As at the time of writing this piece, the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) is insisting that Dangote Refinery must create the ‘right conditions’ for its members to do business.

    By the admission of President of the Dangote Group, Alhaji Aloko Dangote, there is a whopping 500 million litres of petrol available for sale to end fuel importation. However, IPMAN members are not convinced that the management of the refinery has done enough to carry stakeholders along in its fuel supply strategy. In essence, IPMAN is alleging a hide and seek game by the Dangote Refinery.

    IPMAN’s position was made public during the week by the National Assistant Secretary, Yakubu Suleiman. He insisted that Dangote Refinery has to make things easy for retailers to patronise it and that blackmailing members of the group will not solve the problem.

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    “As IPMAN, Dangote was supposed to have invited us for engagements—not just IPMAN, but all stakeholders, including MOMAN and DAPMAN. Unfortunately, until this moment, there has been no engagement,” Suleiman said.

    In what sounds like a lamentation, Suleiman said: “It’s only IPMAN that has tried to engage him. We went to Dangote about three to four times seeking a meeting to discuss synergy between IPMAN and Dangote, but all to no avail. Most times, he tells us he will get back to us.

    “IPMAN, as a stakeholder in the industry, is very happy to work with Dangote and buy products from him, but the conditions must be right. Examples include the price he is offloading at and the ease of loading.”

    The question is what does IPMAN mean by “but the conditions must be right” which include “the price he is offloading”? The indisputable fact is that NNPCL cannot in anyway dictate to Dangote Refinery and for the now, none of the four NNPCL controlled refineries is working. Form all indications, Dangote Refinery is holding the yam, the knife and the palm oil. That means a lot.

    It is in this regard that the argument of Suleiman makes absolute sense when he stated that the price per litre of petrol at Dangote Refinery and  additional charges are not making the product competitive in the market with imported fuel.

    “If Dangote has a product selling for N1,000, let’s assume, and there’s another place selling for N900, we can’t just say, for the sake of our relationship with Dangote, that we’ll instruct our members to buy there. We must go where the price is lower, where we’ll get profit,” he said.

    And the most revealing of all his arguments was that “Crude prices are coming down internationally, but Dangote’s rate was N995 per litre, and you have to arrange for your own cargo and loading. With additional costs for transport and depot fees, how can we sell it at the final outlet?“

    At the end of the day, when all is said and done, the  Dangote Refinery must find a way to engage with the leadership of IPMAN and other relevant stakeholders in the industry.

    It would seem that while Dangote is bent on making maximum profit from his wares, he is also at the same time making the NNPCL and the independent marketers look culpable for the incessant price hike of petrol.

    “I am expecting the NNPC or the marketers to stop importing, they should come and pick because we have what they need.

    “I don’t know whether you understand what it takes to keep half a billion litres inside our tank,” he had declared. But for how much is he will to let it go?

    Before now, the Dangote Group was  known predominantly for its dominance in cement production. He has now made significant inroads into the oil sector. The company’s refinery in Lagos is touted to be one of the largest in Africa. While this venture is anticipated to enhance Nigeria’s refining capacity and reduce dependence on imported fuel, the realities of the market and Dangote’s influence raise concerns about pricing and access.

    One major argument is that Dangote’s refinery, despite its potential, could create a monopolistic environment and that is what seems to be staring Nigerians in the face now.

    By controlling a significant portion of the refining capacity, Dangote can influence prices in a manner that might not align with the best interests of the average Nigerian consumer. This consolidation of power could lead to price hikes that are unjustifiable, particularly if other players are pushed out of the market or are unable to compete.

    With Dangote’s refinery positioned as a major player, the company has the potential to manipulate market sentiments.

    Moreover, as the refinery nears full operational capacity, the expectation of increased supply should ideally lead to lower prices. However, the fear remains that Dangote could prioritize profits over public welfare, maintaining high prices even when supply increases. This strategy could be framed as a means of recouping investments but at the cost of the average Nigerian citizen who is already struggling with economic pressures.

    When the government removes or reduces subsidies, the immediate impact is felt by consumers in the form of higher petrol prices. If Dangote stands to gain from such policy changes—whether through direct ownership of the refinery or indirect benefits—it raises ethical questions about the extent to which his business motives are shaping national energy policies. Consequently, the public perception of Dangote as a key player in the rising costs of petrol is further solidified.

    While Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) also plays a critical role in the oil sector, the perception of it being the primary culprit for rising petrol prices is less pronounced. NNPCL may have been characterized by bureaucratic inefficiencies which certainly contribute to the challenges facing the sector. However, it is Dangote’s market maneuvers and strategic positioning that appear to overshadow these issues.

    NNPCL’s pricing mechanisms are often influenced by external factors, such as international crude prices and operational costs. In contrast, Dangote’s pricing can be viewed as more autonomous, given his control over crude purchase and refining. This independence allows him to set prices that may not always reflect the actual market conditions, especially when factoring in the broader economic landscape of Nigeria.

    In conclusion, while the complexities of Nigeria’s oil market involve numerous stakeholders, the focus on Aliko Dangote as a central figure in the current petrol price crisis is not unfounded. His influential position in the market, potential for price manipulation, and the intertwined relationship with government policies all contribute to the perception that he bears significant responsibility for the rising costs of petrol. As Nigeria continues to navigate these challenges, the actions of both Dangote and NNPCL will undoubtedly remain under scrutiny, but it is imperative for the public to recognize the broader implications of market control in an economy that is already struggling.

    •Alao, a public affairs analyst, writes from Lagos.

