Category: Insight

  • PDP, LP, SDP: what manner of merger talks?

    PDP, LP, SDP: what manner of merger talks?

    Key oposition figures have opened coalition and merger talks as part of strategies to wrest power from the All Progressives Congress (APC). But the ruling party, which is not sleeping on guard, is also enlarging its coast by wooing more politicians into its fold. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the challenge of alignment and realignment of forces ahead of 2027 polls.

    Ahead of 2027 electioneering, key opposition figures are contending with unanticipated, but inevitable hiccups in their badly coordinated alliance talks. Observers believe the move has not generated enthusiasm because the foundation is shaky and the idea behind it is  narrow, subjective and self-serving, thereby lacking the character and appeal of a movement.

     Consensus building is a tall order. Unlike the alliance, coalition and merger talks that culminated in the formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC),  which is the fusion of legacy parties, the mergers being mooted now may be facing a brickwall because it is anchored by individuals and not premised on group interest.

    A major factor in success in the 2013 ‘collaboration plan’ was the similarity of ideas and unity of purpose among the leaders of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), led by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now president; All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), led by the late Dr. Ogbonaya Onu, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), led by Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, a faction of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), led by Chief Rochas Okorocha, and the new Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), led by Dr. Bukola Saraki and his co-travellers.

    It was not a day-journey. The road was long and rough. The expedition was tortuous and challenging. It was not for the feeble-minded. The ACN National Leader, Tinubu provided the leadership, which inspired his compatriots to sustain the collective vision to effect change in 2015. Also, the merger leaders or partners were able to carry along the rank and file in the parties, thereby enabling the novel initiative to acquire a national outlook and gain widespread support, even at the grassroots.

    To analysts, these conditions are lacking in the Atiku-Obi-El-Rufai adventure, which seems to pale into a peculiar grandstanding. Despite its projection in the adversarial media, it has not produced a monumental impact.

    But there is still time, as the next presidential poll is about two years away. Thus, the opposition gang of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi and former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai are hanging on hope, the elixir of life.

    These individuals command no troops, having lost incumbency powers and the political wherewithal to sustain a vast fanatical followership. Neither are they fully in charge of the political parties they intend to use for bargaining. In their desperation, they miscalculate, based on the spurious assumption that the Tinubu government would lose popularity due to the transcient pains of reforms. While wiping ethnic sentiments by alluding to the electoral power and numerical strength of their bloc regions, Atiku and El-Rufai inadvertently revived cross ethnic curiosity, anger and resistance to polarisation and propaganda.

    Division over merger in PDP:

    There are discordant tunes in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which is the leading opposition party, because the talks are ill-timed.

    The party is crisis-ridden, bogged down by protracted leadership squabble that seems to have defiled solution. Today, two chieftains- Senator Samuel Anyanwu and Monday Ude-Okoye- are laying claims to the position of the National Secretary. The governors on the platform of the party have asked the two warring stalwarts to step aside and allow the Deputy National Secretary, Setonji Koshoedo, to act. But Anyanwu is kicking against the compromise, hinging his decision on the recent Supreme Court judgment that is not understood by most party members.

    Also, the position of the National Chairman is still vacant. The Acting National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagum, does not enjoy the support of all the members of the National Working Committee ((NWC). But he is holding on to the interim leadership, leaning on a court verdict that affirms his claim till December.

    Two committees set by the party; Reconciliation Panel chaired by Gen. Olagunsoye Oyinlola and Disciplinary Panel led by former Senate President Adolpus Wabara, are battling with the herculean tasks. At the national and state levels, many of the PDP chapters are not at peace.

    Amid the confusion, Atiku, on March 20 at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja, in company with El-Rufai, announced the plan for a coalition of the opposition against the All Progressives Congress (APC). He did it without carrying the party along after arrogating to himself the leadership of opposition.

    Emphasising the significance of coalition building, Atiku said: “Opposition parties must realise that it is extremely difficult to dislodge a governing party, however unpopular it may be and however fed up the people may be with it.

    “Coalition-building and outright mergers are critical for building the capacity of the opposition to achieve that goal.  Our own history and examples from other countries prove that.”

    However, many party stalwarts believe that it was a unilateral step; a solo effort devoid of wider consultation. Hence, according to other party chieftains, it is not a product of consensus. Without that critical collective involvement, there is no commitment.

    PDP Governors: No to alliance

    Frowning at the personal move being decorated as a collective agenda, PDP governors have disowned Atiku, ruling out any involvement in the merger. Rather, the governors, who are the pillars, financiers managers and ‘generalisimo’ of the party, said any political party or individual seeking a bigger platform is free to join the PDP.

    Besides, the thinking in the party among top members is that reconciliation and crisis resolution should precede any inter-party cooperation.

    Rising from its meeting at Ibadan, capital of Oyo State, the PDP Governors’ Forum chaired by the governor of Bauchi State, Senator Bala Mohammed, declared: “On the nationwide speculations about a possible merger of political parties, groups and / or associations, the Forum resolved that the PDP will not join any coalition or merger.

    “However, the party as a major opposition party welcomes any party, persons or groups that are willing to join it with a view to wrestling power and enthroning good leadership in 2027.”

    Shedding light on the resolution, the host governor, Seyi Makinde, identified a gulf between Atiku’s coalition motive and the task before the governors. He said the merger or coalition talks are unknown to the PDP, stressing that Atiku is on his own. He emphasised that the preoccupation of the governors, for now, is rebuilding the party, adding that it is important to put the house in order before thinking about 2027.

    “As a party, we have not gotten there. Our first assignment is to put the party on a sound pedestal,” he said.

    The Oyo State governor said it is improper for any chieftain to just draw the party into any arrangement when the party organs do not have clue on what is being done. “They have no clue of what is in this coalition. They also have no clue whether this is personal or whether you are doing this in the best interest of the party and the people of Nigeria. Those are critical,” he added

    Unlike the former vice president who is personally looking for allies, Makinde said the governors’ resolution reflected the wide consultations with party stakeholders. Demonstrating the import of consensus, he said the Ibadan meeting was validated by the party leadership, which was also invited.

    “The Acting National Chairman, National Legal Adviser and the National Organising Secretary were there with us. Other members of the National Working Committee (NWC) were waiting around the venue of the meeting, just in case there would be any need for them,” Makinde said.

    Apparently chiding Atiku for jumping the party’s official and conventional procedure for inter-party relationship, the governor stressed: “There must be a process. If the managers of the party, the organs of the party are going into a merger or coalition, there is need for the managers of the party to know.”

    While conceding to Atiku his right to associate with anybody outside PDP, Makinde said: “Politics is a game of interest. You must be interested, you must have alignment with the wider organs of your party before you go out to meet other people.”

    Other party leaders, who supported the governors’ position, said the collective interest of the party should supercede the personal interest of an individual. “The real issue is those who want to run every time without following the party’s constitutional guidelines,” intoned Dan Orbih, Edo PDP leader, who hoped that the proposed congresses would produce new leaders who will repisition the platform.

    A Board of Trustees (BoT) member, Commodore Olabode George, who described the decision to disown plans for merger and coalition, said it was classic and reasonable. He suspected that Atiku’s motive for merger is personal, saying that is in pursuit of his presidential ambition.

    Faulting Atiku’s bid, George, a former PDP Deputy National Chairman, said it is a bone of contention, adding that it would violate zoning.

    He, however, clarified that the PDP Governors’ Forum only made solid suggestions which would be subjected to the decision of the NEC and the National Convention, the highest authorities.

    Objecting to at any alliance or merger talks, he added:”How can you expect an Iroko political party to go and join other parties? People should come and join us. We are a formidable iroko tree founded by the founding fathers. They (the governors) have made their suggestions and that is the starting point.”

    George warned against the repeat of 2023 mistake by the PDP when it neglected zoning, saying that the party would pay dearly for it. He also said while Atiku is free to vie for president, PDP should not make him the flag bearer. He said if Atiku is given the ticket, the party would collapse.

    “Atiku cannot be PDP presidential candidate. There is zoning, which must be adhered to. The North had eight years. The South should have eight years. Atiku cannot pick the ticket of PDP. If he picks it, it is the end of the party,” he said.

    Other chieftains, who canvassed the same arguments, said for mergers to succeed, it should not be driven by a narrow, egocentric and particularistic motive of a manipulative actor, whose selfish ambition is to fulfil a marabout’s prediction.

    They believe that it should be premised on the great idea of how to reorder society and improve the lot of the people.

    Showunmi, a vocal Ogun State PDP chieftain, doubted if the merger talks are motivated by such ideas. He described the hurried resort to merger as a lazy approach, saying that it is misguided to think that unseating the ruling president requires only a merger. He said rather, PDP should package itself as a  alternative route to power by resolving its protracted crisis and demonstrating the competence and capacity of a formidable opposition.

    “It’s very lazy and extremely annoying that a political party like PDP is not working very hard in the field to try to make itself electable. And to do that, they need to stop the quarrel, one. Number two, they need to do a differentiation of why people should vote for them.

    “You can’t be speaking from the same side as the ruling party. You are not as efficient as them, and you want people to dump them for you. You can’t be saying, ‘I want to be president,’ and your only pathway for president is not to get into the field and start working, but to sit there and be talking as some people are going to come and join you,” he said.

    Showunmi, who queried the feasibility of the merger, retorted: “When you bring all six of you together, which of you have agreed to be the president? Then, all of you will bolt out of the arrangement, claiming that you didn’t get what you want. You who cannot even endure in a legacy party like PDP, are you the ones that will endure if you go to another party and you don’t get what you want?”

    In his view, the opposition parties should present realistic, actionable and verifiable ideas, rather than relying on alliances.

    “You are not going to come and defeat any incumbent just by thinking that you can say you are harvesting misery. The bottom line is that you must be bringing to the table realistic, actionable, verifiable, at least hopeful ideas,” he added.

    Showunmi, who also warned against allowing divisive figures to infiltrate opposition parties, highlighted the potential danger of alliances with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    He warned the SDP national chairman, Shehu Gabam, against fraternising with aggrieved defectors from other parties who would invade the platform with an intention to dictate and dominate, the same attitude that led to the destruction of their party.

    Atiku adamant, says it is coalition or nothing:

    Atiku, who is used to intra-party battles, returned the salvos from the governors, saying that the alliance talks are unstoppable.

    “Indeed, the coalition train has left the station and would have multiple stops to bring on board Nigerians of all shades,” he wrote on his X handle.

    The interpretation, according to analysts, is that there is an imminent parting of ways between the former presidential candidate of PDP and his political party in the build-up to the 2027 election.

    Apparently hinting about likely defection from the PDP, Atiku said: “Whatever vehicle that will give us good governance in the future of our children and grandchildren; that is the vehicle we are going to ride on.”

    At a meeting with a delegation of the PDP from Nasarawa State, Atiku insisted that the governors cannot stop the merger. The team was led by Alhaji Jibirin Sabo Keana and members of ‘National Opinion Leaders,’ headed by Yusuf Sheriff Banki.

    Atiku said: “The pan-Nigerian coalition that I am building is in conjunction with other leaders and stakeholders across political divides and regions.The ‘Nigerian Movement’ is being powered by Nigerians desirous of reclaiming and rebuilding their country from across the nooks and crannies of our country.”

    He said leaders from various parties, including the APC, PDP, Labour Party (LP) and others, have been meeting to forge a new path towards a better Nigeria. He referred to the initiative behind the coalition as “Sabuwar tafiya” in Hausa, translating to “a new pathway” in English.

    A long standing ambition:

    Despite his tutelage under the Tafida Katsina, the late Major General Shehu Yar’Adua, and his long years in politics, Atiku, according to observers, has continued to make costly mistakes. One of the wrong calculations is thinking that younger elements who are now governors on the platform of his party are not central to his quest to fulfil his presidential aspiration. Obviously, there is communication gap between them and his camp of old stalwarts.

    Also, the feeling that only the votes of the North can take him to Aso Villa is a fatal error of judgment.

    But, a Lagos PDP chieftain, Segun Adewale, believes that the former vice president is an asset and an experienced politican who can actually lead the party to victory.

    “Atiku has been contributing to the party for years. Atiku would have won in the 2023 presidential election. Anti-party activities are what led the PDP to where it is today, where people are suffering. PDP would have been in power after the 2023 elections,” he said.

    A stalwart, Dr. Ladan Salihu, who agreed with the assertion, rejected the governors’ views, warning that it is unconstitutional for the Forum to hijack the responsibilities of the National Executive Committee (NEC).

    He suported the push for coalition by Atiku, saying that it would boost the chance of opposition at the poll.

    However, Salihu who believes that Atiku will run again, also agreed that coalition should be the collective decision of the stakeholders. “Anything short of coalition will make President Bola Tinubu retain power in 2027,” he added.

    Also, the Ogun State PDP chairman, Abayomi Tella, who supported zoning, said the governors’ suggestion may not be final because there would be room for further discussions.

    If Atiku throws his hat in the ring in 2027, it will be his seventh attempt. In 1992, he vied on the platform of the proscribed SDP. But he was asked to step down for the late Chief Moshood Abiola by his sponsor, Gen. Yar’Adua. Although he bargained for the slot of running mate, it also eluded him.

    As the acclaimed face of Yar’Adua’s Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM), he paired with President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as running mate. In 2003, he made a futile attempt, which also became a factor in the feud between him and his former boss.

    His third attempt was in 2007, when as the candidate of ACN, he ran against Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua, younger brother of his late mentor and leader. Atiku also struggled in 2011 at the PDP primary, but lost the ticket to President Goodluck Jonathan.

    In 2015, he competed for the ticket in the APC, but President Muhammadu Buhari was preferred. After that, he retraced his steps to PDP, got the ticket in 2019 and lost to Buhari at the general election. Due to his penchant for defecting at will, he was labelled as an inconsistent politican.

    Undaunted, he also ran against President Tinubu in 2023, but without success.

    By 2027, Atiku will be 81 years. The question is: can he get the PDP ticket? If not, what are the options available to him?

    Can Atiku build an opposition without PDP?

    Some analysts contend that Atiku cannot be underrated because he has the clout. An experienced politican, he exploited the ethnic sentiments during the 2022 presidential primary of the PDP, ralling behind him morthern leaders who mounted pressure on delegates from the zone to give their votes to him. Suddenly, a presidential aspirant, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, withdrew from the race and teamed up with him. The former Sokoto State governor  was later described by the former national chairman, Senator Iyorcha Ayu, as the hero of the convention.

    But Atiku could not penetrate the G5 – the aggrieved five governors – who mounted a stiff opposition to his candidature and tilted support to the APC. The same scenario appears to be playing out now. Indeed, Atiku of 2003, who was popular among the members of the National Assembly and loved by PDP governors, is facing a difficult popularity test before the latter-day PDP Governors’ Forum. In the past, he was perceived as a bridge builder of sorts with tentacles across the regions. But, now largely perceived as a serial defector and man of shifting loyalty, that image of inconsistency may be an albatross for him in certain quarters of the party.

    A chieftain, Nyesom Wike, who said Atiku is not an option, alleged that he does not keep to his words. It is evident in the way he opted for Ben Obi instead of Tinubu, and Ifeanyi Okowa instead of Wike as running mates in 2007 and 2023. Thus, there is a damage to trust.

    In addition, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister said his view on power rotation has made him to offend pro-zoning crusaders who loathe any attempt to malign, marginalise and exclude their zones, particularly the South.

    If Atiku defects from the PDP, it is not new. In 2006/7, he left the party for the ACN. He returned to PDP, to the consternation of Tinubu/Akande/Osoba forces, who offered him a refuge and shielded him fron Obasanjo’s arrows. Atiku also later left the PDP for ACN (APC), contested and lost the presidential primary, and went back to PDP.

    Although he rode to political stardom on the wings of Yar’Adua, he has not exhibited the traits of a poweful  and resilient planner, organiser, mobiliser and strategist critical to the formation, nurturing and stability of personal structure and political party.

    While ACN revolved around the personality of Tinubu and CPC around Buhari, the former vice president has not been associated with a similar pathfinding initiative and action.

    His defection from PDP, if he leaves, would be tantamount to his rejection by the governors, who have now taken charge of the party. The negative impact of defection often manifests in the decimation or shrinkage of followership as some supporters may refuse to also jump ship as a matter of principle.

    There are puzzles: Atiku rode to Aguda House in Aso Villa as the arrowhead of the PDM. Where is the PDM today? Its core members are ageing, deserted by the stamina and vibrancy of old. Regeneration has not been contemplated by the inheritor of the legacy. The Peoples Front of Nigeria (PFN) was also founded by his mentor. It was a promising caucus held in awe and esteem. What became of it in post-Yar’Adua period?

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    It took Tinubu/Buhari/Onu almost a decade to build APC, can Atiku now build a new party between now and 2027 for his presidential ambition?

    Options for the gladiator:

    There are three options open to the eminent politician from Adamawa State. The first is to stay on in PDP as a founding father, open talks with the governors on his proposed merger or muster the strength, inspite of the predictable resistance, to fight and win the 2027 ticket.

    The second is for him to rally his depleting support base and float a new party for the realisation of his long standing ambition to rule the country.

    The third is to borrow an opposition party and mobilise other smaller parties to support his candidature under the guise of realignment, alliance or merger. Available for borrowing are SDP and Labour Party(LP), which is being torn apart by protracted leadership crisis.

    The three options, according to keen watchers, are challenging.

    The PDP governors appear determined to revamp the party, not for Atiku, who they disowned at Ibadan. But a window of opportunity can be exploited by the Atiku camp. The influence of the PDP Governors’ Forum on non-PDP states which are left in the cold like orphans have to be ascertained and assessed. Their delegates may be fascinated by a political leader ready to galvanise them.

    But how united are the PDP governors? A source said PDP governors from the South may not show absolute interest in a 2027 calculation that leaves out consideration for zoning or power rotation, which the South may not be willing to compromise or sacrifice. This tallies with the view of the Lagos PDP leader, Chief George, who insisted that Atiku’s ambition is not a priority. “How can we explain to our people that the South should not have its eight years in Aso Rock? Don’t we have people who can run for president from the South?”he asked.

    According to the source, the governors are also divided over the speculated presidential ambition of Bala Mohammed of Bauchi, who refused to step down for Atiku during the 2022 primary, despite the persistent pressures of influential northern leaders.

    Indisputably, some PDP governors have demonstrated open admiration for President Tinubu’s style of political accommodation. Lauding the president recently, Governor Umo Eno described him as a great leader. “Tinubu will do eight years and we will stand by him,” he added.

    Party insiders also confide that governors of Plateau and Enugu are gravitating towards the president in varying degrees.

    Former Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido described Tinubu as a formidable, daring and adept politician, who cannot be ousted, warning that a person who overcame multiple hurdles to get to the highest office will not allow power to slip from him.

    Already, the main party has technically lost Wike, Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), to the ruling party. Although he may campaign at other layers of elections in 2027 for PDP, the party can only expect him to support its presidential flag bearer in vain.

    The cracks in the PDP may be to the advantage of APC in the long run. The trouble is compunded by the lack of leadership, which Atiku, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, former Vice President Namadi Sambo, Damagum and even the BoT cannot offer.

    Fayose, former PDP governor of Ekiti State, who said Atiku and the PDP governors are fighting for their survival, pointed out the governors do not need Atiku to survive.

    He also said the proposed alliance mooted by Atiku is a figment of imagination. “Atiku cannot step down for Obi. Obi cannot step down for Atiku. They cannot make sacrifice. How can the alliance work?” he queried.

    As an observer put it, a further crack in the PDP, particularly among the governors, would leave the governors with the option of regressing to their states, with limited commitment to PDP at the centre. “The know the value of alliance. The only reason they are shying away is Atiku,” he said.

    Can APC afford to sleep on guard?

    The ruling party is sensitive to the gradual realignment of forces. First to jump ship was El-Rufai, who was dropped from the ministerial list, despite his high hopes. Although he and Atiku parted ways in 2006, when the former vice president was indicted by a ministerial panel headed by the former FCT minister, interests appear to be aligning.

    El-Rufai is an effecive campaigner with a huge capacity for persuasion and propaganda. He is the major defector from APC, and from the CPC corner. His is in SDP, where he is being suspected because of his domineering posture. Although he had hinted that more CPC folks would also defect, none, so far, has followed suit. But a lot of consultation and wooing is going on undeground.

    A major setback is that the founder of the CPC, elderstatesman Buhari, though in retirement, has categorically said that he will remain in APC. Sources said some of his former ministers may, like El-Rufai, opt out for personal reasons. Shehu Malami, former Attorney-General and Justice Minister and his Communications and Digital Economy counterpart, Isa Pantami may bid farewell to APC.

