Category: Discourse

The Managing Director/CEO of Azikel Refinery, Dr. Azibapu Eruani, speaks with reporters in Abuja on the conferment of national honours on him and other eminent Nigerians. He also opens up new perspectives on why it is imperative for Nigeria to partner rightly with aviation giants around the world to get its national airways plans into the groove. Eruani also speaks on how Azikel Power plans to revamp Nigeria’s power sector.

How do you feel about the conferment with the national honours as the Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic?

I am truly grateful to  President Muhammadu Buhari. Most importantly, it should serve as an encouragement to the  youths and the Nigerian populace that if they stand up for the right things, they can be recognised for the right things that they are doing.

Personally, I was overwhelmed, humbled and with mixed feelings and excitement. When I started the journey, it was with no anticipation of being recognised in Nigeria. It was undertaken with zeal and the quest for industrial liberation. For infrastructural development, ending insecurity and most importantly, for adding value to the Nigerian hydrocarbon and beginning to reverse the trend of us being a  net importer of oil products to transform into being a net exporter of oil products. That was my core challenge, and I took it very personally that someone will lead this change.

We cannot continue to complain  about it. Somebody must stand up to leading the new industrialisation of the Nigerian state, viz-a-viz, the max utilisation and adding value to the Nigerian Republic. This was my humble beginning, my humble aspiration. All that I am saying is a full encouragement to all of us as a Nigerian people, and the youths particularly because I stand for the youths and when I comment, this is just it, that the Nigerian state should watch out for those that are indeed very desirous of building the country and I am an example. I am an inspirational person to other people that if it could be done, let us continue to break more grounds and the Nigerian state will continue to make progress.

 

 In what way has the granting of the licence to set up a modular refinery to the Azikel Refinery by the Federal Government helped to redefine the challenges surrounding refining crude oil in Nigeria?

The Nigerian private refinery venture, which I call the Buhari modular refinery regime, started in 2015. Prior to this time, Nigeria had four major refineries, and these were all refineries  that are owned by the government. The one in Port Harcourt, in Warri  and in Kaduna. For as it has been, these refineries have been grounded for ages and most times for maybe some technical challenges.

So, Buhari launched a new era, the era of allowing private individuals to take the challenge. So, in 2015, that was when that regime was launched, I am among those that were granted those licenses. As a matter of fact, the president granted six of us at the very initial stage.

To me, I see the licence as a challenge. I see the licence as a call to prosperity. I see it as a true self control of resources, and I was bent on that. I wasn’t going to sit with that, but I was going to do everything I can to ensure that the refinery is built.

But, I will tell you that building a refinery in Nigeria is no small feat. If you want to build a refinery in Nigeria, the only thing I can tell you that can lead to success is that you must have an ongoing business. Yes, it is not a first timers’ business because the gestation period is long and the capital investment is huge.

The challenges are enormous. That is the reason why of all the first six licensees, not more than two succeeded. Thereafter, two years later, the president granted another 46 and out of these, not one of two or three have begun to see the light of day.

So, this is a huge capital investment and today, we have Azikel Refinery which is the first private hydro-skimming  refinery, meaning it is a refinery that produces petrol, diesel, kerosene and aviation fue.l And we also have Dangote refinery. These are the only two refineries that stand to service Nigeria today while the rest will now come along to participate in this private hydrocarbon refinery project in Nigeria.

What would you describe as the mystery behind oil theft in Nigeria?

Oil theft is a situation where it boils down to one incentive, where some people took advantage of the pipelines that travel from the creeks in the Niger Delta. I believe when people begin to patronise real products, the oil theft itself would be a thing of the past because what these people do is that they break these pipelines and begin to cook these products but because it is not sufficient, people patronise that.

So, with enough and available products, nobody will patronise cooked diesel because the scenario is this, if you have ever used a cooked diesel for any of your generators, it rather destroys the machines. So, people are looking for products to utilize but the products are unavailable, and that is why a lot of people are beginning to gravitate towards this cooked diesel.

The Azikel Refinery is not enough to meet the needs of Nigerians and that is why my intention in the next six years is to wrap up Azikel Refinery to another 100,000 barrels. That will then begin to address the needs of Nigerians. So, with efficiency, with availability of a defined programme, oil theft by cooked diesel is going to be a thing of the past.

However, the challenge still remains that this is a very expensive venture. The Nigerian state should rise to assist all the investors in the sector especially those who have shown the grit to make a succes of it because it took a lot of time to get to where we are today. It is capital driven. It takes long gestation. It takes a whole lot and most importantly, you must remain steadfast in this business.

 

As an expert in Aviation, what’s your stand on the soon-to-be launched Nigeria Air?

You know, I am a pilot for fun. I bought an aircraft some few years back to facilitate my business in the West Africa sub-region. When I fly, I used to get scared and the pilots were always trying to calm me down. One day, I made a decision. I like to confront my challenges. So I decided to confront them. I said to myself that I am a trained medical doctor, well trained and I could do anything. I decided to say I am going to take a pilot course and I want to do exactly what these people do and that I might do it better. So, that was how I went to the United States to go and study how to fly aircraft and I became a US licensed pilot. I enjoy flying.

But, you know, the aviation industry is a very sophisticated  with several levels of endeavours  in making it a success. Nigeria, indeed, needs a carrier. But, Nigeria can not operate a sustainable carrier without the right partnership. So, securing partnership is very important and securing the right partnership is the way to go, and securing it with people that have already made success.

You cannot be in isolation in operating or participating in the aviation industry, particularly in Africa. There is no part of the airplane that is produced in Africa. So, you need the right training, the right people, the right environment, the right organisations, so I believe very strongly that Nigeria can make a great success, particularly if we stand with others that have proven success. So, the right way to go is not for us to stand alone in the ocean, we are going to fail.  Take for instance the Azikel Petroleum is multinational, two of my vice presidents are Americans. We have leveraged every part of the world in making this a success because technology is far advanced. We need those that have proven integrity and proven knowledge in operating refineries of this sort.

There are every citizen in the world in Azikel Petroleum, from the Americans to the British, to the Europeans, the Asians, the Chinese, the Indians. I have built a community of everybody in the world and this is how we have seen success.

By the way, the technology is not made by us. It is foreign. So, we cannot say we want to do this all alone. It’s not possible. You need those parties that can build this together. There is no African country that has built an airplane, and so you cannot say you want to operate an airplane without having those people that are part of them. If it is to paddle a canoe, we have people from Bayelsa but this is an airplane. So, for the aviation industry you need to have these practices with those that have proven success. With that, I can assure you that Nigeria will make good success.

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Take for instance, British Airways, this has been a company over time that has engaged everybody in the world. There are other African countries that have made great success in their vision like the Ethiopian Airlines and if you look at the details of the Ethiopian Airlines, the operators are not necessarily Ethiopians. Same way Emirates, the operators and managers are not from The Emirates.  We have to learn to open our door and bring in everybody that has the desired knowledge to contribute.

 

As an industrialist, and one who wants to touch the world from home, what’s your next line of action in Nigeria?

My focus has been changing the world from home. I have come to earth and I have lived here, what should I do to be remembered and that is changing the world. There are many great people that have come to earth and they have changed the world. But, I don’t want to change the world from just anywhere, I want to change it right from my village, from my home, from Nigeria and from my state.

Of course, you know I am a medical doctor. And from medicine, I have traversed all the aspects of medicine and I went into sand business, all in the sense that I wanted to make infrastructural development possible back in the Niger Delta and that is changing the world from home.

Those of you that go to the Niger Delta know that it is a swampy and a difficult environment to develop. Nobody could build in the Niger Delta with ease. Building in Niger Delta constitute about 75 per cent of sand. I made it possible that sand was never a challenge in building in the Niger Delta.

All the infrastructure that I have built in Bayelsa and the Niger Delta I have my signature on them because I provided sand for them. That was  changing the world from home.