  • ‘Why Tinubu didn’t attack Buhari as President’

    ‘Why Tinubu didn’t attack Buhari as President’

    Chairman Editorial Board of The Nation and columnist, Sam Omatseye, fielded questions at a session at the University of Cambridge, where he spoke on the reforms of President Bola Tinubu. Below are excerpts:

    Did he know things will be this bad. After all, he had eggheads around him and knew what was going on in government.

     There was this sense that the country was not as bad as people thought. But when he got there he saw what was going on. When I first met him. When he won the election, I said to him in Yoruba, “eyin le gbase,” meaning he accepted this job. And that Nigeria was a difficult place to govern on the way things were.

     Why should any invest in Nigeria?

    What we want to see is transparency. The fuel subsidy regime has been cloaked in dagger. And every time the bonds are open, they are oversubscribed. At least, twice now. It seems those outside see the good inside more than those inside. It is because those inside feel the heat given the cost of living. Somebody said why not start CNG buses first before removing subsidy. Now we have CNG and people are criticizing it. Governor Obaseki about two years ago warned us that government was just printing money, that terrible days were coming. It was dismissed as partisan talk.

    Are they too powerful in the judiciary that the president cannot intervene to bring thieves to justice? We have not seen stolen funds being recovered. Why?

    The president has no power over the courts. Separation of powers. But he has a role to play in pursuing corruption through EFCC.  Even some 16 governors are already in court to challenge it in the name of federalism.  They want to restructure and federalise corruption. But under this dispensation, there have been some successes. Some of the money recovered, about N100 billion, is being used to fund education scholarships. Funding education out of the proceeds from the fight on corruption. Former president Goodluck Jonathan attacked the judiciary as the problem of democracy, although he made the remark over crisis in his own party.

    Since he wanted to be president, why did he not criticise or intervene when President Buhari ran the country into the crisis. He was the action governor of Lagos, so he should have spoken up under Buhari. Now the country’s Naira is in crisis, and kidnapping, etc. Shouldn’t Jagaban, as he is referred to, have spoken out?

    Tinubu’s relationship with the Buhari administration was mixed. He supported Buhari to become presidential candidate after running three times. He built the coalition. During the Buhari time, he was wary of making comments. He was playing the smart politician. He always said APC is my baby. If I want to do anything, I have to do it from within. I cannot destroy what I created. I met a governor who is now part of the administration, who said they were planning a coalition to make him run against Buhari in 2019. But he said he could not run against what he created. Again, he did not attack Buhari because it would be impolitic to do that and alienate the Buhari strong base that he would need when he sought the position. The only time he criticized him was during the Emilokan moment in Ogun State when the conspiracy could be cut in the air with any knife. It was like I have to go for broke now. I created all these and they are all against me. I am witness to him sending private memos to Buhari suggesting ideas to him. They didn’t implement them properly. For instance, the school feeding was his idea. But the people around Buhari were suspicious of him. They said if he was powerful enough to put us here, then he would be powerful enough to take us out.

    Since the 1970’s, we were told things were going to get better. We marched against bad governance. We are going round and round in circles. 

    I was asked this in the US as a university teacher and journalist. I said when I was born, Nigeria was a nation of great potential and today, Nigeria is still a nation of great potential. We are praying that potential translates into success. Albert Camus in his book, The Rebel, said Sisyphus was happy. He was happy carrying the rock up and down the hill. We hope we do not fall into that Sisyphean bliss.

    How does he handle people who are around him and who suddenly turn against him and he forgives?

    His case is like the attitude of the father of the prodigal son.  We do not know of any party he threw for the loyal son at home. But it is for the prodigal that he throws party. He has said that he makes friends and prepares for when they will leave him and the time they will return

    You are trying to excuse the president from all the problems. He is APC and the previous government was APC. He had information on what was going on. When he said emilokan, he meant it is my turn. He must have his plan in mind. So don’t excuse him. There are two divides; political class and others. I have seen a map of intermarriage. APC son marrying PDP daughter. Again, leadership is about sacrifice. Nothing like that as sacrifice for the leadership. The president has a new jet, while students in this country (U.K) are taking their children out of the country because of the exchange rate. VP’s home is being rebuilt for N20 billion. Ministers caught spending money. It includes the jiournalistjournalists collaborating on what to say and what not to say. The people are on the other side of the divide.

    I didn’t say I was here to excuse the president. But both class and religion are issues. Ethnicity was an issue. Obi for instance roused the church against the APC candidate. He moved from church to church. Now he goes to mosques and even broke fast with them. He probably learned that his Christian coalition was not enough. Atiku used ethnicity. At an Arewa forum, he asked the north to vote for him because he was one of them. He said it openly, and it is in one of my articles in my book. On lifestyle, it is an issue. But I have to disabuse your mind about the presidential aircraft. It is not a new aircraft. Did you remember a few months ago, when the VP’s trip was canceled because the plane was not safe.  The NSA once told me we had to get him an aircraft. He could not fly in any aircraft in these days of fifth columnists and terror. If he used his private one, they would say he had splurged public funds on a private property. Buhari said he was going to sell all of them. But he didn’t. You didn’t say anything about the legislature acquiring vehicles. I am in two minds about it. They need to move around and safe. They can also be killed if they are not well protected. When the president cut allowances and entourage, the media didn’t enjoy that story. The point about media working for the government is flat wrong. When I met him after the election, I made the point that he won the election with only one or two newspapers supporting him and all the television stations except one supporting him. The television and newspaper that were for him were the ones that he owned. If you challenge me, I will name all of them. On the social media, the Obidients own it. Let us get the facts right.