    When Buhari was President,  Malami and the cabal equated the bloc to the APC.  But now that Tinubu of the ACN bloc is President, they are battling with fading influence. In the build up to the 2023 primary, there was no evidence that Malami worked for Tinubu. It was speculated that the lawyer wanted to succeed Buhari or at the worst, be a running mate to Godwin Emefiele, governor of Central Bank, who was said to be interested in the race. According to the sources, SDP may be their next point of call.

    But the snag is that without Buhari, the potential defectors are not up to lightweights.

    However, the visit by El-Rufai and his new club to Buhari, a man who once submitted  that he was for everybody, but not for anyone, had made some APC leaders to be go back to the drawing board. Analysts said it is in acknowledgement of the symbolic 12 million votes, which has made the Daura-born a factor in national politics in the past.

    APC National Secretary Dr. Ajibola Basiru took a spite at the CPC delegation to Buhari, describing them as idle, indolent political jobbers who are chasing shadows. “APC is not threatened,” he said.

     Although there is no correlation between the visit of APC leaders to Obasabjo in 2014 and the subsequent electoral victory of the party in the 2015 presidential poll, APC leaders are not willing to leave anything to chances ahead of 2027.

    Through their correspondent visit to Buhari in Kaduna, in greater numbers that dwarfed and intimidated their rivals, they succeeded in drumming home the point that the CPC bloc is still intact in APC and loyal to the President.

    A prominent member of the caucus, Sumaila Kawu, chided El-Rufai for projecting his personal affair as group interest, clarifying that he left APC because he was not considered for ministerial job. He said Tinubu assisted the leader of the group, Buhari, to win in 2015 and 2019, adding that one good turn deserves another.

    During the visit, the CPC bloc laid to rest the rumour of a planned defection, reiterated their support for Tinubu and pledged their loyalty to the ruling party. The communique was signed by 20 prominent members, including former Nasarawa State CPC  Governor Tanko Al-Makura, former Katsina State Governor Aminu Masari and former Education Minister Adamu Adamu

    Other signatories are Senator Ibrahim Musa, Senator Mustafa Salihu, Farouk Adamu Aliyu, Almajiri Geidam, Waziri Bulama, Dr. Nasiru Ladan Argungu, Dr. Dominic Alancha, Ayuba Balami, Osita Okechukwu, Chief Okoi Obono-Obla, Lucy Ajayi, Captain Bala Jibrin, Uche Ufearoh, Alh. Yusuf Salihu, Abubakar Maikudi, Mutallib Badmus, Alh. Muhammed Ahmed Datti, Muhammed Etsu, Chief Jerry Johnson and Alhaji Alkali Ajikolo.

    The statement reads: “We, the undersigned leaders and committed members of the former CPC, who were part of those instrumental in the historic merger that gave birth to the APC, hereby issue this statement to clarify our unalloyed loyalty to our great party and express firm solidarity with the administration of President Tinubu.

    “Recent misleading narratives suggesting a defection or disaffection among CPC stakeholders are false, mischievous, and should be ignored.

    “We remain integral to the APC and are fully aligned with its leadership and vision. We stand firmly with the APC. We wish to state categorically that we have neither left the APC nor do we intend to leave.

    “The CPC bloc remains one of the legacy foundations of the APC, and we are resolute in our commitment to the party and its progressive ideals.

    “The APC is our collective project: As part of the legacy parties that formed the APC, we take pride in the sacrifices made to build a platform that promotes national unity, justice, and development.

    “We will not allow some people to dismantle the party we helped to build through years of tireless work and dedication.

    “We reject the politics of division and desperation. Attempts to create disunity within the party and the country do not reflect the will or position of the genuine CPC core members, and it is unacceptable.

    We support President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda. We align ourselves fully with the economic and governance reforms being undertaken by President Bola Tinubu. Though challenging, these policies are necessary steps to rebuild our economy and secure a better future for all Nigerians.”

    But, the CPC bloc also noted the complaints of the aggrieved defector. Therefore, it called for the resolution of internal discontent through due process, and better engagement and communication by the party leadership.

    The statement added: “While we acknowledge that some party members may feel sidelined, we emphasise that such grievances are not exclusive to any one bloc. We advise those concerned to seek redress through constitutional channels within the party and not to resort to negative public agitation or hasty exits from the party.

    “Our democracy and party must be strengthened, not weakened. At this critical point in Nigeria’s democratic journey, it is imperative for all APC members—especially those with deep roots in the party’s formation—to work together to preserve its legacy and help consolidate Nigeria’s democracy.

    “We must avoid actions that erode our unity and the stability of the nation. We call on the leadership of the APC to scale up engagement with members across all levels. Strengthening internal communication will reduce tension, foster inclusiveness, and enhance support for the party’s programs. Party unity must be nurtured continuously in order to sustain the gains and to secure the future.

    “The CPC family remains a vital pillar of the APC and will continue to play a responsible role in its growth and the progress of Nigeria.”

    Former Minority Leader of the House of Representatives, Farouk Aliyu, said those spreading the rumour that the bloc will quit are mischievous.

    He also described former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai as a “ bitter and selfish politician.”

    “It is not true; there is nothing like members of the defunct CPC wanting to move out of APC. Our certificate, the certificate of CPC, was part of what formed APC. So, how can we leave? To go where? This is our party,” he emphasised.

    Aliyu, who clarified that Buhari did not endorse El-Rufai’s defection, urged the APC leadership to engage all blocs in the party to prevent competition and disunity before the next poll.

    He added: “Politics is about engagement. Politics is about the interests of groups, people and so on.

    “That is what we are saying: engage more; not only with people from the defunct CPC, but even from the PDP, so that in 2027, there will be less competition.”

    While few may be leaving APC, many are defecting to the party from the opposition parties, including PDP, LP and New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). They include state and federal lawmakers, chairmen of boards and other actors. Others stay in their parties, but extend support to Tinubu. An example is Ekiti PDP leader Fayose, who is unapologetic about his support for the president.

    Is SDP beautiful bride?

    With two senators and a few other elected public officials in few states, SDP is augmenting its deficiency by noise making in the media. The party is being galvanised by its former presidential candidate, Adebayo Adewole, a rich lawyer and businessman with a gift of the garb.

    SDP structures are not strong across the states and efforts to package it as the incarnate of Abiola’s SDP of Third Republic has been futile.

    However, like the LP, the SDP can become another borrowed platform where salvos can be fired at the ruling party.

    A gap in the membership composition of SDP now is lack of similarity of ideas. What the new defectors stand for contrasts sharply with the puritanical posture of old SDP members, who canvass the cleansing of the morally, economically and politically decadent society.

    The deep suspicious is rooted in the clear belief that those defecting into the fold only requre a temporary refuge and platform for bargaining in 2027.  Yet, their defection would compel the harmonisation of structures for the purpose of accommodating them as joiners.

    SDP National Secretary Dr. Olu Agunloye, described El-Rufai as an intelligent person; an achiever. But he said his motivation for defecting should be scrutinised. “The key issue is not about how to welcome or celebrate him but what he is bringing on the table and what his motives and programmes are,” he added.

    Adewole, who is also ambivalent about the worth of defection, said: “The issue is that I see him as an asset, as a hard-working person and he has a verifiable and measurable track record of public performance. What I believe is that he has his weaknesses which he needs to work on. But I am not his mentor or therapist.

    “What I know is that Nigerians have a bird’s eye view of el-Rufai. They will consider some of the comments he’s made and some other aspects. Overall, Nigerians will say: ‘Here is a very good public servant.”

    Kwankwaso and NNPP:

    The influence of NNPP is not beyond Kano State, the base of its leader, former Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso. The party is maintaining its hold on that stronghold when its founder remains a crowd puller. But further membership drive is shallow as the party has not been able to extend its tentacles to other states.

    Kwankwaso is still nursing a presidential ambition. Some party insiders believe that if he returns to the APC early enough, he has prospects after the second term of Tinubu, when power automatically shifts to the North. Any alliance with Atiku leaves the Kano kingpin with nothing because both of them are pursuing presidential ambitions. The possibility of Kwankwaso accepting to be running mate to Obi is also remote, a source said.

    Scores of NNPP members have defected recently to the APC, following the campaign for the enlargement of coast by Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, who has embarkedon an aggressive membership drive for the party.

    The Kwankwaso factor has endured and any alliance with the party by APC will boost its chances in 2027.

    NNPP is incapable of solely installing Kwankwaso as president.

    LP in distress:

    LP sprang surprise in 2023 presidential election when its candidate, Obi, through the support of scattered ‘Obidients,’ polled over six million votes. Social media warriors hailed the feat, saying that a third force had emerged in national politics.

    Largely perceived as a ‘structureless’ party, the party shocked observers. This is Obi’s source of motivation as he gazes at 2027.

    However, the party is now fractionalised and rudderless, with the three factions – Julius Abure, National Careraker Committee (NCC) headed by Senator Esther Nenadi-Usman and Lamidi Apapa – working at cross purposes. The three factions are interpreting the recent Supreme Court judgment in ways that suit them.

    Nenadi-Usman’s interim leadership, backed by the lone LP governor, Alex Otti of Abia State, has taken over the control of the party, although Abure still holds on to the key of the party’s national secretariat.

     The position of LP founder, the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), is that Abure’s tenure has expired. But, Apapa, Deputy National Chairman (South), who made a futile effort to  summon the NWC meeting during the week, is kicking. Citing the inexplicable judgement, he is laying claim to leadership, which he believes was vacated by Abure.

    Already, the leadership squabble is taking its toll on the Anambra chapter where Abure and Usman conducted parallel governorship primaries that threw up two candidates – George Moughalu and Jude Umejiego.

    To Presidential aide David Bwala, the unresolved crisis in LP is an indictment of Obi, a person who wants to rule the country, but cannot manage the party that should serve as vehicle to power.

    Unless LP puts its house in order, it may not be an attractive merger or coalition partner. Other bigger parties may, therefore, seek coalition or alliance with the lone governor on its platform, and not the party as a group.

  • Rivers: The inevitability of emergency rule

    Rivers: The inevitability of emergency rule

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu yesterday wielded the big stick in a bid to restore order into the state of pandemonion in Rivers. He took a constitutional step in the interest of the Southsouth state and the country.

    The government of Siminalayi Fubara was suspended for the initial period of six months. This means that the emergency rule can be extended, if the combatants fail to learn their lessons.

    The House of Assembly will also be sealed for half of the year. It is a sad day for popular rule in the oil-rich state.

    But, the presidential decision was taken as a last resort to prevent the likely slide into violence. The people have to be protected. Violence, which had manifested in pipeline destruction by militants, had to be halted. The rule of law, which had been tampered with, had to be restored. The fighters had to be seperated, one way or the other, following the collapse of reconciliation between the two sides.

    As the two elephants – Fubara and Nyesom Wike, Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), fought, the grass suffered. The state was polarised. The elders took sides and fuel the acrimony and grievances.

    Yet, the declaration of a state of emergency became the saving grace for Fubara and his deputy, who were facing impeachment charges. It also temporarily took the burden off the House of Assembly, led by Speaker Martins Amaewhule, because of the roadblocks ahead. The 27 lawmakers wanted to take a pound of flesh. But was evident that the impeachment would not be easy. It could have led to bloodshed, judging by the flexing of muscles on both sides.

    Read Also; ​TIMELINE of Wike-Fubara fight, Rivers political crisis since 2023

    When the governor asked his people to wait for directives at the approoriate time, tension rose. Fear engulfed the state as the jungle was about to mature. Top security chiefs knew that problem was imminent. In averting doom, speed was required.

    The signs were ominous. The handwriting was bold on the wall. But, the governor could not decipher the looming disaster. It may be due to his limited political experience, despite been a topflight technocrat and a professional in his field of accounting.

    As at yesterday when a Navy Admiral was drafted to steer Rivers affairs, government and governance had broken down. Judging by the judgement of the Supreme Court, the State Executive Council was at half. Illegal commissioners who were never screened by the House of Assembly were assisting the governor in the day to day running of the state. Many other appointments requiring parliamentary screening, clearance and approval were made without recourse to the law and the due process.

    Also, Fubara was spending public funds without appropriation, contrary to the law. In the last two years, Rivers never had a budget. The budgets were illegally passed by an illegal four-member House of Assembly, led by a fake Speaker, Victor Oko-Jumbo.

    In fact, Fubara waged war against the parliament, a key institution of democracy, when he ordered its demolition. The salaries of lawmakers were withheld. For over a year, 27 state constituencies were denied representation in the House of Assembly.

    When the crisis was festering, President Tinubu waded into the imbroglio. He proposed a peace pact, which was jettisoned. Fubara described the resolutions as mere advisory, saying that they were not biding. The opportunity for amicable resolutions through concessions, abnegatiin, sacrifice and guarded consensus was bungled.

    Also, Wike never sheathed his swords. Inflammatory statements coming from both sides heated up the state. The survival of the state became secondary to the top leaders of Rivers political who elevated personal interests over collective interests.

    The warriors had no option than to return to the court. According to the Supreme Court, Fubara had become a lawless governor, whose executive lawlessness had become a threat to democracy.

    At that stage, a wiser governor, who had become vulnerable, would have swallowed his pride and become less inflexible and more condescending.

    But, ego and executive power drew a wool across the eyes of the chief executive, unmindful that, without the exercise of widsom, power could be transcient and temporarily slip away.

    The emergency rule is not the end of the matter. Unless the core politicians in Rivers change their recalcitrant attitude, the future is gloomy.

    The lessons are instructive. Beneficiaries of power should desist from plunging their states into predecessor-successor crises. Also, there is need for restraint and moderation. Political crises that festers are not dictated by public interest. They are manifestations of badly managed political relationships.

    Fubara, the lawmakers and their leader, Wike,should know that they may still need to work together after the emergency rule. If there is no truce after six months, the emergency rule can be extended.

    The combatants should give concessions, build consensus, strive at an accord and work for concord  in the interest of democracy and their states.

  • 2027 and realignment of forces

    2027 and realignment of forces

    Ahead of 2027 general election, politicians are neck-deep in various permutations, proposing alliance talks and mobilising voters. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the calculations towards realignments, mergers and coalition-building.

    Politics is in the air, although the next general election is still two years away. The almost two year-old administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu is consolidating. But, internal opposition elements within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and contending leaders of the core rival parties – Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and Social Democratic Party (SDP) – are returning to the drawing board – seperately – to strategise.

    As from June, attention may shift to the 2027 calculations by political actors in a country that, traditionally, cannot set a line of demarcation or boundary, no matter how thin, between politics and governance.

    The ruling party is not sleeping on guard. Its leaders are working assiduously to enlarge its coast by wooing opposition figures, particularly in the state and national parliament where some PDP and LP lawmakers have defected, citing the multiple crises in the opposition camps as justification.

    There is a sort of miniature threat posed by some aggrieved and grumbling APC chieftains, who have tentatively lost out in the distribution of largesse by the Tinubu government, to the platform. The plot to decimate the ruling party has manifested in the defection of a foundation stalwart, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, former governor of Kaduna State, to the SDP.

    El-Rufai has ambition, like all politicians. Ahead of 2023 polls, he had his eyes on the Vice Presidency. Smart, clever, confident and fork-tongued, he started shifting loyalty. As a Muslim, he positioned himself as likely running mate to Christian presidential aspirants -Rotimi Amaechi, former governor of Rivers State, and his Ekiti State counterpart, Dr. Kayode Fayemi. He had fired salvos at Tinubu, describing him as a godfather who should be retired. He only shifted allegiance to the leading APC presidential candidate when he knew that he had overcome the odds.

    But, El-Rufai’s bid for the number two position collapsed. While avoiding a Muslim/Muslim ticket, President Tinubu settled for the hard, but objective option and survived the hues and cries. The former Kaduna State governor lost out when Senator Kashim Shetimma was picked as running mate.

    Since his name was also dropped from the ministerial list after attending screening at the Senate, El-Rufai has been predictably bitter. He said the distance between him and APC was widening.

    At the recent national conference on strengthening democracy,  he attacked the Tinubu administration,  describing the current state of governance and opposition in the country as a “national emergency.”

    He alleged lack of internal democracy within the APC, declaring that “mo party organ has met in two years—no caucus, no NEC, nothing. You don’t even know if it is a one-man show; it’s a zero-man show.” El-Rufai added: “You cannot afford to have illiterates, semi-illiterates, and cunning people as your leaders. This is why we end up with the poor leadership we have today. The problems that led to the formation of the APC remained unresolved, but I no longer believe the APC is interested in addressing them.”

    Setting a stage for jumping ship, he alleged personal and regional exclusion, threatening that the North, which, in his view,retains the numerical voting strength, would not endorse President Tinubu and APC at the poll.

    Prominent northerners, both in the APC and outside the party, disagreed with his assertion, saying that he merely expressed a personal opinion.

    The APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, former governor of Kano State, said his personal portrayal of collective northern perception and permutations paled into a figment of hyperactive imagination. “The North will not abandon President Tinubu and APC,” he added.

    El-Rufai is the first prominent defector from the party. While announcing his departure, he unfolded plans to rally the opposition to hijack power from the APC during the 2027 elections. The former Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT) whipped up sentiments, posing as a rallying point and champion of public interest.

    “I have now decided to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and adopt it as the platform for our future political engagements and activities.

    “Without prejudice to this decision, as a member of the SDP, I will focus on engaging with and persuading other opposition leaders and parties to join us and congregate under a unified democratic platform to challenge the APC in all elections and by-elections between now and 2027 by the grace of God,” he said.

    But, the National Secretary, Senator Ajibola Basiru, ruled out an imminent implosion in the ruling party, saying that APC will continue to wax stronger, in Kaduna and other states.

    Also, the Presidency dismissed the defection as a reaction to defeat. Spokesman David Bwala ponted out that it has no ideological underpinning, stressing that it is in exercise of constitutional right for the defense of self-interest.

    But, he predicted failure for the defector, saying: “We would intellectually remind you that associating with sore losers to unseat the incumbent is not an ideology. Neither is it progressivism. It is simply an inordinate ambition that is destined to fail.”

    According to observers, El-Rufai may be deficient in accurate self-assessment. His structure, which has been shrinking after leaving power, has further been decimated by his decision to quit APC. Many of his followers who have stakes in the party are not likely to follow him.

    Besides, he is labelled as a serial defector, who has crisis-crossed four parties – PDP, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), APC and SDP – in his bid for power and relevance.

    Apart from his loss of relevance in national politics, Kaduna, his base, is also hot for El-Rufai. A predecessor-successor crisis broke out, shortly after he handed over to Governor Uba Sani, who is popular because of his inclusive style of administration.

    Also, those he fought and chased out of the party in Kaduna State, including Senator Suleiman Hukunyi  whose house he demolished, Senator Shehu Sani whose renomination he blocked, and Danjuma La’ah, have all returned to the APC to team up with the governor against him. Also, his rival, former PDP Governor Ramalan Yero is now in APC.

    Read Also: The case for a Tinubu second term

    Currently, officials who served under El-Rufai as governor are facing allegation of embezzling N423 billion, which the House of Assembly is investigating. Others are being grilled by the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Matters Commission (ICPC).

    Kaduna APC Secretary, Yahaya Baba-Pate, said the chapter is unperturbed by El-Rufai’s defection.

    He said the former governor bade farewell to APC at a time high-profile politicians in the state are leaving their parties for the ruling party.

    Pate stressed: “We are unperturbed by former Governor Nasir El-Rufai’s defection to another party.

    Our main focus in Kaduna is on how to deliver the state to both President Bola Tinubu and Governor Uba Sani in 2027. The APC in Kaduna State is growing day by day, judging from the calibre of politicians streaming into the party on a daily basis.

    “So, we are not disturbed by anybody defecting to another party based on our governor’s inclusive governance in the state. We are not disturbed, and we are not going to lose our sleep over El-rufai’s moves. The party in the state is growing more than before.”

    Echoing the party secretary, another party chieftain, Mohammed Aliyu, said: “El-Rufai has no support base in Kaduna. The few people that are supporting him, are either his appointees when he was governor or those who benefit from contracts  by his government. So, his defection to the SDP, as far as I am concerned, is of no effect to the APC.”

    Some of El-Rufai’s potential collaborators have also faulted the timing of the defection. It underscored the lack of adequate consultation, proper brainstorming, synergy and agreement. For example, Salihu Lukman, former Northwest APC Vice Chairman, said although he anticipated the move, El-Rufai should have exercised more patience to allow coalition talks to be finalised.

    He added: “My expectation was that he should have been a bit patient for us to work as a group based on the current negotiation that is ongoing.”

    Sources said some former ministers, who served in the Buhari administration, are likely to follow suit, due to the “force of companionship.” El-Rufai has disclosed that their former leader, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, is aware of his defection. But a source said that the former leader, now in blissful retirement from politics, is not in a partisan position to frontally encourage former followers to stay on in the party or defect.