Then, I made divestment to Azikel Oil with the refinery. The next thing I want to do is to contribute my quota to power generation. I have been licensed with 500 megawatts power generation and I believe very strongly that unlocking the Nigerian wheels of industry in a very trusted manner is making power available and I want to demystify and ensure that we make this in a success story. We have taken all these big but challenging ventures I know that we can make this possible.

The next thing of course is making power available to all. The refinery already provides power to more than 25 communities free of charge. So, I have always got tempted to power generation because refinery has an excess of eight megawatts of power but restricted to communities around the Niger Delta. But with the ongoing power generation, generating 500 megawatts, that is fine. We will then begin to make the rules of the industry boom with ease.

I have all these aspirations and the greatest joy for me and changing the world from home is that a lot of people in Bayelsa and in the Niger Delta will begin to see that there is life outside of normal politics that people do. That an industrialist can also cause a dynamic change that will affect the lives of people  and we begin to have value. And there are other things that we could do. I have created over 1000 employment and I have people working with Azikel Refinery in various parts of the group and it is a means of communicating with others that with good governance we can do better.

 

How would you rate President Muhammadu Buhari in the way he has handled the country’s economy so far?

Every government has its own challenges. You know, back here, we believe that it is God that make leaders. We need the best of people to advance our life because I said good governance is very, very critical. In anything that we do, we should continuously ensure that, as citizens, we support the government in ensuring that the right things are done.

 

Bayelsa State people have continued to call on you to become the state governor based on your achievements in industrialising the state, what is your take on this?

I really don’t have plans to participate as a political leader. I am an industrial leader and the wheels of industry are very critical. I cannot leave the industry as at today without driving it to a logical conclusion to jump into another sphere. We want to encourage those that have the political sagacity, political understanding, and they will also understand industrialism, because this is a two way approach. We need the industrialists and we need those of good governance to be able to create the right environment for our people.

There has been quite a number of call for me to participate in the Bayelsa politics and viz-a-viz in the Nigeria politics but I have made people to understand that it is not everyone that will do that. By the way, I have also participated in some kind of political activities in the course of my life.

 I was the best commissioner for Health when I served as a commissioner in Bayelsa State. I built the best hospitals. But, I also have come to understand that we need to build the industries. With good governance and no industries, it all amounts to zero. We need those that will stand for the industry. And, by the way, it is more difficult to build an industry than going to participate in politics.

I’ll tell you for free that anybody including you can aspire to be a Nigerian president. But, the day that you aspire to build a refinery, a lot of people will ask if you are having fever because any human being can say he or she wants to go contest for governorship, or contest for Nigerian presidency. But not many people want to go build a refinery. You might be saying that as a joke, but then in reality, you know that you’re not serious.

Those of us that are here, we need to challenge the status quo. To see that that is the most difficult decision to make, which is building industries. It takes a lot of time to build build these things. It takes a lot of sagacity, tenacity, endurance and a lot of drive and focus to building industries.

For the fact that I am very committed here, I want to remain as a leader. I am already a leader and in the Nigerian industrial space and of course the Nigerian refinery space, the Azikel Refinery, is the first radical Hydroskinming refinery in Nigeria. Everyone is looking up to me. Everyone is looking to the next advancement that I would make.

So, we put ourselves there as the role model for others to follow.

 

Do you have a philosophy of life?

The philosophy of life that I have is, you have to be focused on what you do and do your best in whatever thing you do, particularly if that thing would add value to your life.

 

What is your advice to this generation, particularly those who are hasty to make quick money?

Look, I tell you there is no quick money that is sustainable. The award of the CFR to me should inspire every Nigerians positively. It should be clear to them that  it is possible for them to be honoured in their country, by doing the right things. I tell you, there is no quick wealth. You cannot make quick wealth. There is no quickness in wealth. You must toil. And, that is the only way you can even manage it. And of course, when you see wealth that is spread and announced everywhere, it di

I started private business in 2006 from sand buisness and I started in a very humble way. Of course I went to many countries to get training. I trained in Nigeria, in the United States and I have also gone to the best business schools in the world. I started at Lagos Business School; went to the London Business School and went to the University of Pennsylvania Business School. I was trying to prepare myself for the hurdles of what it will take to be able to participate in the global business environment, to understand the tenecities, the tactics and how global businesses work and that was why I went to those schools, because as a doctor, we are trained on systems. I knew that business also have systems and if you understand the systems the better and easier to get better business success.

All of these takes alot of time. It takes more than six years to become a doctor. I tell you most business will fall after five years. But, we have travailed all these till this time. The major and critical thing is staying focused and committed to what you’re doing.

 

Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity Garba Shehu highlights what Nigeria stands to gain from the recent international economic partnership forum held in Manhattan, New York, United States.

On Thursday last week, the Nigeria International Economic Partnership Forum was held in Manhattan, New York in the middle of the most important international event of the year: the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The Forum was enormously popular, attracting some 500 guests and delegates – almost double the expected number. While this resulted in a somewhat chaotic atmosphere at times, the Forum was a resounding success: a clear indication of investor confidence in Nigeria.

Nigeria is the biggest economy in Africa and seeks to raise GDP to USD 965 billion-almost a trillion Dollars by 2027.

Under President Muhammadu Buhari, the nation has recorded marked progress in highways construction, bridges, railway, power, electrification and capacity addition in airports and their modernization.

As the President spoke, making the determination of his government to open more and more sectors of the economy to the private sector, a particular participant stunned, not a few when he announced that he manages pension funds of USD 1.3 Trillion, money well in excess Nigeria’s current GDP, five times over.

First, well over a billion dollars’ worth of deals benefitting Nigeria and her partners were signed at the Forum, including a $1.3 billion investment from Sun Africa for a new solar energy project; $70 million ring-fenced by Adryada and Noblesse Green Energy for a new biodiversity project; strategic financing support for a new refinery on the Niger Delta announced by Honeywell UOP; and a major philanthropic investment in data for Nigerian schools announced by Airtel Africa that would be setting up internet connection for 100 schools each year for five years running.

A highlight of the event was the Presidential Luncheon, which saw Guest of Honour President Buhari joined by CEOs and Senior Executives from some of the largest and most prominent American and African companies, including GE, Chevron, Honeywell, Bell Flight, Sun Africa, McGraw Hill, American Tower and many more.

The full guest list of participants included the American Tower Corporation, Aveva, Big Sun Holdings, Citi, CrossBoundry Group, Cure Violence Global, Entrust, Educational Testing Service, ExxonMobil , GE Healthcare,Gilead Sciences and Hello Tractor.

Also in attendance were Google, McLarty Associates,Medici Land Governance, NBA, Odum Capital, Oracle, Pearson,Rendeavour, Roche,Seed Global Health, Standard Bank,TIAA/Nuveen, UBA America, the AfDB, African EXIM Bank and its US equivalent, Export Import Bank of United States, headed by Reta Jo Lewis, the first ever African-American to lead the organization, and the Jeddah-based Islamic Development Bank, IDB.

We had also in actual participation, the World Food Program, WFP, the Food and Agriculture Organization, FAO, the International Fund for Agriculture, IFAD and NEPAD agency for Africa.

Of course no one could have overlooked the overarching presence and actual participation of the Corporate Council of Africa whose current President, Florie Liser addressed the meeting, saying that the organization is pushing for a private sector roadmap to support investment in several sectors to aid economic growth in Nigeria.

Some of the this country’s biggest corporations were also represented at the highest levels, including, but not limited to the great oil behemoth, the NNPC Limited, the Nigerian Ports Authority, the NIPC, NEXIM Bank, Ndimi’s Oriental Energy, First Bank, Airtel, Flour Mills Nigeria, the Fertilizer Producers Association of Nigeria, the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association of Nigeria and so many others.