    Comment: I have a Nigerian who has a business but it is breaking down. Now the power grid has shut down. Tinubu is an enigma. Whether you like him or hate him, you have to give it to him. It is not easy for a man to say emilokan and then he succeeds in a complex country like Nigeria. There are no easy answers to Nigerian problems, whether it is Atiku or Obi. I was in a taxi yesterday and the driver said things are difficult in the U.K. He said with 50 pounds he could feed his family for a month. Now he cannot do same with 300 pounds. He has been in the UK for 25 years from Afghanistan. The problem is global. It’s not easy in Nigeria. These problems have been there for long. If we are to do polls today, it will not favour the policies. Not only the bonds were oversubscribed. But five banks went into the market and they were oversubscribed. There must be something in the country.

    Comment: We need to change the system of government from presidential to parliamentary. Presidential is expensive and corrupt.

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    Response: “I have written about this a number of times. One of the reasons the soldiers came in the first republic was that the parliamentary system we started with was corrupt. The problem is not system. It is us. If you give us the parliamentary system today with the same set of people, they will still steal. I always quote Paul in the Bible that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision avails, but we should circumcise the foreskin of our heart. I was discussing the problem of the Middle East with a fellow in the US, and she said why not take them to Wyoming. (laughter) I said they will create their own West Bank and Gaza Strip there. The problem is not structure, it is in the mind.

    Comment: You say Tinubu is a grassroots man. If we start building from the grassroots, things will get better.

    Response: As I said earlier, he is a grassroots person. The student loans. Is that that not a grass roots solution. Grassroots road between Lagos and Calabar. It is a ground-breaking project that will accelerate trips, and connecting many places and there will be a train. Some said follow the old road. He is repairing the old roads as well. If we follow that thinking, we won’t have the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. That is why they are saving the subsidy money to rebuild hospitals, including the teaching hospitals, some of them are neither teaching nor really hospitals. On food, the governors are doing a great of initiatives like Kaduna, Niger, Jigawa, Nasarawa, etc. In the southwest the governors got together led by Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu who I call the food master, to attack agriculture and food sufficiency. Those are grassroots.  Also, consumer credit scheme, free to those who have ideas, and they will get loans. Also conditional cash transfer. He will also go back to school feeding. He has been on that idea for long, and it happened in Osun State. His idea is that if you feed the children, you also boost agricultural demand for tomatoes, eggs, rice, etc.

    Comment: According to the World Bank report, the reports say the problem with the policy on subsidy removal is timing. It should be done in phases. Economists have advised. The government should invest in young people. We should not follow the World Bank recommendations. They don’t work with us. Again, he should communicate better.

    Response: I remember when I was in the University of Toronto and studying economic anthropology, we observed that economists just look at theory and not the origins of economic activities.  Some say, this subsidy thing, you have to phase it. In fact, one of the marketers came to TVC Breakfast show and said if Tinubu did not remove the subsidy, the marketers would have forced him to do it. Those saying it should be phased are in the cloud speaking economics without a sense of the sociology. Theory must work in the context of human experience and society. Someone said economics is commonsense makes difficult. Dostoevsky said one plus one could be two or three, or four, but one plus one is no longer life but the beginning of death. That is why economists get into trouble all the time. They tell you why a thing worked, but not how it will work.  It’s just like those who said Tinubu should have started with CNG before removing subsidy, but now that we have CNG people are saying are not so willing to embrace it.  Even though it is ten times cheaper than gasoline. The Nigerian psychology must be taken into consideration.

    On IMF, I said earlier that it is a coincidence of necessity. He is not implementing it because IMF asked him to. It is what is called the Washington consensus. There is no subsidy on fuel in the UK. In Colorado where I lived, fuel prices are not the same everywhere. Today, Nigeria’s fuel is cheap, hence it is subsidizing the whole west Africa and beyond. I wrote recently about the border and how a customs man who earns N200k will look the other way or go to the toilet when they put $5k in his pocket to allow the tanker go. We can digitalise. A system that is remote can work.

    I agree with you about communicating.

    Comment: We need to see evidence of value-driven leadership. Even if another aircraft, whether new or not, they have to understand the power of symbolism. We have run out of patience. We need to go back to the old values. From church, schools, etc, we need to see values and how we can hold all accountable.

    Applause.

    Comment. The problem is cultural. I mean our values and what we aspire to and these values inform how we behave. If your children see someone driving a Mercedes, and he is a clerk, and no one asks how he gets that money, something has to be done. We need to invest in our story telling, in our arts.

    Applause.

    Response: somethingSomething happened in Surulere, and protest erupted in Surulere. They said the electricity was too constant so they wanted out of Band A. theThe technology is priced internationally. because the equipment is not bought in local currency. It is a story of the psychology of the people. People don’t know that cultural grain of policy is strong. In the UK. there is no constitution. But the people live with it because it is in their hearts. Hence Patrick Hency said in the days of the American Constitution, that the revolution was in the hearts and minds of the American people. When we write our constitution, our hearts are not there. See what happened over the status of Abuja in the last election? They wanted someone who didn’t win the majority to win Abuja and take it all. That is what happens when the heart and law are not in the same place. That is why I always say elections are not won by those who give us roads or food on the table or hospitals or electricity. It is about how you organize yourselves around money, tribes, religion or groups, or I like this person or I hate it. I am waiting for the day we elect people on the basis of the manifesto. The manifestoes are always glorious but the voters are not glorious. In the UK, after Churchill won the war, they said he is a man of war and voted him out. Clinton gave the US the greatest economic expansion in history, yet they punished Al Gore for it. It happens everywhere.