    Those being rummoured as potential defectors are Amaechi, former Governor Rauf Aregbesola of Osun State, Kayode Fayemi, and former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Malami (SAN).

    However, although Fayemi has reiterated his opposition to certain issues in the party, he said he would not abandon the party.

    “As I have had cause to state in the past, I am a card-carrying foundation member of the APC, and this position has not changed.” 

    The former Ekiti governor, however, alluded to what he desctibed as the growing dissatisfaction within the party, warning that the APC still had time to “change course” and embrace internal democracy and inclusivity before it was too late. 

    “While I have been at the vanguard of the demand for greater internal democracy and inclusion in the ruling party, I believe it is still not late for our party to change course and move towards greater inclusion and internal democracy,” Fayemi added. 

    Alliance dilemma:

    The history of Nigeria is replete with the activities of the opposition targetted at alliances, fusion, accord, mergers, and coalition, right from independence. Those moves affirmed the country as a potentially two-party state, despite its practice of multi-party presidential democracy.

    Of about seven concrete moves towards collaboration, only two – that of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC)/ National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) alliance of the First Republic and the fussion of the Action Congress of Nigeria (APC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), CPC, a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and n-PDP – were successfully. Despite that, there were deserters who retraced their steps to their former parties.

    The prolonged alliance talks that gave birth to APC followed a tedious process. It involved a lot of negotiations, concessions and consensus building. Tinubu, who spearheaded it, offered a great leadership, which was rare and unprecedented.

    In any coalition talk, the so-called like-minded parties are not of equal strength, giving rise to the dichotomy of senior and junior partners, or party founders, long standing members and joiners.

    A major strain or setback, usually, is mutual suspicion; mistrust and lack of confidence. Those factors thwarted the 1959 Action Group (AG)/NCNC alliance talk. As AG, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, sent a delegation to Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, leader of NCNC, Zik opened another another talk with NPC, which led to the formation of Balewa Government.

    By 1964, when a section of NCNC consummated another alliance with AG, it was weak. Despite the dissolution of NPC/NCNC alliance, NCNC federal ministers, including Chief Festus Okotie- Eboh (Finance) did not quit the government.

    In the Second Republic, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN)/Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP) accord broke down, two years after. Not all the NPP ministers resigned from the Shagari administration.

    In 1982, the proposed Progressives Parties Alliance ,(PPA) of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), NPP, Great Nigerian Peoples Party (GNPP) and the Imoudu faction of Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) collapsed over the choice of presidential candidate between Awo and Zik.

    In 1999, the emergency understanding between the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and APP, which made the two parties to project Olu Falae as presidential candidate on the platform of the APP did not achieve the desired results. The two parties went their seperate ways after the election.

    Also, the quest for a formidable third force was stalled. At a time, it was mooted by prominent rights activists, who later withdrew to their sheds.

    The Mega Social Democratic Party (MSDP) of mushroom parties that came together around 2006 was hugely unpopular. It collapsed.

    Also, the talks between LP and PDP ahead of 2023 presidential poll did not see the light of the day.

    Last year, a group, the League of Northern Democrats, floated by Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, former governor of Kano State, was going round the country. But its defect is the name. It lacks a national outlook. After some weeks of noise making, the group appears to have fizzled out.

    Friction among PDP, NNPP, LP

    Recently, alliance or coalition became a bone of contention among leaders of PDP, LP and NNPP. While former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, presidential candidate of the PDP in the last election, was said to have made overtures to Peter Obi of LP and Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso of NNPP, they dissociated themselves from the move.

    Emphasising the significance of coalition building, Atiku said: “Opposition parties must realise that it is extremely difficult to dislodge a governing party, however unpopular it may be and however fed up the people may be with it.

    “Coalition-building and outright mergers are critical for building the capacity of the opposition to achieve that goal.  Our own history and examples from other countries prove that.”

    The trio of Atiku, Kwankwaso and Obi were in PDP before. At various times, they defected, which means that they have grievances against the party. Only Atiku has been staying on in the party after retracing his steps.

    There are puzzles: What new thing can suddenly bring them together? Is merely fighting the APC led-Federal Government enough criterion?

    Kwankwaso, who ruled out the prospect of collaboration and power sharing deal with Atiku and Obi cited lack of trust as his reason. He dismissed it as a speculation; a ruse.

    Kwankwaso also said that he was not ready to fall for the unpardonable deception and antics of the PDP, which led to the defection of many big wigs from the platform. Without mentioning names, he alleged that some politicians, who never did anything tangible for the North, are working hard to manipulate sentiments across the northern states in a desperate bid for power in 2027.

    Kwankwaso even said any discussion on 2027 politics could distract the federal and state governments.

    He recalled that the desperate and selfish agenda of certain PDP leaders forced him and Obi  to leave the party. He pointed out that a similar scenario is being re-enacted in a bid to manipulate sentiments and corner the support of the North.

    Kwankwaso said: “I got information from sources purporting that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and I have met, but what I know is that nobody contacted me, and I have not spoken with Atiku.

    Speaking to a BBC Hausa language programme, the NNPP leader added: “I got information from sources purporting that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and I have met, but what I know is that nobody contacted me, and I have not spoken with Atiku.

    “Also, I have not spoken with Peter Obi because I have decided that until the end of this year (2024), it is better to allow state governments and the federal government to work for the people and apply their wisdom in governance.

    “The most annoying thing is that I heard from a source the latest I have heard that some people in the PDP told a group of about 45 (Islamic) scholars that there is a consensus that Atiku will rule for four years, Kwankwaso will subsequently rule for four years and Peter Obi, eight years; this is totally untrue; it is not true.

    “This has infuriated me: why is it that elder statesmen in their 70s and 80s will be spreading such lies to these scholars about something that has never existed?

    “Such statements and deceits were part of the things that made me and some other people leave the PDP, and now they have destabilised the party,” the former governor stated.”

    Kwankwaso, who recalled that the desperate and selfish agenda of certain PDP leaders forced him and people like Peter Obi, FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike and many others to leave the PDP, lamented that a similar scenario is now being re-enacted to manipulate sentiments and garner Arewa support.

    He stressed: “For me to accept any alliance arrangements, we have to go back to history; I understand the PDP in totality, I know that their plan is to procure a party or be beating about the bush in other parties, bringing us together to make northerners vote for them.

    “But what we are asking them is: ‘what have they done for the North before?’ These are the kind of things that will come into play.

    “To my mind, we have witnessed the worst humiliation from these people; we love the party, we wanted to rejig it so that we could all prosper, but they made us leave by force.

    “Kwankwaso left, Peter Obi left, Wike left and others left too, and there is no estimate of the number of those who left; yet they are the same people now coming to the fore, expressing interest in being made President (in 2027)

    “Even if all such persons can do now is express remorse or seek forgiveness, it won’t change the fact that people like him had been deceived and humiliated in the past.”

    Obi distanced himself from any proposed coalition with the PDP, saying: “I’m not interested in coalition for the purpose of power grabbing.”

    The former Anambra governor noted that past moves to evolve a coalition have been reduced to an exercise for power grabbing. He wondered why political leaders would allow the country to collapse in their desperation for political power.

    Obi said: “I am not interested in any coalition for the purpose of taking power. It is about discussing Nigeria, how we care about securing Nigeria, about the common people and their education. That is the most important thing in Nigeria for now.”

    More than Kwankwaso, Obi appears to be in a precarious situation. He is leaning on LP, a borrowed platform. The party is not in a position to respond to an offer of alliance. It is divided and weakened by leadership tussle between the national chairman. Julius Abure, and the National Caretaker Committee chairman, Senator Esther Nenadi Usman.

    The Obidient Movement, which is the main pillar and strength of Obi, has no footing in the party. Its members are scattered and not coordinated. There is nothing that can actually attract them to PDP.

    Besides, there is a clash of ambitions and egos. As an observer queried: “Can Atiku, who will be 81 years old in 2027, step down for Obi? Can he make the sacrifice? What would be the reaction of his followers?

    “Can Obi accept to be Atiku’s running mate again? Would that not be infuriating to the obedients who would demand nothing less than a presidential ticket? In the power sharing deal, what would be the place of the Kano power broker, Kwankwaso?

    SDP as merger springboard

    The current SDP contrasts sharply with the defunct Third Republic formidable SDP, which served as platform for the 1993 presidential ambition of the late Chief Moshood Abiola. Thus, according to analysts, the handlers of the SDP only indulge in name dropping by conveying the impression that it is an incarnate of the banned party.

    Since its birth under this dispensation, SDP has not been able to spring any surprise. Like the LP, it has largely been a borrowed platform, often hired by aggrieved politicians from the two leading parties – APC and PDP.

    In Yobe, protesting APC members have taken refuge in the party. In Ondo State, former Minister Dr. Olu Agunloye has been holding fort in the party. In Kogi State, it was adopted by an APC defector, Muritala Ajaka, for the last governorship election. In Osun State, it was the party that once accomodated PDP followers of Senator Iyiola Omisore. In Ekiti State, it was used as goverorship platform by Segun Oni, an engineer and former PDP governor. Before that election, a PDP elder and former Education Minister, Prof. Tunde Adeniran, sought refuge in the party.

    However, the temporary chieftains of SDP returned to their former parties.

    The most prominent SDP chieftain in the country today is Adebayo Adewole, a lawyer and businessman, who was its presidential candidate in 2023.

    He received the news of El-Rufai’s defection with a mixture of excitement and reservations. The Ondo-born politician described the former Kaduna State governor as a man of strength and weaknesses. He said the defector has to work on his weaknesses.

    Part of the weaknesses has led to the  perception of El-Rufai’s as a symbol of ethnic and religious bigotry in a plural country, whose previous remarks have sparked tension.

    In fact, Senator Shehu Sani, warned that El-Rufai may even create problems in SDP because of his domineering nature. He described the defector as a civilian dictator, who is guilty of his allegations against the APC.

    Sani said El-Rufai has no respect for internal democracy, recalling that when he was governor, the party chairman, secretary, elected local government chairmen and most of the elected public officials were handpicked by him. “I left APC because of him. If he returns to the APC, I will leave again,” he said.

    El-Rufai’s defection to the SDP means that the party has to immediately grapple with the challenge of harmonisation. A leadership tussle may ensure as the defection cannot play the second fiddle.

    Also, plans to invoke the spirit of Abiola for partisan gains by the latter-day politicians hibernating in the SDP may not fly. President Tinubu is more associated with the struggles of Abiola and the travails of democracy after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election more than today’s self-acclaimed defenders of popular rule.

    Buhari factor:

    El-Rufai’s projection, according to sources, is that the CPC segment of the APC, which is boasting that it still has in its pocket the ‘Buhari’s 12 million votes,’ may dump APC. The ‘cabal’ include core loyalists of the former president, who are outside government.

    The calculation is that as the toast of the North during his presidential pursuits, El-Rufai and others can hide under Buhari’s name to run a campaign against President

    But, on Thursday, Buhari reiterated his loyalty to the APC, on which platform he was elected president twice, saying that he has no plan to dump the party. This may be a big blow to the permutation.

    While a faction of the PDP segment in APC, led by Amaechi, may make an adventorous journey to SDP, malcontent chieftains of the ACN segment of APC, including Ibikunle Amosun, former governor of Ogun State, and Aregbesola, may offer SDP lobbyists a listening ear.

    Already, former Governor Sule Lamido of Jigawa State is in contact with Aregbesola over collaboration talks. In Lagos, unconfirmed sources said former PDP governorship candidate Jide Adediran was being wooed by SDP. But another source said he has been taken to the APC National Leader in Abuja. During the 2023 poll, Adediran, fondly called Jandor by supporters, came third, trailing Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of APC and Chinedu Gbadebo Viviour of LP.

    In Ekiti, wooing Fayemi for SDP would be difficult. A source said:”Fayemi enjoys popularity as one of the pillars of APC in this state, and the home situation does not favour the defection of our leader. Our leader may be complaining about exclusion in Abuja. But here in Ekiti, there is inclusion under the leadership of Governor Biodun Oyebanji, who is a loyalist of our respected leader, Dr. JKF.”

    The most laughable step taken by El-Rufai in the Southwest is his consultation with the vocal APC chieftain, lawyer and popular cleric, Pastor Tunde Bakare. In 2011, when he paired with Buhari as running mate, the outing was not impressive. Two years ago, he boasted that he would succeed Buhari as the 16th president. But during the APC presidential primary, Bakare did not score a single vote. He presides over a big church, no doubt. But he lacks a formidable political structure.

    NNDP’s search for allies:

    NNPP lays claim to Kano State and nothing more. In other states, it only maintains skeletal presence. But the attribute of Kano is that its votes can dwarf the votes of three smaller states in the South.

    The implication is that Kwankwaso has a bargaining power. However, the constraint is that he may not be disposed to any association or collaboration that may rob him of a presidential ticket in 2027.

    Kwankwaso’s best bet, in the final analysis, is the APC, where he can team up with his erstwhile political compatriots to deliver a second term to Tinubu, with the hope of an opportunity to thrown his hat in the presidential ring in the future.

    It is noteworthy that despite attacking APC as a party, Kwankwaso has not personally attacked Tinubu, who was senator when he was deputy speaker of House of Representatives in the Third Republic. Until after 2015, Kwankwaso was a respected chieftain of APC.

    SDP/Southeast collaboration?

    Can SDP make an in-road into the Southeast? Despite the region’s bloc votes for Obi in 2023, it is evident that he needs help beyond his LP. If LP survives its leadership crisis, it is possible that the party would be open for alliance talks.

    Without aligning with other formidable parties, LP may not be a viable platform in 2027. It may regress to what it was prior to 2023; a borrowed platform, ‘a use and dump,’  a special purpose vehicle for rentage by interested politicians.

    LP faces two internal challenges that constitute distractions. Its founder, the Political Council of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), is at loggerheads with its leadership. Also, the party is factionalised. Although the Abure leadership is strengthened by the court pronouncement, the verdict has not restored unity and cohesion. The NWC and the lone LP governor, Alex Otti of Abia State, who is the backbone of the caretaker committee, are working at cross purpose.

    PDP and merger, coalition challenge

    Atiku desperately needs alliance, as he warms up for the presidential race, perhaps, for the last time. But, his party is currently in disarray, torn apart by protracted leadership squabbles.

    If the FCT Minister, Chief Nyesom Wike, continues to have his hold on the main opposition party, Atiku may consider leaving the fold. Since pro-Wike forces in the “G5” succeeded in shoving the former national chairman, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu, aside, the control of the party had slipped from the hands of Atiku, who is one of the oldest and active foundation chieftains. The influence of Wike on the key party officers is to the discomfort of the former vice president 

    Instructively, in the last two years,no notable politician has defected to the PDP. Analysts contend that it may be due to its lack of politics of accommodation.

    However, if Atiku gets hold of the PDP National Working Committee (NWC), as he is working hard to achieve, the game will change. One of the scenarios being built by observers is that Wike may become a casualty of intra-party power shift. He may be expelled from the PDP. The stage is being set for that. On Thursday  the PDP Disciplinary Committee, lef by former Senate President Adolphus Wabara,recommended the expulsion of Wike’s crony, Senator Samuel Anyanwu, who is battling in court to keep his position as the National Secretary.

    Also, on Thursday, Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, who is believed to be nursing a presidential ambition, contacted Obi for an alliance.

    APC and realignment

    The ruling party is waxing stronger. It is receiving defectors from the opposition parties, extending tentacles and building on the incumbency factor.

    A master strategist, with long years of experience, President Tinubu, as the National Leader, has been able weave the ruling party together. He has repositioned the platform in a way that can make it to weather the storm and withstand the anticipatory stress of electioneering.

    To the opposition, the President, a source said, is also accessible. A democrat, he has not ruled with an iron hand. His government is on course, living to expectation and fulfilling its campaign promises across the sectors, despite the challenges. Thus, the administration retains credibility and legitimacy.

    A party source said: “It is not the opposition alone that is interested in alliance. Our leaders have also embarked on aggressive membership drive, talking to politicians who have clout. We are committed to the second term project, based on zoning to the South and micro-zoning to the Southwest, after which power will automatically return to the North.”

  • El-Rufai in SDP’s ship: will it berth at the shore?

    El-Rufai in SDP’s ship: will it berth at the shore?

    The Social Democratic Party is still in the euphoria of having Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, the immediate past governor of Kaduna state in its fold, though their gameplay is kept to their chest.  The party has spoken of its capacity to turn the political tide as 2027 approaches. Will this ship contain the decampee’s purpose of wrestling power from the ruling party? Assistant Editor Emmanuel Badejo reports.

     A lot is happening in the polity, especially in the national political arena. It is barely two years since the incumbent, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC), took the reins of governance. And whether he will decide to run to succeed himself or not is yet to be known. Nevertheless several alignments and realignments are going on within the political circle to the benefit of all major political parties.

    Three political parties – APC, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the Labour Party (LP) ruled the political atmosphere heralding Tinubu’s presidency. While the APC, being the party at the centre, has received more defectors in the last two years than others.

    On Monday, an unpopular Social Democratic Party (SDP), went into frenzy when the immediate past governor of Kaduna state, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, announced his resignation from the ruling party and entry into SDP. El-Rufai’s defection didn’t come to his party and political watchers as a surprise as he had earlier decried the running of the APC and threatened to defect. He had complained about some policies of the party on the pages of newspapers. “APC has left me,” he declared a month ago, hinting about his next move.” However, many pundits have expressed surprise at his choice of party – the SDP, which came fourth in the 2023 presidential election.

    Why I left APC, El-Rufai

    Like other parties, the APC, is not without its internal issues.  One of the persons that had felt dissatisfied with the ruling party is El-Rufai, who had accused his former political family of lacking internal democracy.

    In a statement on Monday titled “Onwards to the Future,” El-Rufai said the APC had deviated from the vision of its founding members, making it impossible for him to remain.

    The statement reads, “As a founding member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), I have fond memories of working with other compatriots to negotiate the merger of   political parties that created the APC. It had been my hope since 2013 that my personal values and that of the APC will align up to the time I choose to retire from politics.

    “Developments in the last two years confirm that there is no desire on the part of those who currently control and run the APC to acknowledge, much less address, the unhealthy situation of the party.

    “On my part, I have raised concerns in private and, more recently, in public regarding the capricious trajectory of the party. Therefore, at this point in my political journey, I have come to the conclusion that I must seek another political platform for the pursuit of the progressive values I cherish.

    “Founders rightly feel attached towards institutions they helped create, but one must be pragmatic enough to admit when a divergence appears unbridgeable. I have diligently served the APC and made my contributions to its viability as a political platform but recognize that the party has since strayed and left me stuck in the vision of its well-meaning founding fathers and mothers.

    Read Also: Presidency: Tinubu not worried about 2027, focused on economy

    “As a loyal party man, I worked to help secure the APC’s election victories in 2015, 2019 and 2023. I was one of the many governors elected on the party’s platform in 2015 and 2019 that stood for certain democratic and progressive principles to advance nation-building.

    “My eight-year tenure in Kaduna State was devoted to implementing progressive policies to advance human development in education and healthcare, as well as expand infrastructure, promote equality of opportunity, create jobs and attract investments. These records count for little in the current APC that has castrated its organs and treated its membership with contempt in the last two years. I find this no longer acceptable.

    “Today, the 10th of March 2025, I have submitted a letter resigning my membership of the APC to my ward in Kaduna, effective immediately. Subsequent to this, I had concluded consultations with my mentors, colleagues and loyalists alike about the future, and have decided to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP), and adopt it as the platform for our future political engagements and activities.

    “Without prejudice to this decision, as a member of the SDP, I will focus on engaging with and persuading other opposition leaders and parties to join us and congregate under a unified democratic platform to challenge the APC in all elections and bye-elections between now and 2027 by the Grace of God.”

    El-Rufai added: “I therefore call on all our supporters and other persons concerned about our country’s future to join us in the SDP in the journey towards making Nigeria flourish as a beacon of pride for Africans and the Black Race.”

    If the tone of his letter is anything to go by, it suggests that the SDP will be used as a vehicle to galvanise other politicians to forge a common opposition against the APC.

    Rise to stardom

    El-Rufai, a first class graduate of quantity surveying from the Ahmadu Bello University has been in the corridor of power for almost 30 years. He first tasted power when former military Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar appointed him as an economic advisor in 1998.

    Through the influence of the then vice president, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, President Olusegun Obasanjo later appointed El-Rufai as the inaugural Director, Bureau of Public Enterprises and Secretary of the National Council of Privatisation where he spearheaded the privatisation of government owned corporations under the supervision of Atiku.

    In July 2003, when he was appointed the FCT Minister, he insisted on the implementation of the original masterplan. With the establishment of the Abuja Geographic Information System, the federal capital became the first municipality in Nigeria with a computerised land register and information system.