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Interestingly, there were also in attendance, several young Nigerian entrepreneurs who are continually making their mark on the global business landscape.

After breakfast and the opening session, we had the first plenary on Nigeria’s economic outlook and the second one on high level conversations about scaling up international partnerships for Nigeria on the development drive. Thereafter, eight breakout sessions convened simultaneously for the real business that brought everyone here.

There was a thematic group seeking answers to important questions about growing Nigeria’s agriculture for food security and access to export market. It addressed questions of increased investment in fertilizer and urea, opportunities for Nigeria-EU partnerships in view of the Russia-Ukraine war and such issues as the need for technology support and innovative financing mechanisms for agriculture.

Nigeria’s Oil and Gas sector came under discussion with a focus on “reforms, results and the road ahead,” where international interest was canvassed for the two pipeline projects taking Nigeria’s gas to Europe through Morocco and Algeria. Awareness was also raised by the NNPC Limited on the dangers of crude oil to Nigeria and the world at large. They called it “blood oil.”

The investment climate in Nigeria including systemic risk issues and the vistas of the African Continental Trade Agreement were also brought under focus.

Infrastructure opportunities in power, clean energy, transportation and water came under discussion, as did the ways and means of increasing capital flows into Nigeria, industrial financing, international development financing and the road to greater financial inclusion.

Nigeria also brought for international discussion at this forum, the quest for scaling up international resources for financing education in the continent as well the need for innovative deal-making mechanisms to link government, deal sponsors and international pools capital in the health sector.

There was also a very comprehensive discussion on the next steps for technology development: emerging technologies, satellite technology, digital communication, financing clean industries and the use of technology to combat insecurity.

There have been some of criticisms about the size of the venue and the number of guests; it can only be said that those making those criticisms have never experienced New York during UNGA – one of the world’s busiest and most important international events attended yearly by world leaders from around the globe.

The President himself pointed to the significance of the representation at the forum when he said

“ the beauty of this forum is that the Ministers responsible for all of these sectors are here today, as are some of Nigeria’s premier business leaders who are already excelling in these spaces.”

There were some who criticized the quality of speakers at the Forum. With a lineup that included the President himself, the country’s most senior ministers and the most senior executives from those prominent companies already mentioned, these claims can only be described as inaccurate. As for those bandying around other names of supposed speakers who did not attend, they are merely misinformed, and taking their information from a dated, draft list of potential invitees – not from the final list.

Sadly, there are those who will always seek to criticize Nigeria for their own political gain and put her down even in moments of her greatest success. The resoundingly successful Nigeria International Economic Partnership Forum is a clear example. We look forward to an equally successful repeat next year.

Nigeria has everyone to thank for this successful program, and not least in this category is the Chief of Staff to the President, Professor Ibrahim Gambari, a veteran of the UN and global systems who was the linchpin of the entire event.

A commentator, Adegoke James recaps House Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila’s charge through the media

The media as the conscience of the nation occupies a prime position in every democratic setting. In fact, free speech which is the fundamental instrustrument for press freedom is an integral feature of democracy.

So, the media is essentially crucial for Nigeria’s hard earned democracy to survive. In the dark days of military oppression when Soldiers hijacked the democratic institutions through the power of guns, the media through a superior power of pen pushed back military jackboot to their natural abode -barracks.

The media and its personnel put their lives on the line for the restoration of democracy. The vicious regime of General Sanni Ababcha placed brave journalists on watchlist. Many publications were proscribed and media houses shut just to gag the press. The irrepressible Nigeria’s media and its fearless journalists fought on using guerilla methods. James Bagauda Kaltho readily comes to mind amongst journalists who were mauled down by junta.

Considering the huge sacrifices and struggle of the media for the nation to attain democracy, it is imperative for the media to ensure that the democracy survives through reportage that will strengthen democratic institutions rather than tearing them apart. That was the central theme of the message of Rt Hon Femi Gbajabiamila, the Speaker , House of Representatives.

He spoke recently  at a workshop organised by his office for media practitioners in Abuja. The theme of the event was ,“Deepening Legislative Knowledge through Critical Reporting’’. Gbajabiamila averred that the fragile Nigeria’s democracy needs to be protected through balanced and naltionalistic reportage.

He said, “The role of the press in a democracy is multi-faceted. You inform the public and you educate them about the law and government, politics and governance.

“You record history as it happens and preserve the national memory as a guide and warning for the future.

“And you hold power to account, ensuring that those who are chosen to serve the public interest keep faith with the citizens who depend on them.

“Democracy will not long survive without a vibrant, independent, innovative and patriotic press’’.

This patriotic charge by the Speaker is one out of many similar interventions to see that the unity of Nigeria and democracy thrives in Nigeria. He is a man passionate about the development and socio-economic emancipation of the Nigerian people.

Gbajabiamila who was concerned about the pedigree of people aspiring for public offices advocated that education qualifications for higher offices should be reviewed and elevated to reflect the realities of modern times.

Section 131 of the 1999 constitution simply says that “a person shall be qualified for election to the office of president if: (a) he is a citizen of Nigerian by birth; (b) he has attained the age of forty years; (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party, and (d) he has been educated up to at least school certificate level or its equivalent”.

Section 142 states the same provisions with regard to the office of the vice president. The same provisions apply to other elected positions except with regard to the age of qualification as indicated in Section 65 (2(a) for candidates seeking election into the national assembly. Section 106 (c) for the state house of assembly, and section 187(2) for governors and deputy governors. In section 137, the constitution outlines the grounds for disqualification.

But Gbajabiamila’s concern is about section 131(d) and the insistence on “school Certificate and its equivalent” in the 21st century. What does this mean exactly, in today’s Nigeria? The answer is provided in Section 318 (1) of the 1999 constitution, which is the interpretation section. Here it is expressly stated that in fact, a primary six school leaving certificate is enough for anybody to aspire to any political office in Nigeria.

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Even the equivalent of a primary school leaving certificate would be considered good enough. Section 318 defines “school certificate and its equivalent” as (a) secondary school certificate or Grade II teacher’s certificate, the city and guild’s certificate or (c)Primary school leaving certificate or its equivalent and -(i) service in the public or private sector in the federation in any capacity acceptable to the Independent National Electoral Commission for a minimum of 10 years, and (ii) attendance at courses and training in such institutions as may be acceptable to the independent electoral commission for periods totaling up to a minimum of one year, and (iii) the ability to read, write and understand and communicate in the English language to the satisfaction of the independent electoral commission, and (d) any other qualification acceptable by the Independent National Electoral Commission.

That is one of the struggles of the Speaker to see that the democratic experience is enriched by ensuring those with higher qualifications and exposure are given the opportunities to lead.

Gbajabiamila who was a major proponent of the #NotTooYoung to rule law believes that having opened up the democratic space by reducing the age eligibility, the education requirements should be scaled. That is one of the reforms he is advocating as a true democrat.

On why the youths should get actively involved in the process, the Speaker said: “When you gather yourselves (as youths), chances are that you’ll win. Democracy is a government of the people. Democracy is not just a general election. It starts from the primaries.”

“I’ll ask that you carry that advocacy out there because it’s for you.”

He noted that the youths are part of the reasons the lawmakers exist, saying: “The youths are the greatest asset of any nation, not just in Nigeria.”

“Since the Not Too Young to Run became law, you’ve not taken advantage of that. The Act appears to be a paper tiger. The enabling environment to work for that Act isn’t capitalised on.”

The Speaker is also an advocate of inclusive democracy. He believes in the direct nomination process of candidates for elections. In what appears not to be a popular position, Gbajabiamila is convinced that direct primaries will ensure that candidates work for the overall interest of the people rather than a clique.

Gbajabiamila reasoned: “If I know that my return will depend on some few men, I may care about you. But if I know that my return will depend on my accountability and representation to the people, I will do the right thing.