    Comment: We need to go back to the elderly and bring back the House of chiefs. If there is a system in place to take care of ordinary people, the excesses of the class, we can talk to the chiefs. Only the rich have access to oil block. We have to look at this.

    Comment: Young people are the future. They have the energy and ability to dream bigger.

    Comment: We don’t have records on how the budget was spent and how it is accounted for. As an accountant, I know we need to know how allocated money is disbursed. Also policies should be data driven.

    Response:

    I don’t think the people want to hear anything about the House of chiefs. In fact, they are objects of manipulation. On young people, I look forward to the young people’s conference the Tinubu administration want to put in place. It is an opportunity. On Budget monitoring, I think that’s good point. There are legislations at work to create auditor general of the federation as separate from auditor general of the federal government. ditto accountant general of the federation as separate from auditor general of the federation, so the latter will report to the legislature and not the president. The point of date is work in progress.

  • Downstream deregulation: Between Obasanjo’s half-measures and Tinubu’s bold leadership

    Downstream deregulation: Between Obasanjo’s half-measures and Tinubu’s bold leadership

    By Temitope Ajayi

    A video of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s interview with News Central Television has been trending on social media platforms for the past week. In the interview, the former President, in a veiled reference to the current administration, said Nigeria has a President who came into office without a plan. Yet, the same ‘planless’ president is implementing a bold economic reform programme that Obasanjo initiated and abandoned mid-way.

    This intervention is essentially about a tale of two leaders and how they both handled fuel subsidy removal, a very touchy issue every president of Nigeria has avoided since 1973 because of its disruptive nature and potential to precipitate a pushback that may lead to civil unrest. This serious matter in itself can make a difference between a bold and courageous leader from one that is pretentious and hesitant.

    It is a fact of history that one of the things former President Obasanjo set out to do, among other reforms his administration embarked upon, was complete deregulation of the downstream oil industry. But hard as he tried, he failed to actualise it. Obasanjo faced so much opposition from organised labour and civil society groups that he abandoned a good policy that would have led to massive economic gains for the country. All he could muster the courage to do was to raise the pump price four times during his two-term tenure.

     Twenty years after Obasanjo failed to implement complete downstream deregulation, President Bola Tinubu had the courage of his conviction to implement the policy, redirect the economy, and ensure efficiency in the management of public finance.

     Despite his foibles and messianic complex, former President Obasanjo is no doubt a remarkable leader. His administration opened the economy and implemented essential reforms that his immediate successor should have continued with. What most critics find offensive about the former president is how he sees himself as the only saviour God created for Nigeria. As far as he is concerned, no other leader before and after him has been good enough. For context and clarity, it is essential to recall the former president’s position on deregulating the downstream oil sector when he was in charge.

     In a national broadcast on October 8, 2003, President Obasanjo expressed his frustration and anger at the Nigeria Labour Congress for its opposition to the deregulation of the downstream sector to the point of accusing labour leaders of sedition thus:

    “As you are aware, my government has embarked on fundamental reforms designed to depart from the waste and unproductive exercises of the past and leave lasting legacies for the prosperity and improved welfare and well-being of all Nigerians. Since 1999, we have gradually but steadily embarked on the programme of liberalisation and deregulation of the Nigerian economy to promote efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery. Most Nigerians and certainly all organised key stakeholders in the Nigerian economy, including the Nigeria Labour Congress, have endorsed the deregulation programme of government.

     “It is a fitting symbol of our administration’s commitment to the welfare of workers and in an effort to cushion the effects of deregulation that the government provided 80 buses to the NLC in 2002. The transliner buses were delivered to the Congress for management without government interference. It is noteworthy that every step taken to deregulate the downstream oil sector has been dogged by, sometimes, irresponsible opposition by the Labour Congress. The result has been that we took too little steps to achieve no meaningful and satisfactory progress. We have tolerated all of these in the interest of promoting popular dialogue and informed dissent.

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     “Let me inform Nigerians that when government first came up with the deregulation programme, it was endorsed by the NLC and other stakeholders. In fact, the NLC had requested that we call it a “liberalisation” programme. It was thus more a matter of label than of substance. If we had been successful in implementing the deregulation or liberalisation of the downstream oil sector as earlier agreed by all stakeholders, including labour, we would not have been worrying about the periodic and unsatisfactory price-fixing which has led no where except to frustration. The failure to fully deregulate or liberalise has also cost Nigerians billions of naira which are currently wasted on millions of man-hours in queues at the petrol stations.

     “The tens of billions of naira currently being lost in money that could have been used to increase capital spending in the universities, fund agriculture, repair and rehabilitate our roads, invest in education and health, improve security with extra police for security of lives and property.

     “Realising that the investment of well over $400 million (excluding pipelines and depots) in the last six years mostly on Turn Around Maintenance (TAM) and repairs had not improved the performance of the refineries significantly, government had decided that it was unwise to put additional money into the repair of the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries before privatising them.

     “What most Nigerians must know is that the contracts for the Turn Around Maintenance for the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries were awarded with 50% of the cost paid upfront before the advent of this administration in 1999. Allow me to add that two of the three refinery locations in the country today, were built by my administration as military head of state. This means that if for no other reason, I should be interested in keeping them working. Already, 18 private firms have been licensed to build refineries but they have been reluctant to go into the industry because of Government’s price control in the sector.