    After El-Rufai’s appointment was approved by the Senate, he alleged that former Deputy Senate President Ibrahim Mantu and Senator Jonathan Zwingina asked for a $414,000 bribe before his nomination as a minister was approved. Both senators denied the accusation.

    El-Rufai had a running battle with the Senate over allegations of exorbitant salaries paid to his staff without approval.

    As FCT Minister, El-Rufai demolished 945 buildings and settlements in a bid to sanitise the territory. The residence of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Chairman, Senator Ahmadu Ali, in Asokoro, built over a water trunk line, was not spared.

    At the twilight of the administration, El-Rufai presided over a ministerial/administrative panel which indicted his former boss, Atiku.  This made some loyalists of Atiku to accuse him of treasury and subversion of his benefactors.  Obviously, he had fallen out with his principal and aligned with Obasanjo.

    His political journey

    El-Rufai joining the SDP is the fourth political platform that he would have been associated with publicly since the return to civilian rule in 1999.

    His first port of call was the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) when President Olusegun Obasanjo emerged as President, after the June 12 debacle that lasted for six years with grave implications for national unity, progress and stability.

    In 2011, he became a member of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) after his return from exile.

    In 2013/14, he aligned with the APC, served as governor of Kaduna state 2015 to 2023.  He was nominated as a minister, but it was said that he failed security screening.  For that reason, his name was dropped. Now, he has ported as they say in common parlance to the SDP.

    Mixed reactions

    Adewole Adebayo, the 2023 presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), has described the new addition to the party, Nasir El-Rufai, as an asset with a proven track record of exemplary public service.

    Adebayo extolled the intellectual sagacity of El-Rufai, a two-term ex-governor of Kaduna State, but said the former minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) has some weaknesses to work on.

    “The issue is that I see him as an asset, as a hard-working person and he has a verifiable and measurable track record of public performance,” the SDP chieftain said on national television a few hours after he made his defection plan known.

    “What I believe is that he has his weaknesses which he needs to work on but I am not his mentor or therapist.

    “What I know is that Nigerians have a bird’s eye view of El-Rufai, they will consider some of the comments that he’s made and some other aspects. Overall, Nigerians will say: ‘Here is a very good public servant.”

    Adebayo said El-Rufai was welcomed into the SDP. He said, “Nigeria is diverse and you will find patriots on all sides. It doesn’t mean that if you narrow the discussion to particular areas, I will agree with Nasir El-Rufai on many of them but I agree with the fact that he is a hard-working person and a highly intelligent person.”

    Adebayo said it took some engagements to get El-Rufai to dump the APC and join the SDP. He said the SDP won’t accept some of the ideas that the former Kaduna governor has been used to over the years.

    He said, “The idea of the SDP is that if you are going to be in charge of Nigeria, you need to persuade people; El-Rufai did not run or crash into our party; we had discussions with him, we had ideological interactions, and even now, there are works in progress – some of his ideas that he is used to over the years, the SDP will not accept, and we are working on that.

    “But my welcome note to him is to say: this is the place you can come to; not that he is fit for every job in the SDP, or every position in the SDP but with time, because he has intellectual curiosity, he has the ability to test ideas and he knows that we are very strong when it comes to social services and social intervention; we don’t believe that you have to privatise everything – we believe that some should be left to the government.

    “Don’t be surprised that you’ll hear in two weeks’ time, or in two months’ time, that Adebayo and El-Rufai disagree vehemently on an issue in SDP.

    Reacting to El-Rufai’s defection, Daniel Bwala, a spokesperson for the Bola Tinubu administration, dismissed the move as a desperate attempt to unseat the incumbent.

    In a statement on X, Bwala questioned El-Rufai’s political ideology, saying, “Senior, @elrufai . I read the news today that you resigned from APC to join SDP. Well, I have nothing against you because you exercised your constitutional right.

    “However, the motive is what we would interrogate in the coming days and reminds Nigerians that you are not a phenomenon that emerged like a clap of thunder out of a blue sky.

    “We would intellectually remind you that associating with sore losers to unseat the incumbent is not an ideology, neither is it progressivism; it is simply an inordinate ambition that is destined to fail.”

    A former APC National Vice-Chairman (North West) of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Salihu Lukman, has described former Kaduna State Governor Nasir el-Rufai’s defection to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as too hasty.

    Mr Lukman, a political ally of El-Rufai and former National Working Committee (NWC) member of APC, expressed concern that the former governor’s defection could disrupt ongoing negotiations for a broader political coalition ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    Although he stated that El-Rufai’s defection had been anticipated, he, however, said that he should have exercised more patience to allow coalition talks to be finalised.

    While acknowledging El-Rufai’s right to political association, the former APC chieftain warned that the timing of his defection might have unintended consequences for opposition realignments.

    Senator Shehu Sani has downplayed El-Rufai’s defection, saying the move won’t impact the ruling party’s fortune in the coming elections billed for 2027.

    Sani, who is also from Kaduna like El-Rufai, believes the former Minister of the FCT holds no political relevance.

    “Well, first of all, for those of us from Kaduna state, it [his defection] is a good riddance because he stands as a liability to the party in the state,” the former Kaduna Central senator said recently on a national television citing the APC’s losses under El-Rufai.

    “I can back this with facts. In 2015, APC had two senators. By 2023, all the senatorial zones were taken over by PDP. Out of the 14 House of Representatives seats in Kaduna State, by the time he left [office as governor], almost nine of the seats were won by PDP, two by the Labour Party, and then three by APC. With him as a governor, the APC also lost the presidential election in Kaduna state.”

    Likely politicians to align…

    Sources indicate that former Kaduna governor is also working to reconcile Atiku with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the leader of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), in an attempt to merge opposition forces into a formidable alliance. The coalition is expected to attract former governors and ex-ministers eager to challenge the APC’s dominance.

    According to insiders, some aggrieved chieftains of the APC like Abubakar Malami, former attorney general of the federation (AGF), and Abdullahi Adamu, former national chairman of the APC, among other leaders of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), which merged into the APC in 2015, may leave the APC in the coming months.

    Similarly, pundits say El-Rufai’s defection to the SDP may just be part of ongoing plan to form a broad alliance of opposition politicians to challenge the incumbent President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

    Time will tell if the party will spring surprises or not.

  • The killer dumpsite called Kurata

    The killer dumpsite called Kurata

    •Over 15 communities imperiled by fumes, toxins from Ogun wasteyard
    •Infants, pregnant mothers, others, poisoned by deadly metals – Study
    •Dumpsite is illegal, to be relocated – Ogun govt.
    •Refuse dump has swallowed many homes – Residents

    Within the cesspit mantle of Kurata, beneath the swamp, the peat bog, and refuse dump, some houses stay buried by dross. Some lives, too.

    For residents of nearby Oloko Estate, life is hellish amid the fumes of flaming waste. Hell is watching your spouse perish surrounded by smoke from the wasteyard, in common hours. Ask Yisa Salami, whose wife suddenly slumped and died while doing the laundry. “She was not sick. She simply collapsed and died while washing clothes,” said the 62-year-old.

    Having lived there with her for 15 years, Salami never imagined that her life would end so abruptly. “I tried to revive her, neighbours came to assist me, but it was all to no avail. She died right there before my eyes,” he said, adding that his protracted cough may be attributed to living near Kurata.

    “The fumes from the wasteyard pollute our homes. It gets in our wardrobes and blackens our clothes. The Kurata dump has swallowed houses too. Some houses are still buried under it,” said Salami.

    Atop the buried houses, the air in Kurata hums like a dirge. From dawn through dusk, it howls through shanties and suburban tracts, scented with silt and burning stench. All kinds of things manifest in the fumes and mudflats to litter the expanse: Disused batteries, damaged home appliances, rags, toys, plastics, scrap metals, cardboard boxes, and mattresses, and a lot yet unidentifiable in the waste pile. Crickets chirped like old ghosts under the waste pile and some giant rat darted to a rotted meal of animal cadaver thus littering the dump with the bones of yet another ghost.

    There seemed to be too many ghosts around Kurata: the ghosts of criminals, hastily buried few minutes after their execution by state authorities, according to suburban legend; the ghosts of aged pets and diseased livestock, the ghosts of houses engulfed by garbage and the human echoes interred with the homes.

    There, in the heart of Ado Odo-Ota, Kurata leaks poison and discolours the expanse with acrid fumes, casting a long, throttling shadow over surrounding neighbourhoods and homes.

    For 18 years, Oluwole Obafemi has “inhaled Kurata’s poison,” watching her home pale beneath layers of soot and stink. “There was a time they came to dump and burn chemicals here,” she recounted. “Drums of chemicals exploded on contact with fire. The ground trembled, and our houses shook frighteningly. We thought we would be buried alive in our homes.”

    Obafemi recalled painfully the night when Kurata exploded and rained droplets of fire, sending shockwaves of fear through all the communities bordering it.  Eyewitnesses recounted how a truck arrived around 4:30 a.m. to dump drums of chemicals in the wasteyard and afterward set fire to it. The aftermath was catastrophic—the ensuing explosion sent tremors through buildings, throwing residents into a frenzy of panic. It took the fire service several hours to bring the raging inferno under control, but not until the fumes from the fire engulfed nearly fifteen communities, rendering visibility almost nonexistent. “Our neighbourhood was cast in total darkness. I couldn’t see what was directly in front of me, let alone move about,” recalled Obafemi.

    In response, key stakeholders, including the then Commissioner for Environment, Bolaji Oyeleye, the Olota of Ota, Oba Adeyemi Obalanlege, and the Divisional Police Officer (D.P.O.) of Obasanjo, visited the site to assess the damage and console the affected residents. Despite their assurances that those responsible would be held to account, no such action was taken.

    Living and dying around Kurata

    Living near Kurata is akin to dwelling in a hovel of relentless fire. When the waste is set ablaze, the flames do not die in a day, nor two, nor even three. The inferno rages for a week, belching out smoke that haunts the air. The fumes blanket the neighbourhood in a serpentine spiral, creeping into lungs, seeping into the bloodstreams of the young and the old alike. Adebowale Durojaiye has lived through this horror for 22 years. “A child, Victoria, died here,” she revealed. “She lived too close to the refuse dump. Kurata dump is deadly. It’s a very toxic place. Many of us here live with asthma, severe cough, and so on. Once they set fire to the refuse dump, it burns for at least six to seven days. And the fumes make life unbearable for us. ”

    Air pollution caused 8.1 million deaths globally in 2021, making it the second leading risk factor for mortality, including among children under five, according to the 2024 State of Global Air report (SoGA). The crisis is severe in low- and middle-income countries like Nigeria, where 94% of the population, according to WHO estimates, face unsafe pollution levels, like the one at Kurata.

    Oloko residents fear the truth—that the poison in their air, water, and every breath has already ushered them on a slow, regrettable march toward their graves. Even their homes, which ought to serve as their last refuge, are not spared. The acidic fumes gnaw at rooftops, corroding zinc and metal, leaving several houses fragile and bare beneath.

    “The constant burning and fumes destroy our roofs, our gates, everything,” said Ajenifuja Oladotun, who has spent 28 years in Oloko Estate. “We tried to fight, but the government told us this land is under acquisition. That we have no right to complain,” he said. The 37-year-old disclosed that “We have had cases of cholera outbreaks here. We cannot drink water from our boreholes in this community. The water underground is severely polluted. We have to travel out of the community to fetch potable water.”

    Study affirms residents’ fears

    A recent study affirmed the residents’ fears. The research, conducted by environmental scientists and toxicologists, revealed the leaching of heavy metals from waste at the improperly managed dumpsite into the groundwater of the area, thus posing significant health risks to residents who rely on groundwater for drinking, cooking, and sanitation.

    The research, led by Professor Olusheyi Zacchaeus Ojekunle of the Federal University of Agriculture Abeokuta (FUNAAB), Ogun State, and a team of multidisciplinary scientists from institutions across Nigeria, South Africa, Spain, France, Belgium, and Portugal, paints a grim picture of water pollution within and around Kurata.

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    Heavy metals such as iron (Fe), zinc (Zn), lead (Pb), cadmium (Cd), and copper (Cu) were among the dangerous contaminants detected in the water samples analyzed. These metals, often originating from discarded batteries, electronic waste, industrial effluents, and decomposing materials, have far-reaching implications for public health as they were found in groundwater samples with concentrations exceeding permissible limits in many cases.

    The study revealed a disturbing trend: Fe (16.66 ± 13.98 mg/L) topped the list, followed by Zn (2.46 ± 1.80 mg/L), Pb (0.55 ± 0.59 mg/L), Cu (0.03 ± 0.01 mg/L), and Cd (0.01 ± 0.01 mg/L). The hazard quotient values for most metals, except Zn and Pb, surpassed the safety threshold of 1.0, confirming significant health risks. Particularly alarming was the carcinogenic risk assessment, which showed that cadmium and lead concentrations exceeded the acceptable cancer risk limit of 1.0 × 10⁻⁴. Infants bore the greatest risk, with cumulative cancer risks (∑CRs) from heavy metals in groundwater exceeding the permissible threshold by 114 times. For children, the exposure risk was 76 times higher, while adults faced a 14-fold increase in potential cancer development.

    To gauge the direct impact on human health, the researchers also examined biological samples—nails and urine—of scavengers and residents around the dumpsite. The presence of toxic metals in these biomarkers suggested prolonged exposure, with levels of nickel, manganese, cobalt, chromium, and lead varying across individuals. These findings confirmed that the toxic burden from contaminated water was not just theoretical but deeply embedded in the bodies of those exposed.

    Implications of the study results for residents

    Expert analysis of the test results for the residents of Oloko Estate, particularly children, pregnant women, scavengers, and other residents, revealed a slow-burning catastrophe with life-altering consequences. The groundwater in the study area is laced with heavy metals at levels far exceeding the permissible limits set by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Nigerian Standard for Drinking Water Quality (NSDWQ). For the unsuspecting residents, each sip of water is an unwitting act of self-harm.

    The study found iron (Fe) in the groundwater at an alarming concentration of 16.66 mg/L, a staggering 5,453% above the WHO and NSDWQ-recommended limit of 0.3 mg/L. While iron is an essential nutrient, excessive intake can lead to iron overload, which damages the liver, heart, and pancreas over time. But more urgently, its high concentration often indicates corroding waste materials and industrial effluents seeping into water sources—an ominous sign of worsening contamination. For the pregnant women of Kurata, this poses a heightened danger. Excess iron can lead to gestational diabetes, preterm births, and complications that threaten both mother and child.

    Zinc (Zn) was also found in troubling proportions, at 2.46 mg/L, but remains within the WHO limit of 3.0 mg/L, showing an 18% decrease below the permissible threshold. Though zinc is not the most dangerous of heavy metals, prolonged exposure can disrupt the body’s natural balance, leading to nausea, weakened immunity, and neurological effects. But in the children of Kurata, the danger is more insidious. Young, developing bodies rely on precise mineral balances to grow strong. Too much zinc, especially when combined with deficiencies in other nutrients, can stunt growth, weaken cognitive function, and set the stage for lifelong health struggles, argued Olaide Adigun, a paediatrician.

    The true horror of the crisis, however, lies in the presence of lead (Pb), detected at 0.55 mg/L—an astonishing 5,400% above the WHO permissible limit of 0.01 mg/L. Lead is a neurotoxin that impairs the cognitive abilities of children. There is no safe level of lead exposure, and yet, in Kurata, children drink it daily. Ingesting lead at these levels can cause irreversible brain damage, lowering IQ, causing behavioral problems, and impairing memory. For unborn children, the consequences are even direr. A pregnant woman exposed to lead risks spontaneous miscarriage, premature birth, or giving birth to an infant with profound developmental disabilities. And for the men and women who scavenge at the dumpsite—those whose nails and urine were found to contain heavy metals at significantly higher levels than groundwater—lead poisoning can manifest in kidney failure, high blood pressure, and persistent fatigue.

    Copper (Cu) was detected at 0.03 mg/L, a 98.5% decrease below the WHO limit of 2.0 mg/L, but the presence of copper alongside lead and cadmium presents a concerning interaction. The study found a strong correlation between copper and lead, as well as between copper and cadmium (Cd), suggesting that their combined effect could amplify toxicity. Cadmium was found at 0.01 mg/L, a 100% exceedance of the WHO limit of 0.005 mg/L.

    Cadmium is among the most insidious carcinogens known to science. Unlike some toxins that are flushed out over time, cadmium accumulates in the kidneys, lingering there for decades and slowly eroding renal function. In children, chronic exposure leads to bone fragility, making fractures more common. In pregnant women, it interferes with fetal development, potentially leading to birth defects.

    The study’s findings paint an apocalyptic picture: the hazard quotient (HQ) values for all heavy metals except Zinc (Zn) and Lead (Pb) in groundwater consumed by adults were greater than the permissible limit of 1.0, indicating adverse health effects for anyone consuming the water. Worse still, the estimated cancer risk from cadmium and lead exposure was found to be 114 times higher than the acceptable limit for infants, 76 times higher for children, and 14 times higher for adults. Cadmium alone accounts for 94% of the total cancer burden, marking it as the deadliest villain in this toxic tale.

    A crisis in the making

    For Kurata’s neighbours, the dangers of drinking and using contaminated water manifest in real health challenges. Complaints of gastrointestinal disorders, chronic fatigue, unexplained skin conditions, and respiratory complications are on the rise. Pregnant women and children, who are particularly vulnerable to the effects of heavy metal poisoning, face an increased risk of birth defects, cognitive impairment, and weakened immune systems.

    “I have been living here for nine years, and I have lost two pregnancies. I can’t breathe properly. My lab test results revealed that I have chronic asthma. Recently, I have been coughing out bloody spittle, and I have been too scared to go for a test. See, we are all sick. Many of us are forced to live with severe respiratory ailments. But even if tenants can leave, no landlord can uproot and relocate his home. The government should come to our aid immediately, please,” said Oyinkansola Adedipe, 48, who has lived in the vicinity for 11 years.

    Beyond individual health, the broader socio-economic impact is significant. Increased medical expenses, reduced productivity, and a heightened burden on local healthcare facilities all stem from the environmental hazard posed by the Kurata dumpsite to surrounding homes. The lack of alternative clean water sources exacerbates the crisis in a region where many households depend solely on borehole and well water. The situation in Oloko Estate, in particular, is heartrending. Home to about 15 communities around Kurata, the residents lamented being neglected by the state government. According to them, successive administrations had treated their plight with disinterest. Following several entreaties to Ogun’s environmental department, some officials told them that nothing could be done about the dump, arguing that the residents were guilty of building their houses close to it. But the latter argued that even if the place was initially designated as a wasteyard, the influx of more people into the area should have spurred the state government to relocate the dumpsite and so doing guarantee the safety of residents.

    Kurata dumpsite is illegal – Environment Commissioner

    In response, the Ogun State Commissioner for Environment, Ola Oresanya, has said that the Kurata community dump is an illegal dumpsite which is not registered by the Ogun State Government. Speaking to The Nation, he said, “Kurata is an illegal site that is not safe for operation because of poor hygiene standards. The site is closed down and scheduled for remediation. The site has been relocated to another location on Bale Street in Akute-Ajuwon.  The new site will be ready for use in two months.”

    According to Oresanya, scavengers at the dumpsite have been given two months to relocate or risk arrest and prosecution. Last year, precisely Thursday, June 20, 2024, Oresanya, accompanied by the Managing Director and Special Adviser to the Governor, Ogun State Waste Management Authority (OGWAMA), Abayomi Hunye, visited the Kurata dumpsite in Ota to assess its condition and address pressing environmental concerns with a view to resolving them.

    Hunye urged residents to keep their wastes in containers to reduce the spread of diseases and make it easier for collection and disposal of refuse. The OGWAMA boss urged residents to avoid drinking water from the well, borehole, or sachet water, claiming it might not be fit for human consumption due to the contamination of groundwater by the dumpsite.

    Communities bordering Kurata have written series of letters to the Ogun State Ministry of Environment, requesting among other things, that the government relocated the dump and outlawed the disposal and burning of toxic chemicals and other wastes by industries in the area at the dump. In 2016, community representatives were reportedly invited to the Ministry of Environment in Abeokuta, where they met with representatives of the Ogun State Environmental Protection Agency (OGEPA), but the meeting yielded no results.

    The state’s primary challenge seemed to be finding a replacement for Kurata, one that may be resolved if the plan to relocate the dumpsite to Bale Street in Akute-Ajuwon by the incumbent government of Governor Dapo Abiodun succeeds.

    A dumpsite and its shadow economy: Why Kurata persists

    Recent visits to the dumpsite manifest as a pilgrimage of sorts. En route to the dump, the stench of decay wafts through the air, alerting a first-time visitor of the mountains of waste that pile up daily. Wastes from industrial and residential areas across Ogun State, including Atan, Ifo, Oju-Ore, Joju, and Tollgate, are trucked in and unloaded daily fueling an informal but intricate economy.