“It is important for this generation to open the door of leadership to the next generation. We must allow every Nigerian to participate fully in the process of leadership. I, therefore, stand with Direct Primary.”

“That’s why I said at different fora that I’m for direct primaries. We have to do this for the sake of the institution.

• James writes from Abuja

A review by Lasisi Olagunju, PhD, of the book: Nigeria’s aborted Third Republic and The June 12 Debacle: Reporters’ Account

This collection is an admirable effort at doing two things: One, proving that twenty children could spectacularly ‘work’ together for more than twenty years even while pursuing their individual dreams. Two, that journalists could successfully challenge historians in their turf by filling the gaps left on the highways of our (recent) political experiences as a nation. This book is a huge project that draws the contemporaneity of journalism into the settled thoroughness of historical writing. Did Ibrahim Babangida truly plan to hand over to Ibrahim Babangida? Historians have spent years searching for a definite answer to that question. Readers should have an idea on this after reading this unusual book written by tens of critical witnesses to the events that defined the Babangida years.

A book review can be descriptive or evaluative. It can also combine the elements of both. I intend, here, to attempt a combination of everything a review is: summative and evaluative analysis of the content, the style, the form and the language of this book as put together by its almost thirty authors. A journalist on a beat is both a witness to history as well as a participant-observer, a creator of history in his own little corner. That is what readers encounter in this book which I may describe as a history of the histories of one of the most important events in Nigeria since 1914 – the June 12 debacle.

The timeline starts from 1987. The book, ‘Nigeria’s Aborted Third Republic And The June 12 Debacle: Reporters’ Account’, authored by transition political reporters who covered activities across the tense years of the IBB regime, takes the reader down memory lane.   It tells how our third republic’s political process began during the military presidency of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, popularly known as IBB. It proceeds to discuss the party conventions and primaries, the election proper and the protests that greeted the annulment of the presidential election adjudged to have, till date, been the most credible in the history of Nigeria.

Published by Xlibris, the 220-page, five-section book, edited by renowned journalists and scholars, Deba Uwadiae, Dr Emeka Nwosu, Dr Segun Olanipekun and Dr Abiodun Adeniyi, relies on first-hand reporters’ accounts to tell, in a sequential order, the story behind the stories of Babangida’s political transition programme, the scheming, the intrigues and the counter intrigues that defined that period. In the Foreword, Professor Tonnie Iredia, remembers that the implementation of the Transition to Civil Rule Political Programme of the military government of President Ibrahim Babangida (1987-1993) took off amidst a myriad of criticisms by Nigerians. Iredia is, perhaps, one of the most competent to write on that epoch: he was the Director of Public Affairs of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and, thus, was the direct link between the NEC, the press and the public. Iredia retells the general environment of lack of trust which clothed that process. While many had the cause to doubt the sincerity of the military to relinquish power, he said the elite loathed the transition programme for its mechanical, rigid, and over-regulated design.  He describes the book as an authentic record of what actually transpired before, during and after the June 12, 1993 presidential election. “As a compilation by eyewitnesses – media correspondents attached to political institutions such as the Electoral Commission and the political parties, the compilation is uniquely authoritative,” he writes.

The Introduction, entitled ‘When Reporters Go Down Memory Lane,’ was written by one of the then political reporters, Olusegun Adeniyi, who worked for a number of news organisations during the period and later became a presidential spokesman. Adeniyi provides what I would call a panoramic summary of the entire book, giving readers the benefit of having a bite of every chapter right from the very beginning. He explains how the group and the book came to be and the momentous events that culminated in the formation of NAPOC (National Association of Political Correspondents) in the 1990s. The era ended, the boys became men and everyone went their ways, then death snatched one of them, Tunji Olawuni (a former Vanguard newspaper political reporter). It was at that point it dawned on the reporters that the contents of the huge library which each of them represented deserved to be preserved. The result of that resolve is this book.

Section One of the book has the tag: ‘NAPOC At The Beginning.’ The theme of that section is clear enough from its choice of title. Then, the first article by Gbenga Onayiga traces the birth of NAPOC. Onayiga writes that the members were a group of reporters assigned by their media organisations to cover activities at the national headquarters of the defunct NEC at Onikan, Lagos at the dawn of the political transition programme of General Babangida. He says the late Chief Ike Mbonu of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) mooted the idea for correspondents to come together to form an association with the main idea of generating and reporting news from the electoral body and other agencies set up under the political transition programme. Emeka Nwosu, one of the editors of the book, wrote the next piece and entitled it ‘NAPOC and the Babangida Political Transition Programme, where he details the prominent roles NAPOC played which went a long way in influencing the course of events during the period. Deba Uwadiae’s piece is on the electoral umpire (NEC), its ways and his own personal experiences covering the that beat.

Mikhail Mumuni’s ‘1993 Transition To Nowhere’ provides, perhaps, the hardest of the cores of the book. Mumuni recollects a parley which political correspondents had at Dodan Barracks with President Babangida on the electoral process. During that interaction with journalists, Babangida asked the reporters what they thought of his transition programme: “Gentlemen, what do Nigerians think of my transition programme?” IBB asked the reporters. Many hands were up, but the person first recognized to talk, Mrs Remi Oyo, summed up everybody’s feelings. “Sir, most Nigerians believe that the transition programne is designed for General Ibrahim Babangida to hand over to Alhaji Ibrahim Babangida.” Fiddling with his wedding ring, Babangida asked Mrs Oyo: “So, what do you people advise that I should do?” The reporter responded: “Sir, our honest advice is that you should prosecute the transition faithfully, hand over to the winner and retire to Minna with your honour and integrity intact.” And what was Babangida’s response? The General says: “I think that is what I should do.” Mumuni says he noted Babangida’s choice of words: “what I should do,” instead of “what I will do.” The reporter says that those words provided a glimpse into the mind of the General as well as a hint on the political direction the country was facing.

Sufuyan Ojeifo further develops that theme of insincerity in governance with his  ‘MAMSER, CDS And Political Engineering In the Third Republic.’ Ojeifo takes a deep look into the Babangida programme and describes it as “long, ambitious, comprehensive, painstaking, shifty and full of twists and turns.” Ojiefo also writes on the regime’s Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), the National Orientation Movement (NOM), Mass Mobilisation for Self-reliance, Economic Recovery and Social Justice (MAMSER), among others.

Read Also: Nigeria not yet a nation, says Babangida

The second section of the book has the ominous title: “Intrigues.” It dwells on the kick-off of political activities with contributions focusing on the political parties, their campaigns and the election. Orji Ogbonnaya Orji’s offering is along that line. The seismic political events that threw up Alhaji Babagana Kingibe as the chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) is carefully documented in this section by Felix Oboagwina. Again, here, readers will encounter the ideological conflicts in the National Republican Convention (NRC) as told by Gboyega Amoboye; coverage of the campaigns (by Bisi Onanuga) and how MKO Abiola won SDP’s party primary in Jos written by Kunle Oyatomi; MKO Abiola’s last outing by Bosun Oluwabusayomi and what one of the authors (Yemisi Fadairo) describes as “Abiola’s only regret.” Sina Ogunbambo’s “When Rebellion turned victory” takes a spur away from the book’s discourse of national politics of that republic. Like an interlude, this Ogunbambo, perhaps, for the first time, tells us the intriguing story of how IBB phoned a completely unknown Michael Otedola and convinced him to join Lagos politics and how the man, against all odds, became governor of Lagos state. Isa Husaini also appears in this section with “Rumours/fake news versus professionalism” which is an attempt to explain how the media dealt with the poison of untruth and misinformation during the period.