    “If only 30% of these firms had been able to establish and operate private refineries, thousands of jobs would have been created and Nigeria would have been in a position to even export refined oil products. All these benefits and more have been denied to Nigerians by the stop-go approach to the deregulation or liberalisation programme, and only a few Nigerians are benefiting from the prevailing government-controlled system. In fact, the NLC’s approach has been counter-productive, and inflicted more pains on Nigerian workers. Each time there is a small increase of three naira or more, transporters have used the opportunity to jerk up transportation cost thereby making the ordinary worker poorer.

    “A once-and-for-all total deregulation would have meant a once-and-for-all increase in transport cost and the pump price for petroleum products. Without a doubt, a once-and-for-all total deregulation would have resolved the problem of availability and thus bring down prices for those outside Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt and their environs who have always paid much more than the official posted price. Pump prices arising from the present total deregulation would, in reality, amount to a reduction in prices of majority of Nigerians.”

    Interestingly, excerpts from the 2003 national broadcast by President Obasanjo present a contrast between the former leader and President Tinubu. They also showcase two leadership visions. One leader saw the need to fight for the country’s long-term sustainability but chickened out because he lacked the courage to upset the status quo. Two decades later, another leader saw the damage the failure to make the right economic decision had caused the country. He decided to correct it to avert a looming calamity. While former President Obasanjo left the most challenging task of his presidency undone, President Tinubu tackled head-on what has become an existential threat to our collective well-being from his first day in office. He has remained focused on the bigger picture.

    President Tinubu recognises the burden of leadership and responsibility he bears on behalf of Nigerians. In discharging this burden, he knew from day one that he would have to make the right but unpopular decisions that would ultimately serve the best interest of the country and her people.

    It is certainly not correct to say this president came to the office without a plan.  President Tinubu came into the office with a clear plan titled “Renewed Hope 2023: Action Plan for a Better Nigeria.” It was a well-thought-out programme, with which he canvassed for votes across the country and was elected by our people.

     In the past 17 months, he has remained faithful to the document as he implements the distilled eight-point agenda.

    At the heart of President Tinubu’s economic revitalisation is gas development and expansion of gas pipeline infrastructure to enable Nigeria to compete with Russia in the European markets. In fairness to him, former President Obasanjo himself recently lamented he did not pay adequate attention to gas during his term of office.

    Expanding the pool of available talents and human capital through granting of loans to young Nigerians who are the future of the country to enable them acquire tertiary or vocational education is part of the plans that propelled Tinubu into office. Consumer credit initiative that will promote local production and further stimulate the economy is also high on Tinubu’s action plan. To the President’s credit, these two important policy initiatives among several others are being implemented through NELFUND and Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CrediCorp).

    If there is one President of Nigeria that came prepared and well armed with a clear cut plan to reposition the country across sectors for better outcomes, that President, undoubtedly, is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    •Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity

  • COP29 and the Role of Climate Literacy in Africa

    COP29 and the Role of Climate Literacy in Africa

    By Oladosu Adebola Oluwaseun

    As climate change intensifies, education is increasingly seen as a powerful tool to equip future generations with the knowledge, skills, and mindset necessary to address this global crisis. COP29, held in 2024, offers a unique opportunity to advance climate literacy, especially in Africa, where communities are disproportionately impacted by climate change but often lack access to comprehensive climate education.

     Although African nations contribute minimally to global emissions, they experience severe climate impacts like droughts, floods, and food insecurity. This analysis explores the significance of climate literacy for Africa’s youth, evaluates the current state of climate education on the continent, and assesses how COP29 could be pivotal in promoting policies and funding to enhance climate literacy for the next generation.

    Africa’s vulnerability to climate change underscores the need for climate literacy across the continent. With agriculture being the backbone of many African economies, accounting for around 23% of sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP and employing about 60% of its population, climate variability threatens livelihoods and food security. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), droughts and erratic weather patterns have significantly impacted crop yields, with African countries losing between 1.5% and 3% of their GDP annually to climate-related issues. This highlights the urgency of educating young people in Africa to understand climate science, adaptive strategies, and sustainable practices.

    Climate literacy also empowers youth with the skills to participate in decision-making processes, promote local sustainable practices, and advocate for necessary policy changes. Given that 60% of Africa’s population is under the age of 25, educating this demographic can create a generation of climate-conscious citizens who can lead climate action in their communities. COP29 offers a timely platform to prioritize climate literacy, especially as climate education remains inadequate in many African school curricula.

    Despite the importance of climate literacy, climate education in Africa remains underdeveloped. A study conducted by the Brookings Institution reveals that only a few African countries have integrated climate change into their national curricula. Where climate education exists, it is often limited to urban centers and secondary or tertiary levels, excluding rural students and primary school-age children who represent a significant portion of the population.

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    In 2021, the African Union, in collaboration with the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), launched the “Environmental Education and Sustainability in Africa” framework. However, progress has been slow due to limited resources and a lack of climate-focused teacher training programs. A survey conducted by UNESCO found that fewer than 30% of teachers in Africa feel confident teaching climate-related topics. This lack of teacher preparation undermines efforts to raise climate awareness among young Africans, underscoring the need for enhanced support for teacher training at COP29.

    COP29 provides a platform for African governments to commit to integrating climate literacy into national education policies. Governments can build on existing frameworks, like the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the UNESCO framework, by making climate education a formal part of primary and secondary curricula. National commitments could include mandatory climate science courses, hands-on learning experiences, and the incorporation of local environmental issues to make climate literacy relevant to students’ lives. COP29 could facilitate dialogue and workshops on best practices for incorporating climate literacy into education systems, potentially leading to region-wide standards for climate education.