    The commercial nerve of Kurata follows an unstructured yet deeply entrenched chain of command. The site, though declared illegal by the State Commissioner for Environment, Oresanya, has the presence of state representatives – two young men who pleaded anonymity superintended over disposal and commercial activities at the dumpsite at the time of The Nation’s visit. They controlled the trucking in of trash, dictating access and pricing.

    Scavengers are required to pay a fee before they can sift through the refuse for valuable items – on a typical busy day, they comb through waste, searching for plastics, scrap metals, and other recyclables. These recovered items are then sold to middlemen who either supply directly to recycling factories or operate as intermediaries, selling to larger players in the industry.

    One curious element in the mix is the involvement of managers of the dumpsite in the commercial hub – for instance, one of the youngsters manages the dump owns a scrap shop from where he sells sacks of scraps extracted from the dumpsite to procurement agents seeking raw materials for recycling firms. One of his customers, a middle-aged Beninese, who pleaded anonymity, described her clients as two leading recycling companies with factories in Lagos and Ota. “I have been supplying them for over two years. They specialize in aluminium and scrap metal recycling. They melt and remould scrap metals into new products such as curtain rails, kettles, cooking pots, cutlery, and industrial components,” she said, adding that she purchases metal and plastic scraps for as much as N480,000 per ton and N600,000 per ton respectively depending on the quality and mix.

    Findings revealed that scrap metals are purchasable for as much as N400,000 per ton. The cost of scrap metals however, varies per ton compared to the cost of plastics, stated Niyi Akinbo, a plastic recycler in Ogun State. Akinbo explained that metal scraps are cheaper than plastics which enjoy a relatively higher demand. He said, “I purchase a ton of plastic scraps at N400,000 from the companies whereas one ton may sell at N500,000 at the wasteyard. The major difference is that it’s usually difficult to get more than seven tons at a go at the companies whereas those who visit dumpsites may get as much as 20 tons depending on their means and influence with scavengers and dumpsite managers.”

    But just how profitable is the business? As of November 2024, the National Association of Scrap and Waste Dealers Employers of Nigeria (NASWDEN) reported that the scrap and waste industry in Nigeria is valued at approximately ₦200 billion. The average price for scrap metal is around ₦750,000 per ton, with the highest grade reaching up to ₦800,000 per ton. Put more explicitly, local scrap metal prices vary based on factors such as material type and quality. For instance, brass and copper are often priced at approximately ₦2,000 per kilogram, aluminum at around ₦800 per kilogram, and general metals at about ₦200 per kilogram.

    Aluminium remains one of the most sought-after recyclable material, with prices soaring to ₦800,000 per ton or more due to the scarcity of iron ore needed for steel production. Other recyclables such as plastics, Polyethylene Terephthalate (PET) bottles, polythene bags, and paper are also on demand, though they fetch considerably lower prices.

    The Waste Management Society of Nigeria (WAMASON) estimates that nearly 65 million metric tonnes of waste is generated in the country per annum. But despite the industry’s significant potential for job creation, it remains severely underexploited due to inadequate investment and lack of proper regulatory framework, as revealed by goings-on at the Kurata wasteyard.

    Consequently, money moves swiftly in poorly regulated channels, through the devices of itinerant collectors, middlemen, and factory owners. Yet, the ones who toil the hardest earn the least. The real profits of the industry accumulate in the hands of middlemen, while the scavengers, who brave hazardous conditions daily, receive meagre earnings. Many of them make between ₦25,000 and ₦30,000 per month, a paltry sum compared to scavengers’ earnings in Lagos, where the recycling and waste management business is better established and regulated.

    A bristling recap

    Against the backdrop of Kurata’s shadow economy, the wells of its host communities no longer offer life. The groundwater is tainted by the leachate that seeps from the dumpsite. “We cannot drink our own water,” said Abimbola Isiaka, a tailor. “We must travel far, beyond our own homes, to fetch safe water.”

    Scientific studies reveal what the residents have long suspected: that the groundwater there is poisoned. The leachate carries heavy metals, far exceeding the safety standards of WHO and NSDWQ. Every sip is a gamble, every drop a potential death sentence.

    In response, the government advised them to “containerize” their waste. The MD of OGWAMA, Abayomi Hunye, visited in 2024, urging residents to stop exposing waste to prevent contamination. But what of the waste that already seeps through their land and the toxins that nestle in their blood? What of the buried lives and homes?

    No doubt, the people of Oloko Estate and over 15 communities, including Wasinmi, Oladipupo, and Oremeji, are trapped in a ceaseless waltz with disease and death. The Kurata wasteyard is, however, no accident. Established in 1981 under the watch of Olabisi Onabanjo, the dumpsite reportedly doubled as a graveyard, where criminals were executed and their bodies buried beneath mountains of industrial waste.

    Situated within the geographic boundaries of Ado-Odo/Ota, Kurata has, over time, become the dumping ground of toxic waste for industries located in the area. When factories close their doors at dusk, their trucks rumble toward Kurata, disgorging barrels of chemical waste into the land that over 15 communities call home. Then came the explosion of 2018. A chemical truck arrived in the dead of night and unloaded its contents in burning refuse, sending a tremor through the neighbourhood – the sky turned black, buildings shook dangerously, sending residents fleeing in terror. Seven years later, the promises of accountability have faded, and the mountain of flaming waste piles higher, discharging toxins and deadly fumes into surrounding communities.

    A stitch in time…

    No doubt, the situation at the Kurata dumpsite and its surrounding communities demands urgent action. First, there is a pressing need for improved waste management policies to prevent further leaching of hazardous substances into groundwater systems. Proper waste segregation, recycling initiatives, and controlled landfill operations could mitigate the risks associated with indiscriminate dumping, according to Abdulrasheed Olanrewaju, an environmental toxicologist. Additionally, government agencies and public health institutions must prioritize regular monitoring of water quality in affected areas. Installing water treatment facilities, encouraging the use of filtration systems, and providing access to alternative safe water sources could serve as immediate solutions to protect the health of local populations.

    Public awareness and community engagement are also crucial. Many residents remain unaware of the risks posed by contaminated water, continuing to use and consume it without precaution. Targeted education campaigns, advocacy efforts, and grassroots initiatives can help bridge this knowledge gap and empower communities to demand cleaner, safer water.

    Government to the rescue?

    A bill to regulate scavengers and waste dealers in Ogun State for public order, environmental safety, and security has passed its second reading. Sponsored by Babatunde Tella and supported by all lawmakers, the Scavengers and Waste Dealers Regulation Law, 2025 (H.B. No. 020/OG/2025) aims to curb illegal operations and address rising security concerns. Lawmakers emphasized its necessity to protect the environment and ensure peaceful co-existence.

    But while the state exercises its regulatory powers over scavengers and waste dealers, let it not forget to apply same measure in taming the scourge of hazardous dumpsites like Kurata. Successive administrations in Ogun State have characteristically dithered, oscillating between denial and reluctant acknowledgment of the hazard posed by the dumpsite to surrounding communities. Speaking with The Nation, the State’s Commissioner for Environment, Oresanya, pronounced the dump an “illegal site,” claiming it has been shut down and relocated to Bale Street in Akute-Ajuwon, even as waste is trucked in daily to kindle the fires at the dumpsite.

     “We are invisible to the state. That’s the simple truth. If not, they wouldn’t leave us to die in such desperate circumstances,” argued Idris Aiyedun, a sand merchant and resident of the area.

    Beyond the grim resonance of Aiyedun’s words, Kurata entombs Oloko Estate and surrounding communities, engulfing them, one house at a time, beneath its straggling waste pile. Amid the burgeoning squalor, most inhabitants huddle behind shuttered windows and closed doors, even in time of heat, to avoid fiery fumes from the wasteyard.

    For residents like Salami, Adebowale, Oladotun among others, who settled in Oloko seeking refuge, all they could find was a casket of hope through which despair had raged. Yet, in their neighbourhood, the residents’ needs aren’t much: they ask for clean air, potable water, and a government that does not turn its back.

    Without these, they barely survive. They simply carry on resigned to the dross that rendered their homes a waiting grave.

  • Unending crises rattle PDP

    Unending crises rattle PDP

    • Leadership, membership take sides
    • BoT, NWC, Governors’ Forum’s might tested

    The Peoples Democratic Party is in the eye of the storm, as the centre is no longer holding. Almost on weekly basis, new chapters of the crises facing the leading opposition party unfold. The divide, which began at the headship, is now affecting all organs of the umbrella political family, and there are fears that the PDP might soon go into oblivion, writes ASSISTANT EDITOR, EMMANUEL BADEJO.

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the leading opposition voice, is in turmoil. The crises rocking the party fester by the day. Leadership of the party is caught up in the internal wrangling, making the centre not to hold.

    And there are fears from all concerned that the umbrella party may soon have its party’s insignia into shred. The party, according to sources is digging its own grave, as the differences among the gladiators escalate. Efforts to restore normalcy falters as confusion reigns in the party, and amicable resolution is not in sight.

    The Nigerian judiciary has been dragged into the fray.  Several applications are in the courts.  From Enugu, to Rivers, to Abuja High Courts among mention a few; Court of Appeal, Enugu, Port Harcourt, and now at the Supreme Court, judges and lawyers are having several matters and briefs in their custody.

    Political watchers have said the situation is laughable, pitiable, and unfortunate.   Fingers have been pointed at the elders of the party, who have obviously taken sides in the rumbling.

    Both its Board of Trustees (BoT), headed by former Senate President, Adolphus Wabara, and its National Working Committee (NWC), which Ambassador Umar Damagum overseers are at dagger’s drawn. Members of the two groups of leadership are also divided.

    Some state chapters are at crossroads with the national bodies, leading to exodus of its membership to other parties, particularly the ruling party.  Some key figures, who are yet to decamp, are threatening to do so, if the tides of sharp differences are not tamed.

    The charades, according to political analysts, are making nonsense of the democratic ethos and party supremacy in democratic governance.

    Fears are rife that the wars of attrition might erode the stability of the party at the ward, local government and zonal levels. However, the National Working Committee of the party is at the centre of the whole brouhaha.

    Many wonder what will become of the party that had once prided itself to be the largest political party in Africa and would rule Nigeria for at least 60 years.

    The internal bickering led to its fall in 2015, when former Goodluck Jonathan lost to immediate past President Mahammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    In the beginning

    The PDP founded in Nigeria on August 31, 1998, as a response to the military rule and a call for a return to civilian rule, emerging as a unifying force for democracy and national development. A group of 34 political parties came together to forge a common front that culminated into the party.

    Its formation was a response to the military rule that had dominated the country for many years. At the time, Nigeria was under the military regime of General Sani Abacha. The need for a political alternative and a return to civilian rule prompted the formation of political parties, and the PDP emerged as one of them.

    According to its’ founding fathers, the party was established for national unity, freedom, social justice, development, overall wellbeing of citizens, among others.

    At its emergence, the party swept through the country’s political landscape like a hurricane, winning the presidential seats in Olusegun Obasanjo, eight years; Musa Yar’Adua, two years; Goodluck Jonathan, six years.  At the time, the party dominated many states in the federation. The party at the time was a pride to the nation and the envy of many political parties within and outside the country.

    Power tussle over chairmanship position

    Like other political parties, PDP had shown signs of instability. Between 1999 and 2025, the party was managed by no less than 17 national chairmen all of whom left office in controversial circumstances.

    Although Solomon Lar served as its foundation chairman, its first substantive chairman was Barnabas Gemade who was elected at its post-1999 general elections convention. Many observers believed that this convention was rigged by Obasanjo to achieve a predetermined objective.

    Audu Ogbeh was later elected to replace Gemade. In 2005, Ahmadu Ali was appointed as the replacement to Ogbeh. The next national chairman was Vincent Ogbulafor who was replaced by Okwesilieze Nwodo in 2010.

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    After Nwodo resigned in the same year, Halliru Mohammed and later Kawu Baraje were appointed as acting national chairmen. After the 2011 general elections, PDP elected Bamanga Tukur as its national chairman, who was also replaced by Ahmed Adamu Mu’azu in controversial circumstances in 2014.

    In 2017, Uche Secondus acted.  Ali Modu Sheriff held sway between 2017 and 2018. Also, Ahmed Makarfi, occupied the office in acting capacity between 2018 -2021.  In the same year, Secondus came as the substantive chairman and led the party 2023, though with several controversies.  Iyorchia Ayu took over in 2023, but left after the party’s woes during the 2024 presidential election. And now Ambassador Umar Damagum came in acting capacity.

    Political pundits say that the quick succession at which the party changes its headship underscores lack of internal democracy within the opposition.    However, the leadership had managed the situation until the ticket of 2023 presidential election was given to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

    2023 presidential race: ‘only a northerner can win’

    If Atiku had won the 2023 presidential election, that would have justified his campaign manstra, ‘only a northerner can win’. But, that would have established such a bad and dangerous precedent, causing serious damage to Nigeria’s unity and worsening the country’s already problematic management of diversity.

    Atiku ran for the PDP presidential ticket on the basis that only a northern candidate could win. It was not a subtle campaign but a full-throated one, in which Atiku and Aminu Tambuwal, as well as their associates such as Raymond Dokpesi, went on national TV to cite controversial population dynamics as the reason only a northerner could win the presidency.

    Gladiators in the South like the former Deputy National Chairman of the party, Chief Olabode George, Governors Seyi Makinde, Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Okezie Ikpeazu, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, and immediate past governor of Benue, a North Central State, Samuel Ortom.

    This led to the formation of the G5 Governors that styled themselves as integrity.   These governors refused to support Atiku, the presidential candidate of the PDP, because they believed the presidency ought to rotate from the north to the south. In their view, Atiku becoming President after eight years of President Buhari would amount to two consecutive presidents from the north, negating inclusivity and rotational presidency.

    By relying on the strength of the zoning principle enshrined in the PDP constitution, the governors not only refused to support the emergence of Atiku, in the general elections but supported other candidates.

    For fear of going into the election with a divided house, Atiku sought to reconcile with them. However, as a precondition, the governors demanded the resignation of the party chairman, Iyorcha Ayu. On the premise that Atiku and Ayu, both presidential candidates and party chairman, are from the northern part of Nigeria, this arrangement also negated inclusivity.

    Aware of the powers of just one governor, many felt a collective of five governors was a powerful grouping. And this perception gave them prominence in the public space. Indeed, Atiku lost in their various states in the presidential election, which was a significant blow to his chances of victory. But their dissidence was certainly not without precedent.

    In 2013, a coalition of PDP governors known as the G7 governors objected to the emergence of President Goodluck Jonathan as the presidential candidate of the PDP. Similar to the G5, one reason for their opposition was that they claimed that President Jonathan seeking re-election would disrupt the power rotation agreement between the north and south in the party. Five of the governors eventually decamped to APC, in what was then known as the N-PDP faction, and others stayed back, sabotaging the PDP from within, just like the G5 Governors did. Many analysts believed PDP’s loss in the 2015 election could be traced to this same internal crisis within the party.

    Storms over Damagum’s chairmanship 

    Damagum was brought in as acting chairman through the provisions of the PDP’s constitution as amended in 2017. Some are calling on him to revert to his initial position as the Deputy Chairman, and allow the North-Central to produce the next chairman.

    His continued occupation of the exalted position has heightened the internal struggles to control the structure of the party. 

    Damagum took over from Iyorchia Ayu, the former National Chairman, who was removed by the court due to his failure to implement crucial reforms within the party.

    The leadership transition only added to the party’s existing troubles.

    The crisis recently worsened due to disagreements on the position of the National Secretary.

    National secretary struggle

    In 2023, the party’s South-East zone nominated a former National Youth Leader Ude-Okoye to replace Sam Anyanwu, who was selected as the party’s candidate for the Imo State governorship election.

    The South-East faction argued that Anyanwu should step down from his role as the National Secretary given his new political responsibilities, which fuelled further controversy and division within the party.

    On December 20, 2024, the Court of Appeal in Enugu ruled in favour of Ude-Okoye, confirming him as the new National Secretary, with the official communication sent to the party leadership on December 24.

    However, on January 27, 2025, the Court of Appeal in Abuja issued a restraining order, instructing Anyanwu to remain in the position until the Supreme Court made a final ruling.

    The situation escalated when party supporters loyal to Anyanwu physically removed Ude-Okoye from a meeting of the Board of Trustees.

    On January 31, PDP governors distanced themselves from Anyanwu and confirmed Ude-Okoye as the party’s National Secretary during a meeting in Asaba, Delta State.

    Similarly, the BoT, had affirmed former National Youth Leader, Sunday Ude-Okoye, as the party’s substantive National Secretary, throwing its weight behind PDP governors amid the party’s lingering leadership crisis.  Wabara, made the announcement on Tuesday at the 80th meeting of the Board in Abuja, following months of internal wrangling over the position.

    “The BoT, after reviewing all submissions and relevant court judgments, recognizes Hon. Sunday Ude-Okoye as the substantive National Secretary of the PDP in full compliance with the declaratory judgment of the Enugu High Court, upheld by the Court of Appeal,” Wabara stated.

    The PDP has been embroiled in a leadership crisis exacerbated by the fallout from the 2023 general elections.

    Reacting, Anyanwu insisted that with the stay of execution, he remained the National Secretary of the PDP.

    Anyanwu fights back

    In a letter dated February 1 and addressed to the Inspector General of Police, the President of the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court of Nigeria, and the Department of State Services, Anyanwu vowed to resist any attempt to remove him from his position.

    In a letter titled, ‘Security Alert: The Advice of PDP Governors’ Forum to the National Working Committee of the PDP – An Invitation to Chaos and an Affront to the Rule of Law,” Wike’s ally, Anyanwu, called on security agencies to take appropriate actions to prevent the crisis allegedly being stirred by the governors and Ude-Okoye.

    The letter read in part, “There is an urgent need for the police to take note of paragraph 3 of the communique issued by the Peoples Democratic Party Governors’ Forum after their meeting, which took place in Asaba, Delta State, on Friday, January 31, 2025.

    “In the quoted paragraph 3 of the communique, the forum advised the NWC to set up a mechanism for the implementation of the Enugu Court of Appeal judgment, which favoured the nomination of SKD Ude-Okoye as the National Secretary of the party.

    “The police should be aware that an appeal has been filed in the Supreme Court against the quoted judgment. Furthermore, the Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja granted an order on January 13, 2025, clearly directing both parties to maintain the status quo ante bellum pending the determination of the substantive application. The order was duly served on all parties concerned, including the National Working Committee of PDP and INEC.

    “It is a settled matter in law that when a judgment is appealed against to a superior court, all parties should maintain the status quo ante bellum until the matter is finally determined. The governors cannot claim ignorance of this legal position before issuing their statement, which runs in conflict with the court’s decision.”

    Anyanwu accused Ude-Okoye of hiring ‘bandits’ to create disorder during the PDP Board of Trustees meeting.

    The letter further expressed disappointment that the PDP governors had “allowed themselves to be deceived by the sponsors of Ude-Okoye,” whom it claimed were under criminal investigation for allegedly forging PDP guidelines to mislead the courts.

    It warned that the NWC should avoid implementing the PDP Governors Forum’s recommendation, particularly the directive stated in paragraph 3 of their communique, as doing so would be “an invitation to chaos and an affront to the judiciary and the rule of law.”

    NWC affirms Ude-Okoye

    The National Working Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has affirmed a former National Youth Leader, Sunday Udeh-Okoye, as the party’s National Secretary.

    The party disclosed this in a statement on Wednesday signed by its National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, the PDP NWC said that it is bound by the judgment of the Court of Appeal on the matter.

    According to the statement, the opposition party would send its resolution affirming Udeh-Okoye as the PDP National Secretary to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other relevant bodies for recognition, in accordance with the Court of Appeal’s judgment.

    “The National Working Committee (NWC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at its meeting today, Wednesday, February 12, 2025, extensively considered the memo dated 11th February 2025 presented by the Acting National Chairman on the issue of the National Secretary of the PDP,” the statement read.

    “The NWC, in considering the memo thoroughly examined the attached documents namely; the declaratory judgment of the High Court of Enugu, the judgment of the Court of Appeal, Enugu Division which pronounced and declared Rt. Hon. S.K.E Udeh Okoye as the National Secretary of the PDP; the legal opinion and advice by Dr. Kabiru T. Turaki SAN as well as that of the National Legal Adviser of the PDP.

    “After due consideration of the memo and the attachments, the NWC overwhelmingly recognises, acknowledges and confirms Rt. Hon. S.K.E Udeh Okoye as the substantive National Secretary of the PDP in full compliance with and obedience to the judgment of the Court of Appeal, recognising that there is no subsisting or superseding judgment or order from any court of superior authority or hierarchy.