When you see “Interventions” as the title of Section Three, you would wonder what that really is. The aftermath of the presidential election after the annulment is actually the focus of this third section with Lawal Ogienagbon writing on ‘June 12 Stalemate at Appeal Court,’ the day Abiola returned from flight abroad by Felix Oboagwina What MKO Abiola told Gani Fawehinmi two days before he was allegedly killed’; and Idowu John Bakare’s account of how the court overruled Babangida over June 12 and Interim government. The section ends with some interesting photographs of the principal characters in the Nigerian tragedy, and the authors at work during that momentous period.

Section Four contains insightful interviews granted by political actors who participated actively in the transition programme. Some of those whose interviews are included are Barrister Oladosu Oladipo, who explains the intrigues of the emergence of MKO Abiola as his party’s presidential candidate. The managing director of PM News, The News and Tempo Magazine, Mr Bayo Onanuga, in his interview, details how his medium embraced guerilla journalism to beat the regime of repression and give accurate information about the political situation of the period to the world. Comrade Frank Kokori and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu also spoke in separate interviews on how they fought against the annulment. Kokori tells the story of his leadership of the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) which crippled the nation with a strike like no other. And Tinubu, a member of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) and stakeholder in Radio Kudirat also beams light on certain activities of the group and its methods. The interviews were conducted by some of the authors earlier mentioned including Bola Ojuola and Stella Benjamin.

Section 5 carries the title: Retrospection. And you know what that means; a look at the back; a review of what has been. Writers in this section recall their invaluable experiences covering politics and elections across the years. Moni Abudu tells readers what she saw as the nation transited from the FEDECO of the second republic to NEC under Babangida, NECON under Abacha and, finally, INEC under General Abdulsalami Abubakar who birthed the fourth republic. Like the previous chapters, there are other contributors: Segun Olanipekun (The gaps in my notepad); Akin A. Onipede (We failed to scrutinise documents and actors of the transition); Abiodun Adeniyi (The operational scopes of the political journalist of yore); Cordelia Ukwuoma (June 12 for me); Ike Abonyi (Top news sources of June 12 era); Jide Ajani (A Glimpse into the Fourth Republic). Felix Oboagwina’s piece – the shortest in the collection provides a fitting closure, not just for the ‘retrospection’ but, more meaningfully, to the entire work. It is a tribute to the memories of members of that ‘clique’ of political journalists who have left the realm of the living. He lists them: Moses Ezulike (Champion), Ike Mbonu (NAN), Clement Eluaka (New Nigerian) and Tunji Olawuni (Vanguard). The piece carries the title: ‘Unforgettable, our fallen heroes.’ If “How it all began”, the first article on the book’s first page, is the takeoff of the book’s plane, this part is the landing. And like the story of Nigeria, it is dark and sad.

When a book has so many authors (and editors), it is bound to be as varied in language and style as the number of the writers. That, precisely is what I find here. The language is generally accessible but the sentence structures are not uniform. Some simple, some complex, some like the Ikogosi warm spring- a little cold; a little warm. Or, like the two political parties of the era it treats – a little to the right (NRC) and a little to the left (SDP). Generally, the book is well-written and edited with minimal errors. At the level of structure, the editors paid special attention to the details ensuring that everything a book needs from front, body and back are present. However, the placement of one or two of the pieces does not follow the chronological structure the editors adopted.

Nigerians who witnessed the long knives of the third republic may say that they saw it all. They will be shocked by how very little they knew after reading this book. This collection is, therefore, recommended for all Nigerians particularly students of politics, politicians and political commentators, researchers and policy makers. It is also strongly recommended for all who seek answers to the Nigerian question: How did we get here?

 

 

Akinlawon Mabogunje, as he then was, started the year 1940 in Elementary Standard Two but halfway through the year, he got promoted to Standard Three and then got promoted again to Standard Four at the end of the year, thus showing flashes of early brilliance.

But it was from his later years in secondary school that he actually began to shine. In his time, the secondary school course was of six years’ duration. At the end of Class 3 in 1945, he won the Class prize in Geography and every year thereafter, and was in his own words, perhaps the youngest in his class.

In the end-of-year promotion exam from Class 5 to 6, he came first in the class, and in the Cambridge School Certificate Examinations the following year, he came second, with Bola Ige doing only slightly better than himself.

At university, he not only continued to excel but even spent a considerable amount of time on social activities.

On graduation, Akinlawon went on to marry his beautiful wife who eventually rose to the higher bench. He then went on to obtain higher degrees, had his children in quick succession, all of whom are doing exceedingly well in their own chosen fields; won academic laurels at the highest levels both locally and internationally, including election as a Foreign Associate of the United States National Academy of Sciences (1999); election as Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (2017); winner of the Vautrin Lud prize which is the highest award in the field of geography (2017); was a consultant to governments in rural and urban development matters; became sufficiently prosperous to maintain a dignified existence including being chairman of Unity Bank for several years; was blessed with unusual physical stamina practically throughout his life; lived beyond the age of 90 with all his children surviving him with their children; and capped it all with the final act of male chivalry by ensuring that his wife of nearly 65 years did not predecease him.

What else remains to constitute a fulfilled existence? Or, as Professor Adegoke Olubunmo, quondam Nigerian Professor of Mathematics titled his valedictory lecture at the University of Ibadan, “What does it all add up to?” Professor Olubunmo, whose specialty was functional analysis, was a man unusually given to deep introspection, the introvert exemplar; he smiled or laughed little, and when he did, he seemed to smile and laugh with caution. He died at the age of 69, a year after his eldest child obtained a doctorate degree in mathematics, and his other two children are reported to be also mathematicians.

Before Professor Folasade Ogunsola, Mabogunje’s eldest child, got married to my aburo, my first cousin Olusegun Ogunsola, economist, chartered accountant and shrewd investor, I do not now recall having met him in person but his academic fame had well announced him.

The marriage of his daughter to my aburo brought me into his social orbit in respect of matters either concerning him directly or Folasade and their own children; I, therefore, began to pay more attention to all news items that included his name.  At one of those family events when I went to sit next to him after the conclusion of the formal ceremonies, I broached the subject of the then proposed Nation Health Insurance Scheme.

I expressed my doubts about its sustainability and workability, at the time, beyond primary health care in the Nigerian context as most of the drugs and equipment have to be imported, continuing currency devaluations, high inflation, and corruption in centralized government institutions. He, of course, did not agree with me, saying that a universal National Health Insurance Scheme is desirable.

I confess that my unusual admiration for his intellectual prodigy partly derives from the fact that I dropped Geography at the end of Class 3 in secondary school (in my time, the years spent in secondary school had been reduced to five). My brain did not appear to be specially wired for the extent of photographic memory work required to excel in such subjects.

By the time I knew him, Professor Mabogunje already had a reputation of being a careful and cautious man, who was generally unwilling or slow to cause offence.

At a buffet dinner organised by the Lagos Chamber of Commerce a few years ago, I spotted him at the far end of the queue which was moving rather slowly because the space was small.

I went behind to drag him straight to the front of the queue, muttering in Yoruba to his hearing “E ki s’egbe baba won”, (you are older than the fathers of these people), which was only partly true because he was in his 80s. As he followed me to the front, I could see some hesitation in his gait and a slight discomfiture on his face for jumping the queue, which I pretended not to notice.

On completing our mission, he seemed quite satisfied and was full of appreciation.

Then came his autobiography, which was an especial delight to read. In terms of his academic work, I was particularly struck by one element: his ability to grasp and eventually teach theoretical and quantitative Geography, which he subsequently introduced to transform the Geography department at Ibadan, which required, among other things, his learning from scratch linear algebra, calculus, computer programming at the department of  mathematics, and economics during  a 9-month sabbatical at prestigious Northwestern University, Illinois, USA, learning at the feet of some of the “foremost pioneers of the theoretical and quantitative revolution in Geography in the United States”.  His subsequent inclusion of theoretical geography in the curriculum at Ibadan caused the Geography department to be moved from the Faculty of Arts to the Faculty of Social Sciences.