    One of the significant challenges to climate literacy in Africa is funding. African countries rely heavily on external funding sources for educational reforms, and climate education initiatives often compete with other pressing educational needs. At COP29, developed countries and international organizations could commit to increased financial support for climate literacy programs across Africa. The Green Climate Fund, for instance, could prioritize educational grants for projects that develop climate-focused curricula, teacher training, and student outreach programs. According to a UNESCO report, an estimated $3.2 billion is needed annually to support climate education in low-income countries. An international commitment to funding climate literacy at COP29 could enable Africa to make meaningful strides in preparing future generations for climate challenges.

    Effective climate education must be grounded in local contexts. COP29 could encourage partnerships between governments, local NGOs, and international organizations to create region-specific climate education initiatives. Local NGOs in Africa often work closely with communities and understand their unique needs and challenges. By collaborating with local organizations, policymakers can develop educational programs that are more culturally relevant and accessible to diverse African communities. Additionally, these partnerships could leverage indigenous knowledge, blending traditional wisdom with scientific knowledge to create a more holistic approach to climate literacy.

    To overcome the digital divide, COP29 could support initiatives to develop offline and low-cost climate education resources. For example, solar-powered tablets preloaded with climate education materials could be distributed in remote areas. Additionally, COP29 could promote investment in rural internet infrastructure and partner with technology companies to provide free or subsidized internet access to schools in rural regions. The expansion of digital and remote learning resources is essential for reaching all students, regardless of their geographic location, and for ensuring that climate literacy is not limited to urban areas.

    Teacher training is crucial for effective climate education. At COP29, African nations could commit to developing specialized climate literacy training programs for educators. Such training would provide teachers with the skills to integrate climate concepts into various subjects, from science to social studies. A 2021 report by the Global Partnership for Education indicates that comprehensive teacher training could increase the effectiveness of climate education by over 40%. By empowering educators, COP29 could foster a generation of climate-conscious young people capable of leading environmental change in their communities.

    Improved climate literacy among Africa’s youth could have transformative effects on both a local and global scale. Educated young people are better equipped to make sustainable choices, advocate for policy changes, and innovate climate solutions. For instance, Kenya’s Green Belt Movement, founded by Nobel laureate Wangari Maathai, has shown how environmental education can empower youth to lead reforestation efforts and combat deforestation. By fostering a climate-literate generation, COP29 could enable Africa to strengthen resilience, promote sustainable development, and become a global leader in climate action.

    COP29 represents a critical opportunity to advance climate literacy in Africa, a continent facing some of the world’s most severe climate challenges. Climate literacy equips Africa’s youth with the tools to respond to climate change, adapt to its impacts, and participate in creating a sustainable future. To bridge the climate literacy gap, COP29 must prioritize commitments to integrating climate education into national policies, securing funding, and developing culturally relevant and accessible learning resources. By addressing these areas, COP29 could empower a new generation of African leaders to drive climate action and resilience in their communities, transforming Africa’s future in the face of climate change.

    •Oluwaseun is an environmental journalist and a Post graduate degree holder at the International Institute of Journalism (IIJ).

  • Downstream deregulation: Between Obasanjo’s half-measures and Tinubu’s bold leadership

    Downstream deregulation: Between Obasanjo’s half-measures and Tinubu’s bold leadership

    By Temitope Ajayi

    A video of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s interview with News Central Television has been trending on social media platforms for the past week. In the interview, the former President, in a veiled reference to the current administration, said Nigeria has a President who came into office without a plan. Yet, the same ‘planless’ president is implementing a bold economic reform programme that Obasanjo initiated and abandoned mid-way.

    This intervention is essentially about a tale of two leaders and how they both handled fuel subsidy removal, a very touchy issue every president of Nigeria has avoided since 1973 because of its disruptive nature and potential to precipitate a pushback that may lead to civil unrest. This serious matter in itself can make a difference between a bold and courageous leader from one that is pretentious and hesitant.

    It is a fact of history that one of the things former President Obasanjo set out to do, among other reforms his administration embarked upon, was complete deregulation of the downstream oil industry. But hard as he tried, he failed to actualise it. Obasanjo faced so much opposition from organised labour and civil society groups that he abandoned a good policy that would have led to massive economic gains for the country. All he could muster the courage to do was to raise the pump price four times during his two-term tenure.

     Twenty years after Obasanjo failed to implement complete downstream deregulation, President Bola Tinubu had the courage of his conviction to implement the policy, redirect the economy, and ensure efficiency in the management of public finance.

     Despite his foibles and messianic complex, former President Obasanjo is no doubt a remarkable leader. His administration opened the economy and implemented essential reforms that his immediate successor should have continued with. What most critics find offensive about the former president is how he sees himself as the only saviour God created for Nigeria. As far as he is concerned, no other leader before and after him has been good enough. For context and clarity, it is essential to recall the former president’s position on deregulating the downstream oil sector when he was in charge.

     In a national broadcast on October 8, 2003, President Obasanjo expressed his frustration and anger at the Nigeria Labour Congress for its opposition to the deregulation of the downstream sector to the point of accusing labour leaders of sedition thus:

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    “As you are aware, my government has embarked on fundamental reforms designed to depart from the waste and unproductive exercises of the past and leave lasting legacies for the prosperity and improved welfare and well-being of all Nigerians. Since 1999, we have gradually but steadily embarked on the programme of liberalisation and deregulation of the Nigerian economy to promote efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery. Most Nigerians and certainly all organised key stakeholders in the Nigerian economy, including the Nigeria Labour Congress, have endorsed the deregulation programme of government.