    “The NWC has commenced the transmission of its resolution/decision affirming Rt. Hon. S.K.E Udeh Okoye as the PDP National Secretary to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other relevant bodies for recognition in line with the judgment of the Court of Appeal.”

    The crisis festers

    Barely 24 hours after the NWC’s pronouncement, Anyanwu said he had resumed as the secretary. He declared that the decision of the Board of Trustees (BoT), Governors’ Forum and a section of the National Working Committee (NWC) to recognise the National Youth Leader, Sunday Udeh-Okoye, as secretary was a nullity.

    He resumed at the party secretariat in Abuja, challenging Ude-Okoye to show where his own office is located.

    In a video call with Lere Olayinka, spokesman of Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike, Anyanwu said: “As you can see, I’m in my office. These are my people and we are working.”

    The conflict between Anyanwu and Udey-Okoye has split the Southeast and Southsouth Zonal chapters of the main opposition party.

    A section of Southeast caucus had endorsed Ude-Okoye as secretary, claiming that Anyanwu had resigned before contesting for governor in Imo State.

    On December 20, last year, an Appeal Court ruled in favour of Ude-Okoye as secretary.

    But, Anyanwu, who had obtained a stay of execution, insisted that only the Supreme Court can resolve the conflict.

  • Why Nigerian banks, fintechs are spreading tentacles across Africa

    Why Nigerian banks, fintechs are spreading tentacles across Africa

    Babatunde Olofin, CEO Moniepoint Mfb

    In this interview with Ibrahim Apekhade Yusuf, the Managing Director of Moniepoint MFB, Mr. Babatunde Olofin, shares interesting insights on why Nigerian banks and fintechs are exploring other markets outside Nigeria, nay Sub Saharan Africa and beyond. According to him the motivation is both for profit maximisation and also aligns with the overarching mandate of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) to boost intra-African trade, investment, and economic integration across the continent. Excerpts:

    Nigerian-Owned banks and fintechs have been expanding their frontiers across the continent of Africa, Europe and Asia in recent times. What could be responsible for this expansionist drive?

    Firstly, many African countries still have a large unbanked population which means that they are untapped. As such by expanding, Nigerian banks and fintechs can tap into these markets and provide financial services to millions of people who currently lack access. This in turn helps to bolster their overall profitability while creating impactful and meaningful change in societies that need them the most. Also this expansionist agenda is fueled by the rise and adoption of digital technologies which has made it easier for financial institutions to offer innovative products and services irrespective of where they are situated. This includes mobile banking, online and offline payments, and blockchain technology, which can process cross-border transactions more efficiently.  By expanding their frontiers, Nigerian banks and fintechs are not only growing their businesses but also contributing to the financial inclusion and economic development of the continent and beyond.

    How do you think this would affect the continent’s economy?

    There are a lot of positive takeaways on the African economy from the expansionist regime. By reaching unbanked and underserved populations, these institutions help bring more people into the formal financial system. This will increase access to credit, savings, and insurance, which can boost economic activity and reduce poverty. Stimulating and deepening economic activity while creating opportunities for job creation and entrepreneurship which will reduce unemployment and improve living standards is another win. As Nigerian banks and fintechs expand across Africa, they contribute to regional economic integration by facilitating cross-border transactions and trade. This can strengthen economic ties between African countries and promote regional cooperation.

    Do you think this resurgence of cross country expansion by these businesses aligns with the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA)?

    The expansion of Nigerian banks and fintechs is in solid alignment with the AfCFTA’s goals of boosting intra-African trade, investment, and economic integration. The AfCFTA aims to create a single, continent-wide market for goods and services, which would facilitate trade and investment across Africa. By expanding their operations, Nigerian banks and fintechs are contributing to this vision by enhancing trade and deploying services that can facilitate cross-border transactions, making it easier for businesses to trade within the continent.

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    Can you quantify the quantum of these businesses in terms of value of the investments?

    I can say that the quantum is huge in the billions of dollars but the impact has been equally transformative. Take a business like Moniepoint, it has had a seismic impact on the financial inclusion landscape with more work to be done.

    Can this all be about the value of ROI in those markets or it has something to do with African alliance by these businesses?

    It’s a combination of many factors. But yes, return on investment (ROI) in these markets is a significant driver. African markets, especially those with large unbanked populations, present substantial growth opportunities. Businesses have to return value for shareholders and other stakeholders.  With strategic alliances and collaborative partnerships, there are opportunities to  leverage each other’s strengths and resources in a manner that maximises cost. These alliances help them navigate regulatory environments, access new customer bases, and innovate more effectively.

    Your company is also playing in the global field especially within the fintech ecosystem. Can you share your success stories and investments trajectory across the continent of Africa in particular within the last 12 months or more?

    With our recent Series C fundraiser we are looking to accelerate our expansion across Africa. We want to share our integrated platform offering services such as digital payments, banking, foreign exchange, credit, and business management tools with a huge swathe of Africans and power their dreams. Today, we process over 800 million transactions monthly, with a total value exceeding $17 billion, our expansion is in tandem with our mission to drive financial inclusion and support Africa’s entrepreneurial potential.

  • REVEALED: How Nigerian banks, fintechs are dominating African economy

    REVEALED: How Nigerian banks, fintechs are dominating African economy

    In the last couple of years and still counting, Nigerian banks and fintech companies have been expanding their reach across the continent by acquiring smaller entities in their quest to dominate Africa’s financial landscape, reports Ibrahim Apekhade Yusuf

    Waxing philosophical, Andy Warhol, famous American visual artist, film director and producer, said eons ago that “Making money is art and working is art and good business is the best art.”

    In retrospect, Warhol’s wisecrack becomes apposite in describing what may perhaps be the primary motivation for Nigerian banks and fintechs, whose passion for good business have seen them journey to far-flung places, especially across the rest of the continent and beyond, to set up shops in recent times.

    Of course, for those who understand the philosophy of capital flow and investment, they know investors normally would venture out to where there are opportunities for more money to be made and nothing else!

    Capital flows follow the movement of funds that are put to use for productive economic purposes.

    For a firm capital flows entail money allocated to operations, R&D, and investment; for individual money spent to consumption, investment, and savings.

    Capital flows also occur at the national level, with governments collecting revenues in the form of taxes or issuing bonds, and spending proceeds on various public projects or investments.

    It is very instructive to note that The Nation’s findings revealed that the manner of expansion by the financial institutions across the continent have been either by outright acquisitions, partnerships and co-ownerships, as the case may be.

    Take for instance, some of the top tier banks in Nigeria including but not limited to the following: Access, Zenith, First Bank of Nigeria, United Bank for Africa, Guarantee Trust Bank, First City Monument Bank, Eco Bank, to mention just a few, all have branch networks spread across different parts of the African continent whether West Africa, South Africa, North and East Africa respectively.

    Analysis of financial standing of Nigerian banks and overseas subsidiaries

    Analysis by The Nation shows that Nigerian banks with operations in African countries, including First Bank, UBA, GTco, Access, and Zenith Bank, recorded N3.59 trillion in revenue from their Nigerian subsidiaries in comparison to N2.83 trillion in 2021.

    Additionally, N878.19 billion was recorded from their other subsidiaries in the rest of Africa, compared to N701 billion in 2021.

    While the pace and approach of continental expansion vary among different Nigerian banks, venturing into other African markets enables them to diversify assets and balance profitability against results in Nigeria, despite the challenges and benefits that come with it.

    Decades after an acquisition spree that boosted its footprint in sub-Saharan Africa, the FBN Limited is looking to expand into several other countries, including Ethiopia, Angola and Cameroon.

    “There are a number of large economies with large banking pools that are of interest to us because their financial markets are opening up,” Deputy Managing Director, Ini Ebong told The Africa Report in December on the sidelines of the Africa Financial Industry Summit (AFIS).

    “So, you look at countries like Ethiopia and Angola. In francophone West Africa, we want to expand our presence in places like Côte d’Ivoire and Cameroon. The market opportunity is there, and we seek to continue to exploit it,” said Ebong.

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    Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country, is poised to partially open its banking sector to foreign banks following a vote by lawmakers in December. The new banking law, passed by a majority in parliament, allows foreign banks to open subsidiaries in Ethiopia. Foreign firms will only be allowed to own 49% of shares, according to the Ethiopian news magazine Addis Standard.

    Speaking during a panel session at AFIS, Ethiopia’s central bank governor Mamo Mihretu said the country had been working on the legislation that would finally open the banking sector to foreign competition over the past one year.

    Previously the executive director in charge of treasury and international banking before his appointment in June 2024, Ebong said that there are growing opportunities in markets across the continent with the expansion of financial systems similar to “what we saw in the early 2000s in some of the larger African markets”. “We believe it is an opportune time to take part in the phase of growth that we see,” said Ebong.

    FirstBank, which has been operating in Nigeria for 130 years, began establishing subsidiaries in other African markets in 2011, when it acquired Banque Internationale de Credit, one of the leading banks in Democratic Republic of Congo.

    In November 2013, it snapped up the subsidiaries of International Commercial Bank Financial Group Holdings AG (ICBFGH) in The Gambia, Sierra Leone, Ghana and Guinea. It went ahead to purchase ICB Senegal the following year, completing its acquisition of West African assets and operations of ICBFGH.

    FirstBank also has a subsidiary in the United Kingdom with branches in London and Paris, France, as well as a representative office in Beijing, China. Its parent company FBNHoldings saw its pretax profit for the first nine months of 2024 soar to N610.86bn ($395m) from N267.88bn in the corresponding period a year earlier.

    Fitch Ratings said in July last year that FirstBank, Nigeria’s third-largest lender, represented 10.7% of banking system assets at the end of 2023. “Its strong franchise supports a stable funding profile and low funding costs. Revenue diversification is significant, with non-interest income typically exceeding 40% of operating income,” it said.

    Zenith Bank, Guaranty Trust Holding Company Plc (GTCO), United Bank of Africa (UBA), Ecobank, and Access Holding Plc collectively incurred impairment costs of N320 billion, according to The Nation analysis.

    For instance, in 2022, Access Bank Group earned N1.13 trillion in revenue from its Nigerian operations and N206.65 billion from its subsidiaries in the rest of Africa.

    In 2021, it generated N734.3 billion from its Nigerian subsidiary and N82.8 billion from the rest of Africa.

    In 2020, Access Bank Group recorded N635.6 billion in revenue from Nigeria and N89 billion from the rest of Africa.

    In 2019, the bank’s Nigerian subsidiary brought in N572.06 billion, while the subsidiaries in the rest of Africa collectively earned N61.7 billion.

    In 2018, the Nigerian subsidiary contributed N212.6 billion to the bank’s revenue, and the rest of the African subsidiaries contributed N29.8 billion.

    In 2017, the Nigerian operations earned N398.1 billion, and the subsidiaries in the rest of Africa made N38.7 billion.

    In terms of customer deposits, Access Bank’s Nigerian operations had N7.53 trillion in 2022, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries accumulated N1.14 trillion in customer deposits.

    Also, in 2022, Zenith Bank recorded N844.97 billion in revenue from its Nigerian operations and N79.65 billion from its subsidiaries in the rest of Africa. This is just as the bank earned N688.16 billion from Nigeria and N74.7 billion from the rest of Africa in the previous year.

    In 2020, Zenith Bank’s Nigerian operations generated N606 billion in revenue, while its rest of Africa subsidiaries made N74.6 billion, while in 2019, it earned N575.07 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries recorded N68.23 billion.

    In 2018, the Nigerian operations brought in N548.3 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N68.5 billion.

    In 2017, Zenith Bank’s revenue from its Nigerian subsidiary was N684 billion, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N53.8 billion.

    In 2022, Zenith Bank’s profit after tax was N239.73 billion in Nigeria and a loss of N16.55 billion in the rest of Africa.

    The bank’s total assets amounted to N7.43 trillion in Nigeria and N436.541 billion in the rest of Africa in 2022.

    FBN Holdings Plc, formerly known as First Bank of Nigeria, was founded in 1894 and specialises in retail banking. It has a presence in the Republic of Congo, Ghana, The Gambia, Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Senegal.

    In 2022, FBN Holdings earned N667.21 billion in revenue from Nigeria and N137.91 billion from its subsidiaries outside Nigeria. In 2021, it generated N699.8 billion from Nigeria and N57.44 billion from the rest of Africa.

    In 2020, the Nigerian operations brought in N505.9 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N84.66 billion and in 2019, the Nigerian subsidiary recorded N506.3 billion in revenue, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries earned N84.1 billion.

    In 2018, the Nigerian operations contributed N499.15 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N88.25 billion.

    In 2017, FBN Holdings earned N508.2 billion from its Nigerian subsidiary and N87.25 billion from the rest of Africa.

    In 2022, the bank’s non-current assets in Nigeria were N96.77 billion, compared to N28.39 billion from its subsidiaries outside Nigeria.

    In 2022, UBA’s revenue from its subsidiaries in the rest of Africa was N327.03 billion, while the revenue from Nigeria amounted to N543.75 billion. In 2021, it earned N372.7 billion from Nigeria and N275.5 billion from the rest of Africa.

    In 2020, UBA’s Nigerian operations generated N372.2 billion in revenue, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries earned N227.45 billion. In 2019, the Nigerian operations contributed N403.2 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N166.2 billion.

    In 2018, UBA’s Nigerian subsidiary earned N338.8 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N152 billion.

    In 2017, UBA Nigeria recorded N314.5 billion, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries earned N150.7 billion.

    UBA’s customer and bank deposits amounted to N5.29 trillion in Nigeria, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries recorded N23.29 trillion in 2022. Total segment assets for UBA in Nigeria stood at N6.73 trillion, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries totalled N3.92 trillion in 2022.

    In 2022, GTCO’s revenue from Nigeria was N401.95 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries contributed N126.95 billion.

    In 2021, it earned N331.7 billion from Nigeria and N111.3 billion from the rest of Africa.

    In 2020, GTCO’s Nigerian operations generated N363.2 billion, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries earned N87.22 billion.

    In 2019, the Nigerian operations contributed N347.6 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N79.4 billion.

    In 2018, GTCO’s Nigerian subsidiary earned N356.2 billion, and the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries made N70.34 billion.

    In 2017, GTCO Nigeria recorded N355.7 billion, while the rest of Africa’s subsidiaries earned N55.17 billion.

    Total assets stood at N5.17 trillion for GTCO in Nigeria, while N733.24 billion was accounted for in its subsidiaries in the rest of Africa in 2022.

    How offshore expansions began

    In her assessment of cross-border expansion by some Nigerian-owned banks, Dr. Sarah Alade, one-time Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in a document titled, ‘Cross-border expansion of Nigerian banks: has it improved the continent’s regulatory and supervisory frameworks?’ recalled that Nigerian banks’ cross-border activities started in 2002, with two banks setting up operations in a few countries in Africa, and increased after the 2004 banking sector consolidation in Nigeria.

    “Following the 2004 increase in minimum capital requirements from NGN 2 billion ($17 million) to NGN 25 billion ($210 million), the Nigerian banking system consolidated and the number of banks fell from 89 in 2003 to 24 at the end of 2013. The total assets of the banking sector increased from NGN 2,767 billion ($23 billion) in 2003 to NGN 14,932 billion ($127 billion) in 2008.

    “By the end of 2008, more than half of the 20 domestically owned Nigerian banks remaining had subsidiaries in at least one other African country, compared to only two in 2002.

    “United Bank for Africa (UBA) led the way, with subsidiaries in more than 20 African countries.

    “Although cross-border expansion of Nigerian banks was temporarily halted by the global financial crisis in 2008–09, it picked up after conditions stabilised following intervention in the banking sector and the strengthening of risk management and supervisory frameworks by the Central Bank of Nigeria.”

    Benefits of cross-border expansion of Nigerian banks

    In her own reckoning Dr. Alade emphasised that “Economic theory would suggest that such cross-border expansion would have many benefits, both for the expanding banks and for the recipient banking system. The main benefits for the parent company would be risk diversification and greater profit opportunities for shareholders.”

    Expatiating, she said, “The recipient banking systems, on the other hand, would benefit through increased intermediation and improved efficiency resulting from technological advancement, reduced interest rates and efficiency improvements due to increased competition.”

    The cross-border expansion of Nigerian banks was motivated by several factors that are both economic and ideological in nature. Motivated by the need to maximise profit and the value of shareholders’ funds, the banks engaged in aggressive regional expansion. Additionally, based on the belief that banking systems in many African countries are still less developed and less capitalised than in Nigeria, and the significant opportunities in financing trade between these countries, Nigerian banks saw an opportunity to leverage their success, experience and technology platform to deliver services in these markets, where returns are expected to be at least as high as those in Nigeria.

    At first, the banks’ expansion was concentrated on Anglophone countries, suggesting that language and similarities in the legal environment played a role. It has since moved on to some Francophone countries like Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    She further noted that a combination of financial reforms in the host countries and a favourable macroeconomic environment in Nigeria played a role in the expansion as high oil prices led to the accumulation of sizable international reserves of $62 billion the highest in the history of Nigeria – at end-2007.

    The Nation’s findings also revealed that some banks sought a role as pan-African or regional banks. With a large asset base, a deep stock market and resulting efficiency improvements on the home front, the banks wanted to play a regional role on the African continent. The desire to establish themselves as regional banks following consolidation contributed to the expansion drive.

    A survey by the African Business magazine December 20208 issue further corroborates this fact.

    According to the survey, Nigerian banks ranked 1–15 in the category of the most capitalised businesses in Africa. Thus, they were well positioned to play an increasing role in the sub-region’s financial sector. Rather than depend on host countries to raise capital, many of the banks raised capital in Nigeria, contributing to foreign direct investment (FDI) in the host countries to which they expanded.

    It also helped that the non-existence of capital markets in most sub-Saharan countries to which the Nigerian banks expanded suggests that the parent companies contributed to the host countries’ banking systems by raising capital outside, thereby adding to the financial base in the host countries.

    There were however a few cases where partial ownership from the host country was involved but still, the expansion has so far been funded by raising capital from the Nigerian market, and the model of expansion suggests that Nigerian shareholders have funded the expansion of the banks. Even after meeting the increased capital requirement after consolidation, some banks raised additional capital both domestically and internationally by issuing global depositary receipts (GDRs).

    For example, GTBs in The Gambia, Ghana and Sierra Leone are 78%, 70% and 87% owned by the parent company in Nigeria, respectively, while the remainder is owned by other local and international partners. In most cases, however, the Nigerian parent company controls 100% of its subsidiaries in the sub-Saharan countries to which they expanded.

    Many market analysts also observed that some element of follow-the-leader dynamics helped fuel the expansion. When a leading bank undertakes investment in a foreign market, it may encourage others to follow.

    The expansion drive of Nigerian banks was led by one, and others followed its lead.

    Economic theory would suggest that cross-border expansion should lead to many benefits such as enhanced competition, technological advancement, increased intermediation, reduced interest rates and increased efficiency.

    This is because banks that are willing and able to expand into other countries are generally assumed to be larger, in healthier financial condition, more professionally managed and more technically advanced than the average bank in the country.

    The number of bank branches increased in all countries. The branch network increased in Ghana from 595 in 2007 to 640 in 2008. The contribution of Nigerian banks to this increase was about 20% as they vied for market share. In Sierra Leone, the branch network increased from 44 in 2007 to 75 in 2011, with Nigerian banks contributing more than 26% of the increase.

    Also, in The Gambia, the number of branches increased as well, from 41 in 2007 to 64 in 2011, with Nigerian banks’ share reaching 35% by 2010. Nigerian banks’ strategy was to bring banking to the unbanked by expanding branch networks beyond the capital city.

    In Liberia, UBA is the only bank with a branch network in Nimba County as at 2009. In Sierra Leone, of the seven branches of Guaranty Trust Bank, four are outside the capital city, and the same trend is observed in other countries.

    In many host countries to which Nigerian banks expanded, the authorities recognise that Nigerian banks have contributed to enhancing the competitiveness of the banking system and improving access to financial services. An assessment of banking sector development in Sierra Leone commissioned by the Bank of Sierra Leone, while stressing that more needed to be done, acknowledged the contribution of Nigerian banks in the country’s banking system development.

    Nigerian banks domiciled in other parts of Africa have been known to enhance competitiveness significantly.

    Apart from the Bank of Ghana, other supervisors in the host countries’ branch have learnt the practical application of risk-based supervision from the Central Bank of Nigeria. Bank supervisors from Nigeria have assisted other regional supervisors in understanding and implementing risk-based supervisory approaches in their respective jurisdictions.

    The presence of Nigerian banks in the sub-region has helped to provide an audit trail for cross-border transactions, thereby assisting in the fight against money laundering/financing of terrorism in the region and promoting transparency in financial transactions. It has also helped create awareness of the need to establish explicit deposit insurance schemes as an effective safety net element in member countries of the sub-region, and has strengthened cooperation among supervisory authorities to minimise regulatory arbitrage.