Not only that, he had sufficiently mastered this subdiscipline that he was invited, in the spring of 1970 by the University of Goteburg in Sweden to teach theoretical geography to its postgraduate students.

In recent years, I began to receive from him congratulatory messages on my birthdays to which I always responded. The last, which came on 14th July, 2020, read as follows:

“My dear Jibola, Just to wish you many happy returns of the day. Keep well. God bless. Warmest regards. MABOGUNJE.”

I mourn with Mrs. Titi Mabogunje on the departure of her dear husband of almost 65 years. I congratulate his children and his entire nuclear and larger family, of which my aburo, Olusegun is a member, for seeing their Baba through beyond the age of 90, in relatively good health, since, as they say in classical Latin, in which the professor was proficient, “Omnibus Moriendum Est” – “we shall all end up in death “.

Nigerian history and the world of geography from which he has earned enormous and spectacular encomiums will remember him.

I join his entire family and all his Christian brethren and sistren in song and dance for the glorious life of a quintessential patriarch:

“Alleluya, ogo ni fun Baba…”

Ogunshola is the Emeritus Chairman of PUNCH Nigeria Limited.

By Confidence Egbu

The debate over whether product managers should be data-driven or intuition-driven is a complex and multifaceted one, reflecting broader conversations in various industries about the role of data versus human insight. Both approaches have their merits, and the most effective product managers often find a way to balance the two, leveraging data to inform their decisions while also trusting their intuition when appropriate.

Being data-driven means making decisions based on concrete, quantitative evidence. This approach has many advantages, particularly in today’s technology-driven world where vast amounts of data can be collected and analyzed to understand user behavior, market trends, and product performance. Data-driven decision-making reduces the risk of biases and assumptions, providing a clear, objective basis for determining the direction of a product. For instance, A/B testing, user analytics, and market research can provide invaluable insights that help product managers understand what features are most valued by users, what pain points need addressing, and how different segments of the market respond to various product iterations.

The use of data in decision-making is exemplified by companies like Amazon and Google, which utilize extensive user data to refine their products and services continually. Amazon, for example, uses data to recommend products to users, optimize delivery routes, and even create new products based on emerging trends. Similarly, Google employs data to improve search algorithms, personalize user experiences, and develop new features like predictive text in emails. These companies demonstrate how data can drive innovation and efficiency, leading to superior products and services that are closely aligned with user needs and preferences.

Data-driven decision-making is particularly effective in environments where precise, measurable outcomes are critical. For example, in e-commerce, data can reveal which website designs lead to higher conversion rates or which pricing strategies maximize revenue. In such contexts, relying on data can lead to more predictable and scalable outcomes. Moreover, in a world where accountability and transparency are increasingly important, data-driven decisions can be more easily justified to stakeholders, fostering a culture of trust and evidence-based practices within an organization. This transparency is vital for maintaining stakeholder confidence and ensuring that decisions can be defended with empirical evidence.

However, an over-reliance on data can also present significant drawbacks. Data, while invaluable, is not infallible. It can be incomplete, misinterpreted, or biased depending on how it is collected and analyzed. For example, data sets can be skewed by sampling errors, or the metrics used may not capture the full picture of user behavior. Furthermore, data can sometimes be overwhelming, leading to analysis paralysis where decision-makers become bogged down in data without taking action. In these scenarios, the sheer volume of data can obscure clear insights and make it difficult to prioritize actions effectively.

Moreover, not all decisions can be reduced to numbers. The early stages of product development, for example, often require a level of creativity and vision that data alone cannot provide. This is where intuition comes into play. Intuition-driven decision-making is based on a product manager’s experience, instincts, and deep understanding of the market and the users. This approach can be particularly useful in situations where data is scarce or where innovative thinking is required to break new ground. Intuition allows product managers to see beyond the numbers and envision possibilities that have not yet materialized. Many of the most revolutionary products and features have been developed not from data but from a visionary’s ability to anticipate what users will want before they even know it themselves.

Take, for instance, the development of the iPhone. Steve Jobs famously relied on his intuition and vision for what the product could be, rather than solely on market research or data. At the time, there was no data suggesting that consumers wanted a touchscreen phone with no physical keyboard, but Jobs’s intuition and understanding of design and user experience led to a product that revolutionized the industry. Similarly, companies like Tesla have often relied on the intuition of their leadership to push the boundaries of what is possible in electric vehicles and sustainable energy, creating products that redefine consumer expectations and industry standards.

Intuition can also be essential in navigating ambiguity and uncertainty. In fast-paced industries where trends evolve quickly, waiting for sufficient data can mean missing out on critical opportunities. A product manager’s ability to make swift decisions based on a gut feeling can sometimes be the difference between being a market leader and a follower. Moreover, intuition is often informed by a deep, tacit knowledge that data cannot capture, such as cultural nuances or emerging lifestyle trends that are not yet reflected in numerical metrics. For instance, fashion and entertainment industries often rely heavily on the intuitive insights of trendsetters and tastemakers who can sense shifts in public sentiment and preferences before they become widely apparent.

Despite these advantages, intuition-driven decision-making is not without its risks. It can be highly subjective and susceptible to personal biases and errors in judgment. Relying solely on intuition can lead to inconsistent results and make it difficult to explain and justify decisions to stakeholders who demand evidence-based reasoning. Therefore, while intuition can guide creative and strategic thinking, it needs to be tempered with data to ensure decisions are well-rounded and substantiated.

The most effective product managers understand the importance of integrating both data-driven and intuition-driven approaches. This synthesis allows them to leverage the strengths of each method while mitigating their respective weaknesses. For instance, data can validate an intuitive hypothesis, or intuition can fill in the gaps where data is lacking. By blending these approaches, product managers can make more informed, balanced decisions that are both innovative and grounded in reality. This integration is crucial in areas such as product development, where initial intuition can guide the conceptual phase, and subsequent data can refine and optimize the product for market success.

In practice, this means developing a keen sense of when to rely on data and when to trust one’s intuition. Product managers should cultivate their analytical skills to interpret data accurately and effectively, while also honing their intuition through continuous learning, industry engagement, and reflective practice. Building a collaborative team with diverse skills and perspectives can also help balance data and intuition, ensuring that different viewpoints are considered in the decision-making process. Encouraging open dialogue and cross-functional collaboration can lead to more comprehensive and nuanced decisions, drawing on both empirical evidence and creative insights.

Ultimately, the question of whether product managers should be data-driven or intuition-driven is a false dichotomy. The most successful product managers are those who can seamlessly integrate both approaches, using data to inform their intuition and intuition to guide their interpretation of data. This balanced approach allows for more robust, innovative, and adaptive product management, capable of navigating the complexities and uncertainties of today’s dynamic markets.

The debate over whether product managers should be data-driven or intuition-driven is nuanced and context-dependent. While data provides a solid foundation for objective decision-making and helps mitigate biases, intuition offers the creative and strategic foresight necessary for innovation and rapid response to emerging trends. The ideal approach is not an either/or scenario but rather a harmonious integration of both methodologies. 

By blending data and intuition, product managers can leverage the best of both worlds, making decisions that are both informed by empirical evidence and enriched by human insight. This balanced strategy not only enhances decision-making quality but also fosters a culture of innovation, adaptability, and continuous improvement within organizations.

Leadership skill does not come by accident but through years of experience of holding different positions. In public life, experience, they say is the best teacher and so, holding such a critical political position as head of government at any level demands so much administrative experience.

That is where you find a worthy example in Senator Douye Diri, the 5th Civilian Governor of Bayelsa State. Since he came to power miraculously in 2020, his activities have revealed truly a visionary man. With a deep sense of maturity, rare patience, simplicity and focus, Douye Diri, like the famed eagle, is uncommonly and incurably visionary and deeply “aware” of his sense of mission to humanity and strategies to deliver his developmental agenda to the people.