     “It is a fitting symbol of our administration’s commitment to the welfare of workers and in an effort to cushion the effects of deregulation that the government provided 80 buses to the NLC in 2002. The transliner buses were delivered to the Congress for management without government interference. It is noteworthy that every step taken to deregulate the downstream oil sector has been dogged by, sometimes, irresponsible opposition by the Labour Congress. The result has been that we took too little steps to achieve no meaningful and satisfactory progress. We have tolerated all of these in the interest of promoting popular dialogue and informed dissent.

     “Let me inform Nigerians that when government first came up with the deregulation programme, it was endorsed by the NLC and other stakeholders. In fact, the NLC had requested that we call it a “liberalisation” programme. It was thus more a matter of label than of substance. If we had been successful in implementing the deregulation or liberalisation of the downstream oil sector as earlier agreed by all stakeholders, including labour, we would not have been worrying about the periodic and unsatisfactory price-fixing which has led no where except to frustration. The failure to fully deregulate or liberalise has also cost Nigerians billions of naira which are currently wasted on millions of man-hours in queues at the petrol stations.

     “The tens of billions of naira currently being lost in money that could have been used to increase capital spending in the universities, fund agriculture, repair and rehabilitate our roads, invest in education and health, improve security with extra police for security of lives and property.

     “Realising that the investment of well over $400 million (excluding pipelines and depots) in the last six years mostly on Turn Around Maintenance (TAM) and repairs had not improved the performance of the refineries significantly, government had decided that it was unwise to put additional money into the repair of the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries before privatising them.

     “What most Nigerians must know is that the contracts for the Turn Around Maintenance for the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries were awarded with 50% of the cost paid upfront before the advent of this administration in 1999. Allow me to add that two of the three refinery locations in the country today, were built by my administration as military head of state. This means that if for no other reason, I should be interested in keeping them working. Already, 18 private firms have been licensed to build refineries but they have been reluctant to go into the industry because of Government’s price control in the sector.

    “If only 30% of these firms had been able to establish and operate private refineries, thousands of jobs would have been created and Nigeria would have been in a position to even export refined oil products. All these benefits and more have been denied to Nigerians by the stop-go approach to the deregulation or liberalisation programme, and only a few Nigerians are benefiting from the prevailing government-controlled system. In fact, the NLC’s approach has been counter-productive, and inflicted more pains on Nigerian workers. Each time there is a small increase of three naira or more, transporters have used the opportunity to jerk up transportation cost thereby making the ordinary worker poorer.

    “A once-and-for-all total deregulation would have meant a once-and-for-all increase in transport cost and the pump price for petroleum products. Without a doubt, a once-and-for-all total deregulation would have resolved the problem of availability and thus bring down prices for those outside Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt and their environs who have always paid much more than the official posted price. Pump prices arising from the present total deregulation would, in reality, amount to a reduction in prices of majority of Nigerians.”

    Interestingly, excerpts from the 2003 national broadcast by President Obasanjo present a contrast between the former leader and President Tinubu. They also showcase two leadership visions. One leader saw the need to fight for the country’s long-term sustainability but chickened out because he lacked the courage to upset the status quo. Two decades later, another leader saw the damage the failure to make the right economic decision had caused the country. He decided to correct it to avert a looming calamity. While former President Obasanjo left the most challenging task of his presidency undone, President Tinubu tackled head-on what has become an existential threat to our collective well-being from his first day in office. He has remained focused on the bigger picture.

    President Tinubu recognises the burden of leadership and responsibility he bears on behalf of Nigerians. In discharging this burden, he knew from day one that he would have to make the right but unpopular decisions that would ultimately serve the best interest of the country and her people.

    It is certainly not correct to say this president came to the office without a plan.  President Tinubu came into the office with a clear plan titled “Renewed Hope 2023: Action Plan for a Better Nigeria.” It was a well-thought-out programme, with which he canvassed for votes across the country and was elected by our people.

     In the past 17 months, he has remained faithful to the document as he implements the distilled eight-point agenda.

    At the heart of President Tinubu’s economic revitalisation is gas development and expansion of gas pipeline infrastructure to enable Nigeria to compete with Russia in the European markets. In fairness to him, former President Obasanjo himself recently lamented he did not pay adequate attention to gas during his term of office.

    Expanding the pool of available talents and human capital through granting of loans to young Nigerians who are the future of the country to enable them acquire tertiary or vocational education is part of the plans that propelled Tinubu into office. Consumer credit initiative that will promote local production and further stimulate the economy is also high on Tinubu’s action plan. To the President’s credit, these two important policy initiatives among several others are being implemented through NELFUND and Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CrediCorp).

    If there is one President of Nigeria that came prepared and well armed with a clear cut plan to reposition the country across sectors for better outcomes, that President, undoubtedly, is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    •Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity

  • COP29 and the Role of Climate Literacy in Africa.

    COP29 and the Role of Climate Literacy in Africa.

    By Oladosu Adebola Oluwaseun

    As climate change intensifies, education is increasingly seen as a powerful tool to equip future generations with the knowledge, skills, and mindset necessary to address this global crisis. COP29, held in 2024, offers a unique opportunity to advance climate literacy, especially in Africa, where communities are disproportionately impacted by climate change but often lack access to comprehensive climate education.