    Echoing similar sentiments, Peter Adebola, a stockbroker and financial analyst said the attraction for most of the financial institutions going offshore is as a result of globalisation.

    “I want to believe that those companies that are expanding their operations outside the country, in my own opinion, they are forward looking because in finance there is what we call globalisation. And when we are talking about globalisation, we are talking about interconnectedness of the world economy so as to facilitate the capital flow from one country to the other, and also the flow of goods and services across national boundaries, so that countries will be able to trade smoothly with one another.

    “When we look at this position, one will see that in order to actually facilitate this flow of capital, and of course the movement of goods and services across national boundaries, we know that payment is involved. Of course, when we are talking about trade, you cannot have efficient trade if there is no good payment, if there is no efficient payment system. And when you look at those people that will facilitate this, I mean the institutions that will facilitate this, we are actually talking about banks and all these fintech companies. So opening their offices in different countries will actually assist them to be able to perform their functions efficiently, effectively and efficiently. And that is why some of them are actually doing this.”

    Pressed further, Adebola who sits atop as CEO of Edgefield Capital Management Limited, said such a decision to expand has its numerous benefits.

    “It is going to develop the economy in such a way that all those institutions that are doing that, they are going to become bigger, and they become a global player. It is very instructive that when we look at some of our banks in Nigeria, all of them, right now, all of them are going into different countries of the world. Take for instance, the UBA, Access, GTB, Ecobank, Zenith, of this world, with branches across Africa, and even beyond the continent, it is going to make them bigger and also our economy will also be better for it.

    “Any organisation going international or going to have offices outside their home country, they will look at so many things that can actually assist them. Number one, they are going to look at the cost that they are going to incur. Like in some countries, they have cheap labour, most especially in Africa, and so if you establish your businesses there, there is a market for it, so you can take advantage of cheap labour while selling your products in the country. If you are able to drive a high turnover of your products in a place with cheap labour, definitely your cost is lower, and then you may make profit there as well.

    “But we should not forget the fact that even though you are going to do that, every business has its own incubation period. That is the period at which you have to operate before you can make a profit. So all this should happen to so many companies that are starting afresh. So there should be a time lag between the time that they will be operating and the time that their businesses will become profitable. But in the long run, it has always been paying those companies that are establishing their offices abroad, because at the end of the day, there is market for their products that they are selling there, and at the same time, they can reduce their costs, because with continuous operation of their business, they are going to derive earnings that is going to cover their costs, because as they are operating in those countries, they get used to know how to reduce their costs, and of course, how to accelerate their earnings growth, so as to be able to make profit and deliver value to their owners. So that’s what some of them are actually doing.

    “So at the end of the day, I believe any institution that is going abroad like that will definitely deliver value. And of course, everybody sets up business to make money, to make profit. Nobody sets up business to make losses. Conversely, if they discover that all those places are not actually profitable, they will scale down or even shut down. But there has not been a record of any of those businesses that they established offshore that is not delivering value to the owners. And I would like to say that, you know, before they can even go and establish their businesses offshore, they will have to do their own due diligence, too.”

    On the acceptability of the Nigerian-owned banks, Alade said, “Most countries have welcomed the expansion of Nigerian banks in their jurisdictions, as they are helping to deepen the banking sector on the continent through branch network expansion, the introduction of new financial products and the strengthening of the regulatory and supervision framework through the introduction of consolidated supervision and joint supervision of bank branches, which have helped to affect knowledge- and information-sharing among supervisors.

    Flip side of cross-border expansion

    Alade was however quick to admit that experience has also shown that cross-border expansion has helped host countries expand their banking sectors and increase intermediation in their respective home countries, the poor risk framework at the beginning of the expansion and the effect of the financial crisis put a strain on some Nigerian banks, resulting in the failure of some, including Oceanic Bank, which had expanded to seven countries before the crisis. This necessitated broad-based reform in the Nigerian banking sector that has benefited countries with Nigerian bank presence.

    Evolution of fintech companies in Africa

    Less than a decade after the emergence of fintech, Africa boasts seven fintech unicorns (privately owned startups valued at over $1 billion), and hundreds of fintech startups spread across the major markets, notably Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, Egypt, Ghana, Senegal and Cameroon.

    Fintechs are fundamentally redefining the landscape of financial services in Africa, with a wide variety of innovative financial services and products on offer – especially relating to mobile money, digital payments, remittances, digital lending, buy-now-pay-later, insurance and virtual assets. The traditional brick-and-mortar banking model is being challenged by mobile banking, online banking, mobile wallets, contactless services, digital payments for remittances via online platforms, mobile networks and blockchain-powered digital money.

    Some of the big mobile money fintechs include MPesa, MoMo, Orange Money and Airtel Money, with several small providers across the continent.

    According to The State of the Industry Report on Mobile Money 202 by GSMA, in 2023, more than 856 million people in Africa had registered mobile money accounts and engaged in 62 billion transactions valued at $919 billion.

    Nigeria’s comparative advantage in the fintech ecosystem

    In the view of analysts the sheer size of Nigeria’s population currently at more than 200 million inhabitants makes it the country with the largest population in Africa and it also helps that much of Nigeria’s population is young. Thankfully, half of the population is under 19 years of age, and over 65 % are under 35 years old. This makes it easier for Fintechs that deliver their solutions entirely online or through the help of a digital device, due to the fact that this young population is more comfortable with using digital devices and services.

    With such a large and young population, internet and mobile phone usage is at an all-time high. The success of many Fintech initiatives hinges on customers’ internet accessibility and smartphone usage.

    In Nigeria, these factors are on the rise, offering a promising landscape for start-ups. Nigeria boasts an estimated 109 million internet users, and it is projected that by 2027 nearly half of the country’s internet users will access it via mobile devices. As buy now pay later solutions gain traction, this figure is expected to continue its upward trajectory. Additionally, there are over 187 million mobile connections which is almost 90% of Nigeria’s population.

    Besides, according to a report by Disrupt Africa 2022, West Africa is home to some of the largest and most successful African Fintechs. This region has seen massive investments into its Fintech sector and shows no signs of stopping. Which has made West Africa a significant contributor to technological development on the continent. Nigeria is considered the technological hub of Africa.

    The report further notes that Nigeria houses some of Africa’s most successful and innovative ventures.

    “Nigeria is part of the “Big 3” Fintech markets in Africa. Out of 678 start-up Fintechs in 2023, 217 of them are from Nigeria which equates to 32%. This is why Nigeria can be seen as Africa’s Fintech hotspot. This is up 50.1% on 144 in 2021, which had in turn been up from 101 in 2019 and 74 in 2017. Nigeria’s total market share is also on the rise, up to 32 % from 25% in 2021, and 20.6% in 2019. There are several factors which lead to Nigeria winning the African market.”

    It therefore goes without saying that Nigeria is Africa’s biggest economy and frontline jurisdiction on fintech, with three of the seven fintech unicorns –and that has seen very rapid growth in digital payment transactions.

    Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System reported that these transactions rose by 55% in 2023, to about NGN 600 trillion (about $470 billion), up from NGN 387 trillion in 2022. With several countries in Africa having deployed or deploying instant payment systems that facilitate real-time transactions, digital payments are expected to continue growing and become increasingly inclusive, enhancing financial inclusion on the continent.

    Further investigation by The Nation revealed that since January 2015, over US$1.5 billion has been invested in Nigeria across 257 rounds, far more than anywhere else in Africa.

    Interestingly, Nigeria takes up 41.6% of funding for Fintech start-ups in Africa. As a corollary, riding off of the vast international and local investments, it has helped several unicorns (companies that achieve valuation over US$1 billion) such as Interswitch, Flutterwave, Opay, and Esusu.

    As of 2022 the financial services sector contributed 5% to Nigeria’s GDP from 3% 5 years ago. This highlights the role Fintechs have played as a major driver of the growth of the sub-sector.

    Of course, analysts readily argue the country is fortunate to have an established ecosystem of financial services providers, thus making it easier for Fintech entrepreneurs to create banking solutions and lending infrastructure.

    There is an increasing appetite for online purchases as many Nigerians are now more comfortable with online shopping. Whether it’s a payment or lending infrastructure, Fintech start-ups help eCommerce to thrive and with experts predicting online shoppers to reach 122 million by 2025, there is a huge opportunity for Fintech start-ups to latch onto.

    Additionally, this has opened the door to use cryptocurrencies as a form of payment. Nigeria has introduced a digital central bank currency called the e-Naira.

    Despite there being a ban on crypto currencies, it remains popular with at least 33.4 million Nigerians between the ages of 18 to 60 who have invested in digital assets in the past six months.

    Speaking exclusively in an interview with our correspondent, Akeem Lawal, Managing Director, Payment Processing & Switching at Interswitch Group, one of the fledgling fintechs in the continent shared interesting insights on the fintech ecosystem and how Nigeria plays a major, albeit leading role.

    According to him, there are combinations of factors responsible for Nigerian-owned banks and fintechs which have made them expand their frontiers across the continent of Africa, Europe and Asia in recent times.

    Chief among which he said is the very nature of digital innovation which allows financial organisations to scale and extend their services beyond borders with relative ease, albeit within regulatory limits.

    “In addition, Nigeria’s relatively well-developed financial services sector makes our products and services appealing to other less developed markets, causing a demand for them, and fueling the expansion drive. Finally, we see a general shift towards integration of African economies through regional trade and economic cooperation agreements e.g. the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). This outlook has also helped to boost the expansion of frontiers that we have seen.”

    On how this would affect the continent’s economy, Lawal said such impact is indeed vast.

    “We can expect to see further enhanced regional economic integration and the promotion of trade and investment across the continent. This will also deepen economic ties between Nigeria and other African nations, fostering more collaborative economic growth.”

    The entry of well-established Nigerian financial institutions will contribute to the stability and resilience of financial systems in other African markets through the introduction of strong, resilient, and diverse regulatory practices and risk management frameworks, he said.

    The Interswitch boss further noted that as the banks and fintechs expand their frontiers into new markets; this will foster a more competitive and efficient financial services sector.

    Specifically, he said, in the aspect of job creation, it is a win-win situation for the populace and the government, as the expansion of banks and fintechs across the continent will create new job opportunities, directly and indirectly, thereby boosting economic growth and development.

    He was also quick to add that the resurgence of cross-country expansion by Nigerian-owned banks and fintechs aligns well with the goals and objectives of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) in several ways.

    “One of the aims of the AfCFTA is to boost intra-African trade by reducing barriers to commerce. The expansion of Nigerian financial institutions facilitates seamless cross-border transactions, payments, and access to financial services, which are critical for enabling trade across the continent. Another core objective of the AfCFTA is to create a single, unified African market. The presence of Nigerian banks and fintechs in multiple African countries supports this vision by providing the financial infrastructure necessary for economic integration, enhancing the flow of goods, services, and investments.”

    The rapid growth of e-commerce, he further emphasised, has been significantly driven by advancements in fintech solutions, which have revolutionised the way consumers and businesses interact online.

    He readily cites a study by McKinsey which indicates that fintech solutions could add $3.7 trillion to the GDP of emerging markets by 2025, with e-commerce playing a crucial role in this economic transformation.

    “Also, Nigerian financial institutions and fintechs are seen to be supporting businesses with financing and digital solutions, and this can help strengthen regional value chains, making it easier for companies to source, produce, and distribute goods within Africa, in line with AfCFTA’s objectives. The digital innovations brought by Nigerian fintechs largely contribute to the development of Africa’s digital economy, which is a crucial element of AfCFTA’s strategy to modernize trade and economic activities across the continent.

    “The expansion of Nigerian-owned banks and fintechs across Africa and beyond has been marked by significant investments and valuations in recent years. Notable examples include Moniepoint securing $110 million in a Series C funding round in October 2024, elevating its valuation to over $1 billion, and granting it “unicorn” status.

    “In the same month, Verve, Africa’s first successful indigenous payments scheme, achieved a significant milestone by crossing the 70 million card issuance milestone in Nigeria. As of 2021, OPay was valued at approximately $2 billion following an investment from SoftBank. In July 2021, FairMoney raised $42 million in a Series B funding and by January 2024, it expanded its user base to over 6 million in Nigeria.”

    On the part of the African alliance, these expansions are strategic in fostering mutual growth and development through partnerships with local businesses and governments in host countries which would also facilitate smoother entry and operation. By establishing a presence across the continent, Nigerian businesses enhance their influence and leadership in shaping Africa’s financial ecosystem, potentially paving the way for a more unified African financial market.

    While noting that Interswitch is also playing in the global field especially within the fintech ecosystem, Lawal shared his company’s success stories and investments trajectory across the continent of Africa in particular within the last 12 months.

    “Interswitch is one of Africa’s leading integrated payments and digital commerce companies, and we have achieved significant growth and strategic investments across the continent. Our card payments scheme- Verve’s issuance increased to 70 million, indicating significant adoption and market penetration.

    “In June last year, we also announced a partnership with Multipay in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a move which enables Multipay Congo to leverage our technology and expertise to deliver innovative and secure digital payment solutions to the Congolese market, supporting financial inclusion, driving digital transformation, and boosting economic growth in the country. We also continue to support the growth of Africa’s digital payments ecosystem through our vast repository of APIs that enables African fintechs to thrive.”

    He was however quick to note that operating in various African jurisdictions presents both opportunities and challenges for a company like ours. Africa’s vast, largely youthful and unbanked population, as well as its increasing adoption of digital payments offer significant growth opportunities. We’ve been able to navigate diverse tax regimes across African countries by staying compliant. We also understand and adhere to each country’s unique regulations including, Anti-Money Laundering (AML) policies, licensing requirements and consumer protection laws.

    According to him, “Interswitch, like many businesses operating across continents, faces several challenges in its operations. We’ve had to tackle regulatory complexities unique to different regions, diverse market conditions and cultural differences including varying levels of financial literacy, language, etc. There’s also the challenge around infrastructure and technology. While some regions are inconsistent and unreliable, which requires Interswitch developing solutions that are resilient and can function in low-resource settings, some regions have high levels of technological innovation where we need to continuously innovate to remain competitive.”

    Expanding a business internationally can be profitable, however it comes with a mix of opportunities and challenges that need to be carefully navigated. The profitability of a company doing business abroad depends on how well it manages the balance between seizing growth opportunities and mitigating risks. While international expansion offers substantial growth potential, sustained profitability requires strategic planning, local market insights, and operational efficiency. When executed effectively, international businesses can be highly profitable, enhancing the company’s global footprint and long-term success.

    Founded in 2018, OPay is a Nigerian start-up specialising in mobile payments. It provides a range of services such as offline and online payments, a digital wallet powered by artificial intelligence (AI), savings products, and various Fintech offerings. With an impressive reach, OPay boasts over 15 million registered wallet users and 600,000 merchants across the nation. It also processes transactions exceeding US$6 billion in monthly value. OPay has secured substantial funding of US$570 million in disclosed investments and currently holds a valuation of US$2 billion(16).

    Launched in 2016, Flutterwave is a global payments technology company servicing businesses and payment services providers looking to expand their operations in Africa. The firm offers a platform that facilitates cross-border transactions using a single API, handling payments in 150 different currencies. It supports various payment methods, encompassing both local and international cards, mobile wallets, and bank transfers. Flutterwave has secured substantial funding, amounting to US$474.7 million, and currently holds a valuation of US$3 billion.

    Paystack, one of the Y Combinator’s first bets in Africa, remains one of the continent’s most prominent startups. In 2020, global payments company Stripe acquired Paystack for over $200 million, marking one of the most successful exits in the African tech ecosystem. Since then, Paystack has continued to operate under its brand name, expanding into other markets and setting up other African fintechs for success.

    Amandine Lobelle, Paystack’s Chief Operating Officer shared important milestones attained by the fintech company in recent times.

    According to her, Paystack’s acquisition by Stripe has become a standout success story on the continent. “Paystack continues to operate independently, but now as part of the larger Stripe group. In many ways, Paystack has become Stripe’s gateway into Africa, given their absence on the continent. Post-acquisition, our collaboration with Stripe has taken three main forms. First, Stripe refers their merchants seeking access to African customers to Paystack. Second, we gain invaluable insights from Stripe, a company that has revolutionised global payments, enabling us to build a scalable business. Lastly, there has been a talent exchange, with some former Stripe employees joining Paystack, which I think is a really beautiful and poetic thing to have come out of the acquisition.

    “Paystack has expanded into Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya while solidifying its presence in Nigeria. Paystack’s remarkable success in online payments, particularly card payments in Nigeria, has prompted us to replicate that success in other markets. Our expansion strategy is based on thorough research, considering factors such as GDP, card penetration, population size, and the strength of the startup and developer ecosystem. We focus on penetrating markets that serve as regional hubs and are strategically positioned to facilitate sub-regional growth. Additionally, we are currently in early beta stages in Francophone Africa and have plans to expand into North Africa.”

    Nigeria regulators also join the fray

    Besides banks and fintechs, some of the regulatory agencies are also expanding their frontiers across the continent.

    Notable among this is the Nigerian Exchange Group Plc (NGX Group), a leading integrated market infrastructure group in Africa

    The NGX Group early January announced a significant investment in the Ethiopian Securities Exchange (ESX).

    NGX Group is among the top institutional investors that have injected capital into the operationalisation of the bourse alongside FSD Africa, a UK-backed non-profit financial institution, and Trade and Development Bank Group (TDB), the financial arm of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) trade block.

    This pivotal move not only marks NGX Group’s entry into East Africa but also underscores its commitment to driving growth and innovation in the African capital markets, while strategically positioning itself as the largest foreign institutional investor in the ESX.

    The investment in the Ethiopian Stock Exchange reflects NGX Group’s confidence in the potential of Ethiopia’s rapidly growing economy and capital market. By partnering with ESX, NGX Group aims to support the development of a vibrant and resilient financial ecosystem in Ethiopia, fostering increased investor participation and capital formation.

    Through this investment, NGX Group aims to contribute to robust regulatory frameworks and foster best practices within the ESX ecosystem. The Group remains dedicated to providing ongoing technical assistance and capability enhancements to support the successful operations and growth of the ESX.

    Alhaji Umaru Kwairanga, Chairman of NGX Group, stated, ” We extend our congratulations to the ESX on its successful capital raise and commend the Government of Ethiopia and the private sector for their support in bringing this pioneering initiative in the country to fruition. Our partnership with ESX is a resounding affirmation of our unwavering dedication to promoting economic development, transparency, and exemplary corporate governance standards that foster an environment conducive to inclusive growth, even as we aim to maximise value for our esteemed shareholders.”

    Temi Popoola, Group Managing Director/CEO of NGX Group, commented: “We are excited to announce our investment in the Ethiopian Stock Exchange, which represents a significant milestone in our expansion strategy. Ethiopia is one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, with immense potential for investment and growth. We believe that by partnering with the Ethiopian Stock Exchange, we can leverage our expertise and experience to contribute to the development of a robust and dynamic capital market in Ethiopia.”

    With this investment, Mr. Temi Popoola will join the board of ESX as a nominee of NGX Group. The investment demonstrates NGX Group’s commitment to driving regional integration and collaboration within the African capital markets. Through strategic partnerships and investments, NGX Group aims to facilitate cross-border investment flows, enhance liquidity, and promote economic development across the continent.

    ESX significantly surpassed its initial target by raising close to 1.3 billion Ethiopian Birr (ETB) from the private sector, reflecting investors’ robust confidence in Ethiopia’s capital market and economic prospects. The Government of Ethiopia will retain 25% of the exchange, whilst private sector players hold 75%.

  • 2025 budgets: What states are spending trillions on

    2025 budgets: What states are spending trillions on

    Many of Nigeria’s 36 states are reeling out huge budgetary provisions in hundreds of billions, and some have even dared the trillions naira mark, squaring up with the central government with their budget projections. The question on everyone’s lips is how these budgetary provisions will translate to better life and improved standards of living for Nigerians, writes Group Business Editor, SIMEON EBULU with additional reports from the states.

    Budgetary provisions of most states this year, have assumed a certain ascendancy, expectedly so, given that Federal Allocations have equally been on the increase since the advent of the present administration.

    Some of the states, notably, Lagos, Rivers, Ogun and Niger have even crossed over to the trillions trajectory. In the past, the trillions budget trade mark was originally the preserve of the Federal Government. Rivers State for instance, has posted a N1.189 trillion budgetary provision for 2025, while Lagos (not a new entrant though), has edged its own higher to N3.005 trillion for the 2025 fiscal year. Ogun State has stepped into this coveted group with its N1.055 trillion budget outing, as well as Niger State saying bye-bye to the billions class with its entry into the trillion naira category with N1.5 trillion, beating Rivers and Ogun states to it.