He is visionary enough to remember his little beginning from his country home of Sampou in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of the state. Today, he is a governor that is changing the story of development in Bayelsa State. Steadily, things are changing for good and many citizens, who never gave him the chance now openly confessed, “that they were misinformed about the capacity and personality of the governor”. Indeed, now, they know better that Douye Diri, is kind-hearted and a good man who loves his people dearly.

In just two years in office, Governor Diri, has left no one in doubt as to the direction of his government of prosperity. He has touched many lives positively through infrastructural projects and various empowerment programmes.

By every standard, Diri, is an achiever with the number of projects so far completed and inaugurated. According to a quote by an American business magnate, Larry Ellison, “Great achievers are driven, not so much by the pursuit of success, but by the fear of failure.” This is exactly the drive behind the countless scheduled and unscheduled inspection visit to projects sites by a governor who does not want to be associated with failures.

It is gratifying to note that the people of Bayelsa State have been pouring encomiums on the current administration under a governor who has shown genuine commitment to make a difference. Prominent leaders and key stakeholders across the eight local government areas are unanimous in their assessment of the governor for demonstrating rare leadership qualities.

There is a conscientious urban renewal programme to give the State capital, Yenagoa a befitting status. As a matter of pride, the popular Edepie/Etegwe roundabout is a testimony of the infrastructural upgrade within Yenagoa through expansion and beautification work. Also, over fifty internal roads within the state capital were earlier rehabilitated before the construction of twenty new internal roads.

Under this government, the Bayelsa International Airport commenced commercial flight operation. The Prosperity Administration has penchant for policy of continuity with inherited projects. So much has been achieved in the areas of roads and infrastructure, education, health, empowerment, skills acquisition among other sectors. Projects completed and inaugurated so far include a 4.5 kilometre Igbedi road, reconstructed Elebele bridge, section one of the Igbogene- AIT Elebele outer ring road to Okarki end, the New Yenagoa city road from Onopa and the historic Nembe unity bridge that connects Nembe-Ogbolomabiri to Bassambiri.

The audacious move by previous administration to link riverine communities to Yenagoa, the State capital by roads through the three senatorial projects are on course. The Prosperity Government has continued with the construction of Sagbama-Ekeremor and Yenagoa-Oporoma road projects.

Just recently, the Bayelsa State Executive Council has approved the awards of the construction of the Nembe-Brass road in Bayelsa East Senatorial district, an announcement that has been widely received by the people of the area. The people have waited for this road for over 60 years and the Prosperity Government under Sen. Diri, is standing firmly to commence the historic project.

This man Douye Diri belongs to a rare breed of high achievers. He is a passionate change agent who is serving the general interest to build an enviable future and development for the people of ancient Nembe. He is clearly an achiever who do not submit to instant gratification but invest in the long-term payoff.

A courageous, fearless and prudent administrator, Governor Diri, sits in his office to treat his files and memo. Having served in various positions in the past including being a Commissioner for Youth and Sports, Principal Executive Secretary, Deputy Chief of Staff, Member of the House of Representatives and Senator of the Federal Republic, he is deep in administration and very smart to deal with bureaucratic bottlenecks.

The teacher and political scientist is no rubber stamp; he is a thoroughly organised leader, with a stickler for the minute details. To him, planning is key to success and so, he guides against being pressured to sign any memo. As a man with great mind and sound judgment because of his high mental alertness, he diligently attends to matters brought before him. He detest rumours, blackmails and lies against one another. So, be sure of reports presented to him!

This is a man who begins his daily routine by 5.30am with about 8 kilometre walk and jogging. Physical exercise is as good to the mind, as it is to the body and having regular exercise also sharpens the memory.

After the exercise comes the morning devotion to commit the day unto God. Diri, a man who reference God is physically and spiritually strong to confront the arduous tasks before him as the Chief Executive of the State each day.

A man so conscious of time and schedules of engagements. He carefully organises every elements or semblance of distractions out of his life. A boss with a strong listening skills and very patient to act. He understands that a cheerful look breakdown administrative barriers. He exhumes enthusiasm with a great sense of humour while relating with his appointees and visitors. Even when he wants to disapprove a request, he brings up the smiling face to say no in the most friendly manner. Yes, at other times, he bluntly says no to request that falls short of his expectations. That is true leadership and strict managerial skills from a man with rich administrative experience.

He seeks proper advice before taking critical decisions.Those attributes are the keys to the very interesting and unimaginable successes recorded so far in just two years in office.

Douye Diri, is a leader who recognises hard work and loyalty. His principles are that “Good things will surely come to those who sweat”, meaning rewards await those who work hard to deliver assignments handed them. What an ebullient administrator par excellence he is! In fact, the leadership and administrative skills of Senator Douye Diri,Governor of Bayelsa State, has become a subject of research for scholars in leadership and management fields.

Thank you to an ebullient leader who is leading his people on a collective journey to have a prosperous Bayelsa State.

 

Oredipe Kola, is Director, New Media

The desperation of politicians in the 2023 presidential election cycle gives cause for alarm. From N100 million presidential nomination forms to $35,000 delegate bribes and INEC’s shifting of the deadline for primaries, seemingly to accommodate the political party in power today, there are dangerous omens.

It is up to us as Nigerians to decide if we will be fooled again in 2023. To make real progress, we must break from the past. We must now elect leaders who offer us a clear, coherent vision, competence, and a plan.

As an aspirant for the responsibility of President of Nigeria in 2023 on the platform of the African Democratic Democratic Congress (ADC), I offer our country a clear vision and plan, articulated in my book Build, Innovate and Grow (BIG). The high Office of President of Nigeria is a job, not an entitlement based on the number of years a candidate has spent in politics or merely on personal ambition. In 2023 Nigerians should elect a candidate who has the competences, experience and performance track record that is directly relevant to the job. The core functions of the President of Nigeria are (1) Nation-building (managing diversity, building a united nation, and building strong institutions); (2) National Security; (3) Economy; and (4) Foreign Affairs and International Diplomacy.

Based on these requirements, I am the man for the job. A modern, 21st century President of Nigeria. As a United Nations official for 17 years in which I rose by dint of hard work and competence from entry level Officer to the highest career bracket of Director and served on special assignment at the political level of Under-Secretary-General, in New York, Cambodia, Croatia, Rwanda, and Switzerland, I led teams that achieved lasting results in rebuilding failed states such as our country has become today, in international security operations, and in traditional international diplomacy.

I led resource mobilization and the building of global partnerships for the Geneva-based,  $20billion Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria that has made social investments to support health systems and save lives in 140 countries including Nigeria. And as the founder and CEO of a global investment advisory firm in the private sector, I have advised and guided major foreign investors into Nigeria and other African countries.

As a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) from 2009 to 2014, I led the execution of extensive reforms that saved the Nigerian financial system from collapse after the global financial crisis of 2008. Our work remains the stabilizing foundation of our financial system today.

I also led the team that developed and introduced the Bank Verification Number (BVN) which now serves nearly 50 million Nigerians in the banking system. My team and I facilitated the introduction of Non-Interest (Islamic) Banking that advanced financial inclusion, as well as the digitalization of the payment system that made it possible for nearly 100 million Nigerians to make and receive payments on their mobile phones. As a member of the Monetary Policy Committee of the CBN, I played an active leadership role, with other colleagues, in economic policy making that successfully crashed inflation from double digits to a single digit 8% by 2014. We managed foreign exchange policy successfully, with the Naira exchanging to the dollar at a rate in the range of N150-N165 to $1 during our tenure in office. These are transformative achievements in which one played a direct, leadership role. The impact of my life’s work so far has been deep, international, national, and local, empowering millions in Nigeria and around the world.

Having been a traditional politician in and of itself, say as a state Governor or Senator, without the knowledge of or exposure to managing complex diversity, sophisticated security operations, national economic management, or foreign affairs, does not prepare such an individual to be an effective president of Nigeria. Our failure to understand this is why we tend to make the wrong leadership choices. This is the lesson we should learn from Nigeria today as the failed state our country has become. The presidency is a unique job, not a mere political promotion or an entitlement.