     Although African nations contribute minimally to global emissions, they experience severe climate impacts like droughts, floods, and food insecurity. This analysis explores the significance of climate literacy for Africa’s youth, evaluates the current state of climate education on the continent, and assesses how COP29 could be pivotal in promoting policies and funding to enhance climate literacy for the next generation.

    Africa’s vulnerability to climate change underscores the need for climate literacy across the continent. With agriculture being the backbone of many African economies, accounting for around 23% of sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP and employing about 60% of its population, climate variability threatens livelihoods and food security. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), droughts and erratic weather patterns have significantly impacted crop yields, with African countries losing between 1.5% and 3% of their GDP annually to climate-related issues. This highlights the urgency of educating young people in Africa to understand climate science, adaptive strategies, and sustainable practices.

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    Climate literacy also empowers youth with the skills to participate in decision-making processes, promote local sustainable practices, and advocate for necessary policy changes. Given that 60% of Africa’s population is under the age of 25, educating this demographic can create a generation of climate-conscious citizens who can lead climate action in their communities. COP29 offers a timely platform to prioritize climate literacy, especially as climate education remains inadequate in many African school curricula.

    Despite the importance of climate literacy, climate education in Africa remains underdeveloped. A study conducted by the Brookings Institution reveals that only a few African countries have integrated climate change into their national curricula. Where climate education exists, it is often limited to urban centers and secondary or tertiary levels, excluding rural students and primary school-age children who represent a significant portion of the population.

    In 2021, the African Union, in collaboration with the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), launched the “Environmental Education and Sustainability in Africa” framework. However, progress has been slow due to limited resources and a lack of climate-focused teacher training programs. A survey conducted by UNESCO found that fewer than 30% of teachers in Africa feel confident teaching climate-related topics. This lack of teacher preparation undermines efforts to raise climate awareness among young Africans, underscoring the need for enhanced support for teacher training at COP29.

    COP29 provides a platform for African governments to commit to integrating climate literacy into national education policies. Governments can build on existing frameworks, like the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the UNESCO framework, by making climate education a formal part of primary and secondary curricula. National commitments could include mandatory climate science courses, hands-on learning experiences, and the incorporation of local environmental issues to make climate literacy relevant to students’ lives. COP29 could facilitate dialogue and workshops on best practices for incorporating climate literacy into education systems, potentially leading to region-wide standards for climate education.

    One of the significant challenges to climate literacy in Africa is funding. African countries rely heavily on external funding sources for educational reforms, and climate education initiatives often compete with other pressing educational needs. At COP29, developed countries and international organizations could commit to increased financial support for climate literacy programs across Africa. The Green Climate Fund, for instance, could prioritize educational grants for projects that develop climate-focused curricula, teacher training, and student outreach programs. According to a UNESCO report, an estimated $3.2 billion is needed annually to support climate education in low-income countries. An international commitment to funding climate literacy at COP29 could enable Africa to make meaningful strides in preparing future generations for climate challenges.

    Effective climate education must be grounded in local contexts. COP29 could encourage partnerships between governments, local NGOs, and international organizations to create region-specific climate education initiatives. Local NGOs in Africa often work closely with communities and understand their unique needs and challenges. By collaborating with local organizations, policymakers can develop educational programs that are more culturally relevant and accessible to diverse African communities. Additionally, these partnerships could leverage indigenous knowledge, blending traditional wisdom with scientific knowledge to create a more holistic approach to climate literacy.

    To overcome the digital divide, COP29 could support initiatives to develop offline and low-cost climate education resources. For example, solar-powered tablets preloaded with climate education materials could be distributed in remote areas. Additionally, COP29 could promote investment in rural internet infrastructure and partner with technology companies to provide free or subsidized internet access to schools in rural regions. The expansion of digital and remote learning resources is essential for reaching all students, regardless of their geographic location, and for ensuring that climate literacy is not limited to urban areas.

    Teacher training is crucial for effective climate education. At COP29, African nations could commit to developing specialized climate literacy training programs for educators. Such training would provide teachers with the skills to integrate climate concepts into various subjects, from science to social studies. A 2021 report by the Global Partnership for Education indicates that comprehensive teacher training could increase the effectiveness of climate education by over 40%. By empowering educators, COP29 could foster a generation of climate-conscious young people capable of leading environmental change in their communities.

    Improved climate literacy among Africa’s youth could have transformative effects on both a local and global scale. Educated young people are better equipped to make sustainable choices, advocate for policy changes, and innovate climate solutions. For instance, Kenya’s Green Belt Movement, founded by Nobel laureate Wangari Maathai, has shown how environmental education can empower youth to lead reforestation efforts and combat deforestation. By fostering a climate-literate generation, COP29 could enable Africa to strengthen resilience, promote sustainable development, and become a global leader in climate action.

    COP29 represents a critical opportunity to advance climate literacy in Africa, a continent facing some of the world’s most severe climate challenges. Climate literacy equips Africa’s youth with the tools to respond to climate change, adapt to its impacts, and participate in creating a sustainable future. To bridge the climate literacy gap, COP29 must prioritize commitments to integrating climate education into national policies, securing funding, and developing culturally relevant and accessible learning resources. By addressing these areas, COP29 could empower a new generation of African leaders to drive climate action and resilience in their communities, transforming Africa’s future in the face of climate change.

    •Oluwaseun is an environmental journalist and a Post graduate degree holder at the International Institute of Journalism (IIJ).