In 2023, our present national crisis needs us to elect a President of Nigeria that will fix our economy, unite our diverse peoples, secure our territory and our people, and restore our standing in the world. I pledge to build and unify our country into One Nation with  a common national ambition on which we all agree. We will proactively secure our country and its people in all of our geo-political zones. We will build an economy that creates jobs and prosperity for our youth through innovation, manufacturing and skills through education reform that ends ASUU strikes permanently in Nigeria, and access to capital to start new businesses through a state-sponsored venture capital fund that will be managed efficiently by the private sector.

With my knowledge, experience and networks in international relations, my Government will make Nigeria influential and powerful abroad once again, based into the stability and prosperity we will create at home.

Fellow Nigerians, this house has fallen. Together, we will rebuild it to become stronger than it has ever been.

 

Prof. Moghalu, ADC Presidential aspirant, writes from Ifekaego Nnewi

WHEREVER and whenever a people or a society acquiesces to  the denial of justice in a democracy, the following occurs – corruption of institutions of governance, nepotism/tribalism; politicisation of traditional institution and aberration of patriotism, which culminates in the waning of the quest for nationhood. It calls into question the unity of Nigeria, making its existence negotiable. Note that the separation arising from a right to self-determination as an option is one to be negotiated through dialogue for a peaceful result, and not by war, or violence.

History is replete with peaceful separations exemplified in those of America from United Kingdom (1776), Belgium from Netherlands (1830), Singapore from Malaysia (1965), East Timor from Indonesia (2002), Ireland from UK (1921), Eriteria from Ethiopia, South Sudan from Sudan, United Socialist Soviet Republic broken into Russia and several countries etc. Since their separations, these countries have gone on to develop  along their historical, ethnic or religious inclinations. Nigeria, on the other hand, has since Independence, progressively gone the path of a failed state. If the trend and the events to be analysed in subsequent paragraphs are not checked, separation becomes inevitable.

Nigeria’s legislative, executive, judicial arms and our traditional institutions have legalised corruption, abused powers and turned into centres of mercantilism. The legislature and judiciary are on the driving seat of this dangerous trend. The legislature’s guilt can be summarised in its output in the following: the egregious insertion of a self-serving Section 84 (12) in the Electoral Act, 2022, and passage of the Indigenisation Bill in the proposed 1999 constitution amendment. It left undone justice and equity, which are matters pulling down the country. It is amazing and puzzling that the creation of states to achieve a balance, particularly in Southeast; expunging pension, immunity clauses; inserting state police, devolution of powers/true federalism and financial autonomy for the legislature and judiciary etc. were jettisoned.

On the part of the executive, the crippling allegation of corruption against its officials in (1) the trial to overturn the fraudulently procured London P & ID $10 billion judgment against Nigeria (2) attorney general of the federation (AGF) and Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) $418 million Paris Club refund (3) alleged millions of dollars discovered in a flat in Ikoyi (4) the over three-week fuel/diesel/electricity scarcity blamed on racketeering and incompetence by government officials have remained unaddressed.

However, the judiciary has not also fared better. Some technical decisions the courts have taken give its legitimacy a question mark. Examples are Kalejaiye (SAN)/NJC/LPDC, Judges Nganjiwa, Mohammed Yinusa, Ofili Ajumogobia. Worst still are its feeble, fickle disciplinary actions against judges of courts with coordinate jurisdictions with their conflicting judgments/rulings. The perceived erosion of the courts’ norms is of a particular concern. Disregarding the ground rules that govern the legal system is a disaster for the rule of law and justice.

To achieve their political ambition and objectives, state actors have turned traditional institutions into an arm of the executive, abandoning their constitutional duties under Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, which beholds them to establish an elected local government and funding them to pass laws to supervise, manage, control and direct affairs of organs of clan-based governance at the rural/community level.

By the principle of Customary Law and Case Law rendered by the Supreme Court, the traditional institution is barred from venturing into politics. Even within the community, kingship is now purchased; succession to the throne is no longer by custom and tradition. In some states, multiplicity of autonomous communities, each with its king, has been created by politicians.

The arrogant and condescending statements by northern leaders on zoning or rotation of offices to the South in 2023 are an evidence of the death of statesmen and the glorification of opportunistic hegemonic politicians. It is troubling when these leaders, in a convenient  way, describe their rejection of zoning with uncompromising terms as “impossible”, “primordial” or “sentimental”. A governor from the North, for example, boasts of certain fundamental indices, one of which is the voting strength of the regions, a veil threat that only a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate sponsored by the North will get power in 2023. These neo-northern political leaders have done away with the noble spirit of patriotism and statesmanship of our founding fathers, between 1914 to 1963, when we became a republic. The values of active citizenship which they displayed heeded the cries of a perceived oppression and marginalisation, particularly against the minorities. The result was that from the constitutions of 1954, 1960, and Lyttleton as well as the report of Willinks’ Commission of Inquiry, justice, fairness and equity were their hallmark. Their output gave rise to an institutionalised regional autonomy, fundamental human rights and the creation of Midwestern Region. These were done by our founding fathers to achieve justice and equity for minority ethnic groups. Just as the cry during the pre-Independence period gave rise to the report of the Willinks’ Commission of Inquiry to assuage aggrieved minorities, so it is today in some parts of the regions, yet neo-northern hegemonic opportunistic political leaders are paying no heed. Even though the North’s claim to higher population figure has been found to be based on inflated voter registration, in most cases, stacked with illegal immigrants from neighbouring Muslim countries and fraudulent registration practices, its leaders persist in using it to intimidate and blackmail Nigerians, particularly Southeast, into a reluctant union, called Nigeria. Out of this frustration, some critical stakeholders like Bishop Hassan Kukah demand that the one-sided marriage or union be dissolved peacefully. Our neo-northern opportunistic and hegemonic leaders have refused to treat the other members of the union as co-owners. They flaunt their alleged false claims of superior voting strength to intimidate, blackmail and inflict injustice on the South. It is a historical fact that in a multi-ethnic state where one ethnic group persists in dominating the others, breakup is usually the natural logical outcome as no ethnic group will accept to continuously live in oppression in perpetuity. Looking back to history, where is the Roman Empire; Czechoslovakia is divided into Czech and Slovakia; Yugoslavia divided into Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Slovenia; and USSR now broken into 24 ethnic groups identified by their languages. On the other hand, the United States, UK, Canada, Switzerland, though not divided in the real sense of it, adopted a system of power sharing or rotation, as is the case in Switzerland where presidency is rotated among the four ethnic groups that make up the country etc.

It is only Nigeria, after the founding fathers, who saw the need to build the foundation of a nation on the principle of regional autonomy and protection of minorities’ rights, but the latter day neo-revisionist-opportunistic politicians in the North, with their narcoleptic and demi-god counterparts in the South, lacking statesmanship and patriotism, persist in undoing what they had agreed to and made part of in the 1999 Constitution.

All that is prevalent today is the denial of justice, corruption and naked disregard for the rule of law, custom and tradition.  If our elected and appointed officials, courts, bureaucracy and traditional institutions no longer abide by the laws/rules, custom and tradition, the consequence is that we have lost the rule of law and our great heritage as a race.

Echoing Bishop Kukah “… I have never been unsure of Nigeria’s future as I am now… it’s time to end Nigeria so that the people who want development can go ahead…” Or, I join Chief Dele Momodu to appeal to Nigerians “…to no longer sell their souls for 20 pieces of silver and dent their conscience, to join the movement…” to exorcise the demons of democracy and rid ourselves of the manacles and shackles of the depressive state and oppressive nature…” lorded over us ‘’

 

• Imegwu is an ex-lawmaker