    The budget figures for the 36 states, as presented by the governors, have shown remarkable appreciation compared to what most of them posted in 2024 and the years before.

    If the observed increases are sustained, clearly as the trend suggests, it won’t be long before other states start declaring their annual budgetary provisions in trillions, and hopefully there won’t be confusion in presenting the figures to the public.

    Put together, the amount of resources now available at the states, to be modest, is quite revealing. The states, most of them that is, are parading budgets in excess of half a trillion naira yearly. Given that development (whether physical, or human capital), is driven by resources, equitably applied, or deployed, the expectation and the call from many quarters that the states should take their place in moving the country forward, cannot be misplaced. In fact, it bears emphasis. The synergy and milestone that a conscious and meticulous deployment of a percentage of these resources can bring to bear on the development of the nation, be it roads construction, primary health care services provision, education at whatever level, name it. The cumulative impact of these financial resources, if equitably and steadfastly deployed, bearing in mind the geographical contiguity of the country, cannot be underestimated.

    From year-to-year, in ascending order, humongous financial, material and human resources are pushed and deployed to the states in forms of federally allocated revenues, grants from foreign nations including notable Foundations, in addition to Internally Generated Revenues (IGR). What has become of these resources over the years, is the resounding question on every one’s lips. But if you ask me, na who I go ask!!!

    How they stand.

    Lagos State

    Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State has presented and equally signed a ₦3.005 trillion budget for the year, 2025.

    Tagged the “Budget of Sustainability,” it seeks to focus on capital projects aimed at driving economic growth and development.

    A breakdown of the budget showed that ₦1.7 trillion is assigned for Capital Expenditure, while N1.2 trillion is for the Recurrent provisions.

    “Total revenue comprises our Internally Generated Revenue of  ₦1,970,897,000,000, and total Federal Transfers of  ₦626,137,000,000,” the governor said.

    ”  This 2025 budget, aptly themed the “Budget of Sustainability,” is not just a fiscal document, but a blueprint for continuity, resilience, and shared prosperity for every Lagosian. As the heartbeat of Nigeria and the economic hub of Africa, Lagos stands at a crossroads, confronted by a nexus of challenges that test our resolve and of opportunities that call for bold action, he stated.

     In crafting this budget, Sanyo-Olu said, “we have listened to your voices, studied global and local economic realities, and reaffirmed our commitment to ensuring that Lagos continues to thrive sustainably for generations to come.”

     The ‘Budget of Sustainability ‘ embodies the values that have always defined us as Lagosians: resilience, innovation, inclusivity and sustainability. It speaks to our vision of balancing the pressing needs of today with the undeniable responsibility of securing the future.

    This budget is structured around five key pillars designed to ensure economic stability, environmental stewardship, and social equity.

    The budget , he said will focus on  : Infrastructure Sustainability,  Economic Diversification,  Social Inclusion and Human Capital Development,  Environmental Sustainability as well as  Governance and Institutional Reforms.

    The Governor said : ”  It will focus on continuous investments in infrastructure are the backbone of our development agenda. The Greater Lagos we envision will emerge on the back of high-quality infrastructure that keeps pace with population growth. Our focus is therefore on ensuring the durability, functionality, and adaptability of our physical assets to meet the ever-growing demands of our people.”

    In the coming fiscal year, we will be prioritizing the maintenance, upgrade and expansion of existing road networks, bridges, rail systems and drainage infrastructure, to enhance mobility and to mitigate the impact of climate change. Digital infrastructure is not left out, in line with our vision for a truly 21st century megacity.

    Rivers State

    Rivers State for instance, in its budget, themed: ‘Budget of Inclusive Growth and Development’, posted an estimated total budgetary provision of N1.189 trillion. The breakdown as enunciated by the Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, included Capital Expenditure of N678.088 billion, and Recurrent Expenditure of N462.254billion. The breakdown implied a higher commitment to capital expenditure, as against the 44.56 per cent to recurrent-capital expenditures.

    The N1.189 trillion budget was premised on some national assumptions and state’s expectations. These include oil price benchmark of $80 per barrel, oil production rate of 1.8 million barrels per day, exchange rate of N1,500 per dollar, inflation rate of 22 per cent, State GDP growth rate of 3.18 per cent and increase in internally generated revenue (IGR) to not less than 35 per cent of the total budget. The state plans to increase internal tax base by bringing more people into the tax net.

    In financing the 2025 budget, the government expects to source N264.369 billion from IGR, statutory allocation, N18.203 billion; mineral funds, N132.173 billion; Value Added Tax, N204.262 billion; Refunds Escrow, Paris/ECA, N31.200 billion; refunds from bank charges, N27.500 billion; excess crude account, N20.600 billion; exchange rate gain, N25.244 billion; forex equalization, N50 billion; other FAAC, N50 billion; asset sales, N25 billion; capital receipts, N9.880 billion; proposed internal grants, N60.080 billion; proposed external grants, N7.522 billion; proposed loans and bonds, N250 billion and prior year balance of N12.931 billion.

    Out of the N678.088 billion allocated for capital expenditures, nearly one-third or N213.586 billion was allocated to “governance” while infrastructure received the highest specific allocation of N195.075 billion. Agriculture was allocated N30.954 billion. Other major allocations included education, N63.275 billion and health, which was allocated N97.751 billion.

    Fubara outlined the core priorities for the 2025 fiscal year to include agriculture, economic growth, quality education and healthcare delivery, basic infrastructure, and social investments. However, allocation to agriculture represented 4.6 per cent of capital budget and 2.6 per cent of total budget, allocation to health was 9.0 per cent of capital expenditures while health received 14.45 per cent of capital estimates.

    He said the N213 billion under “governance” would be used “for the provision of effective governance, public administration, social investments, and the security of lives and property for the 2025 fiscal year”.The N213 billion would enable the government to execute its mandates on public governance and deliver the dividends of democracy through purposeful and highly impactful social policies, programmes and projects in the most efficient, effective and sustainable manner, he stated.

    Akwa Ibom

    Akwa Ibom State’s N955 billion 2025 Budget christened “Budget of Consolidation and Expansion” is anchored on Governor Umo Eno’s ARISE Agenda.  Part of the objective of the 2025 Budget is  food security through substantial investment I n the agricultural revolution, rural development through robust inputs in modern living facilities, consolidation, maintenance and advancement of world-class infrastructure in the state.

    The 2025 Budget is predicated on an oil benchmark of $75 per barrel at a daily production rate of 2.12 million barrels with an estimated exchange rate of N1,400 per dollar, in line with the national budget benchmark projections.

    The total budget size of N955 billion represent a modest increase of three per cent on the 2024 revised budget of N923.46 billion. The main budget components include recurrent expenditure of N300 billion and capital expenditure of N655 billion. The total projected recurrent expenditure for 2025 is put at N830 billion as against the proposed revised provision of N803.703 billion for 2024.

    The breakdown of expected inflows include Internally Generated Revenue (IGR )of N80 billion, statutory revenue, N20 billion; derivation revenue, N135 billion, 13 per cent derivative revenue arrears, N60 billion; exchange gain, augmentation and others, N455 billion; excess crude account, N5 billion; Value Added Tax (VAT), N70 billion and ecological fund of N5 billion.

    For recurrent expenditure, incorporating personnel cost is estimated at N115.7 billion, while overhead cost would gulp N184.31 billion. On the other hand, total projected capital receipts showed that N530 billion would be transferred from the Consolidated Revenue Fund, while the balance of N125 billion consisted mainly of N100 billion opening balance from 2024 account.

    The sectoral allocation in the budget suggests that 59 per cent or N564.4 billion would be spent on the economic sector, N215.86 billion or 22.6 per cent on the administrative sector, 2.2 per cent or N21.39 billion on law and justice sector and N152.33 billion or 16 per cent on social sector.

    Cross River State

    Cross River State’s N538.52 billion 2025 Budget, which came into force on January 01, 2025, consisted of recurrent expenditures of N202.61 billion, capital expenditures of N333.34 billion and statutory votes of N2.567 billion. The highest allocations under the recurrent expenditures were to debt management department, N 50 billion; Office of Accountant General, N36.2 billion and special services department, with N10.72 billion. In capital expenditures, highest allocations were to Ministries of Work and Infrastructure, Aviation, Education and Health at N99.63 billion, N16 billion, N9.56 billion and N16.8 billion respectively.

    Ekiti State

    Ekiti State’s N375.790 billion 2025 Budget focused on the state’s shared prosperity agenda, which was built on six pillars of governance, youth development and job creation, human capital development, agriculture and rural development, infrastructure and industrialization and arts, culture and tourism.

    Expected revenue sources included Federal Allocation of N168.15 billion or 44.7 per cent of total budget size, Value Added Tax (VAT) of N54.92 billion or 14.6 per cent of budget size, IGR of 29.1 billion or 7.7 per cent of budget size, external grants of N79.51 billion or 21.2 per cent of budget and loan of N25 billion or 6.7 per cent of total budget size.

    The breakdown of the budget included recurrent expenditures of N192.33 billion or 51 per cent of total budget and capital expenditures of N183.46 billion, about 49 per cent of total budget. Personnel cost of N60.88 billion or 16 per cent of recurrent budget was the highest under recurrent expenditures, followed by grants and subsidies, which were expected to close at N36.44 billion or 10 per cent of the budget.  A total of N138.18 billion of the capital budget is allocated to the economic sector, followed by social sector with 14 per cent or N26.49 billion. Administrative sector and law and justice sector received N14.13 billion or 8.0 per cent and N4.6 billion or 3.0 per cent respectively.

    The 2025 budget, christened “Budget of Sustainable Impact”, focused on the economic sector, which included agriculture and food security, rural development, small and medium enterprises (SMEs), social investments programmes, arts, culture and tourism and infrastructure. Governor Biodun Oyebanji explained that the allocation of the highest allocation to the economic sector was because it plays a vital role owing to its capacity to engender sustainable growth and development. Some of the major projects to be executed under the economic sector included massive agricultural projects, completion of the 1km flyover bridge from Union Bank in Ajilosun to First Bank at Okeyinmi, Ado Ekiti, construction of rural and farm access roads and provision of potable water and sanitation facilities across the state and rural.

    Adamawa’s 2025 budget

    For the 2025 budget, the Adamawa State government puts its proposed spending at ₦486,218,047,600 towards the financing of both the recurrent and capital development programmes within the 2025 fiscal year. This represents over 100 per cent increase when compared to the 2024 budget of ₦225,893,690,626.00.

    The Governor of Adamawa State, Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, while presenting the budget on December 16, 2024, noted that this year’s budget is in line with the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) and Fiscal Strategy Paper (FSP). Out of the total Proposed Budget Estimate of ₦486,218,047,600, the sum of ₦137,256,217,610, which represents 28.23 per cent is earmarked for Recurrent services, while the balance of N348,961,829,990 which is 71.77 per cent of the total Projected Annual Budget is earmarked for Capital Development Programmes and services in the state.

    A breakdown of the state’s budget in terms of expected revenue indicates that the state hopes to raise the following revenue thus: Statutory Allocation   of N53,000,000,000 or 10.9 per cent; Share of VAT, N91,000,000,000 or 18.7 per cent; excess non-oil N12,000,000,000 or 2.4 per cent; exchange rate gain, N50,000,000,000    or 10.3 per cent; Ecological /Flood funds, N10,632,000,000    or 2.2 per cent; Electronic money transfer   N3,500,000,000 or 0.7 per cent; State infrastructure & security , N42,000,000,000 or 8.6 per cent; Signature bonus, N60,000,000,000 or 12.3 per cent; Other FAAC distribution, N48,000,000,000 or 9.9 per cent; Independent revenue, N24,568,582,500 or 5.1 per cent and Capital receipts, N91,517,465,100 or 18.8 per cent.

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    In terms of budgetary allocations, the Ministry of Works and Energy Development tops the list with N88,887,728,830.00. This is  closely followed by Ministry of Education and Human Capital Development with N40,407,396,580.00 and the Office of the Accountant General, N25,877,656,320.00

    The Ministry of Agriculture, with N12,695,312,040.00; Ministry of Health and Human Services, with N12,646,274,760.00 and Ministry of Rural Infrastructure & Community Development, with an allocation of N11,060,140,560.00 places as the last three ministries with the least allocations.

    Ogun State

    Ogun State is set to drive growth, infrastructure with N1.055 trillion budget for 2025

     Its total budget estimated at N1.055 trillion for the year 2025 will be channeled to building key infrastructure and supporting growth in key segments of the economy.

     The State Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun, disclosed this during the budget presentation to the state House of Assembly, in Ogun State.

     He disclosed that the revenue composition includes an estimated N120.97 billion from the Ogun State Internal Revenue Service (OGIRS) and N193.85 billion from other Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs), totaling N314.82 billion. Statutory allocations from the Federal Government, including FAAC and VAT, are projected at N228.06 billion.

     He said: “We will continue to leverage existing statutes to enhance revenue transparency, broaden the base, and strengthen the State’s finances without imposing additional burdens on residents,” he stated.

     The Governor, explained that that expenditure policy for 2025 aligns with the Ogun State Economic Development Plan and Strategy (2021–2025), targeting fiscal sustainability, human development, food security, a favorable business environment, energy sufficiency, enhanced transport infrastructure, and industrialization with a focus on Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs).

     “The 2025 budget represents a carefully designed strategic roadmap aimed at accelerating our development agenda. It is a manifestation of our shared vision for a prosperous Ogun State—a state where infrastructure, quality education, healthcare, security, and economic opportunities are accessible to all,” he said.

    Bauchi State

    With the passage of the N467 billion 2025 budget, tagged “Budget of Consolidation and Sustainable Development,” by the Bauchi State House of Assembly, the implementation of Governor Bala Mohammed’s ‘My Bauchi Project’, the strategic vision developed to guide his administration, is on course.

     This followed the governor’s November 21, 2024 proposed N465 billion appropriation bill to the assembly, which, according to Speaker Suleiman Abubakar, was jacked up by N2 billion, making it N467 billion which was then passed. Mohammed said the upward review of N2 billion was necessitated by the desire to ensure that services were delivered to the people.

     His words: “We look forward to implementing the 2025 budget for the next one year and are ever more committed to investing in the development of critical infrastructure needed to grow our economy. We will also pay special attention to develop the human capital resources of the state through prioritisation of education, healthcare delivery and provision of key social services.

     “This is in addition to a plan to promote agriculture production, improve commerce and attract investors.”

     In the 2025 fiscal year, N465b has been earmarked for capital and recurrent services. This comprises of recurrent expenditure of N183b, representing 39.3 per cent while capital expenditure gets N282b, which represents 60.7 per cent.

     The sum of N273b is estimated as recurrent revenue, made up of Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) of N50, 028b; Statutory Allocation N42, 030b; VAT N78, 500b; and FAAC Revenue N102, 500b.

     Bauchi State also projects to realize capital receipts in the sum of N172.441 billion in the following areas: Aids and Grants N27,629,353,172.00 and Bond N30,000,000,000.00.

    Niger State

    Niger State has unveiled a budget of N1.5 trillion for the current year, aimed at stimulating economic growth, which marks a substantial increase from the previous year’s budget of N805 billion. The budget for 2025 surpasses the 2024 appropriation by 48.3 percent. According to Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago, the budget allocates over N196 billion for recurrent expenditure and more than N1.3 trillion for capital expenditure. The focus of this budget will be on critical economic sectors such as the security of lives and property, agriculture and food security, health, education, water and sanitation, infrastructure development, social security, and environmental sustainability. The State Government anticipates a revenue of N1,558,887,565,358.00 to facilitate these objectives

    The allocations include N53,400,000,000.00 as Statutory Allocation; N85,300,555,454.00 from Value Added Tax; N236,900,000,000.00 from other Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) Receipts; N63,360,000,000.00 from Internally Generated Revenue (IGR); N186,368,241,948.00 from supplementary IGR; and N933,558,767,956.00 from capital receipts. The capital receipts consist of N493,496,681,728.00 in loans and N440,062,086,228.00 in grants.

    The proposed recurrent expenditure amounts to N196 billion, which includes N72,276,458,552.00 allocated for Personnel Costs, N51,106,010,146.00 designated for Overhead Costs, and N72,952,892,745.00 for charges under the Consolidated Revenue Fund. In addition, the capital expenditure comprises N27,611,200,002.00 for Administrative purposes, N1,362,552,203,915.00 for Economic initiatives, N3,508,500,000.00 for Law and Justice, and N224,926,959,523.00 for the Social Sector.

    Imo State

     Imo State is targeting expanded economic opportunities with N755.6 billion  budget

     The Imo State Government has expressed its readiness to pursue expanded economic development of its domain with its budget estimates of N755,588,041, 220.

    According to the budget speech presented by its Governor, Mr Hope Uzodinma to the State House of Assembly, the State intends to raise N42,577,065, 257 billion as internally generated revenue while it expects N293,154,121,949 billion from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC).

    It expects  capital receipts around the neigbourhood of over N419, 856,584,014 billion.

    A breakdown of the budget indicated that the Ministry of Works and Infrastructural Development will gulp 46 per cent amounting to over N296,461,152,778 billion followed by the Ministry of Transport allocated N101,010,000,000 billion representing 16 per cent.

    The budget sectoral allocation has the Ministry of Power and Electrification gulping N74,755,497,042, representing 12 per cent.

    The Ministry of Tourism, Hospitality is allocated N30,210,000,000, representing five per cent, whereas the Ministry of Health is allocated N22,933,234,000 billion, which is four per cent of the budget estimate.

    Three point three per cent of the budget , amounting to over N21,130,000, 000 billion will cater to the needs of the Ministry of Environment and Sanitation.

    The Ministry of Livestock Development as well as the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security are allocated N20,000,000,000 billion and N12,011,958780 billion respectively, representing three and two per cent.

    The Ministries  of Housing and Education are allocated the least with N7,865,000,000 billion and N7,420,000,000 billion representing one point two per cent and one per cent.

    Uzodinma said the implementation of the budget will translate to making Imo State a viable economic and industrial entity with proper utilization of resources.

  • Endless threats to public health as open defecation persists

    Endless threats to public health as open defecation persists

    This special report was commissioned by The Nation Journalism Foundation (tNJF).

    Why practice persists in Lagos, Kaduna, Kano, Niger, Ebonyi, Bauchi, others

    A common sight in Nigerian cities and rural communities is the post warning residents against defecating in open places. The sing song is: “do not defecate or urinate here,” with the accompanying threat: “offenders will be prosecuted”. Unfortunately, the warning/threat is most often complied with in the breach. The common post aimed at stopping open defecation, compared with others like “No Parking”, “No Loitering” and “This property is not for sale”, which the public usually obey, has mostly failed in respect of open defecation as reported by PRECIOUS IGBONWELUNDU, ALAO ABIODUN, FAITH YAHAYA, ABDULGAFAR ALABELEWE, ONIMISI ALAO, DAVID ADENUGA, JUSTINA ASISHANA, FANEN IHYONGO, LINUS OOTA, OGOCHUKWU ANIOKE and ROSEMARY NWISI

    In the heart of Nigeria‘s bustling cities and sprawling rural communities lies a deeply troubling issue that defies modern sensibilities: open defecation. This age-old practice, often borne out of necessity, has turned public spaces, waterways and residential areas into unsanitary landscapes, threatening public health, environmental sustainability and human dignity.

    For many Nigerians the toilet is not only the conventional structure fortified with toilet seats and water closets; it can be anything open-fields, bushes, roadsides and waterways. The sight, sound and stench of open defecation are a stark reminder of the systemic challenges the country faces in sanitation and public health.

    It is usually a harrowing scene beholding heaps of human waste dot the edges of crowded markets, overhead bridges, rail tracks, motor parks and even pedestrian walkways in Lagos; clog drainage channels in Kano and Kaduna and pollute streams in the Niger Delta.

    In rural areas, children play in spaces contaminated by human faeces, unaware of the health risks. In urban slums, overcrowding and lack of access to basic sanitation facilities leave residents with no alternative but to defecate on the streets or in plastic bags, which are then indiscriminately discarded.

    In some cases, the situation escalates from the unsightly to downright hazardous. During rainy season, human waste washes into open wells, streams and rivers, which serve as the primary water sources for many communities. This contamination leads to outbreaks of waterborne diseases such as cholera, typhoid, and dysentery.

    In 2023 alone, more than 5,000 cases of cholera were recorded across Nigeria, with open defecation identified as a significant contributing factor. This year, many states including Lagos, Niger and Ebonyi are still battling cholera outbreaks that have killed several hundreds and left many more hospitalised.

    The practice also has profound social implications. Women and girls, often forced to seek privacy in remote areas, become vulnerable to sexual harassment and assault. Besides the immediate health and safety risks, the indignity of defecating in the open strips individuals of their basic humanity, perpetuating cycles of poverty and shame.

    Grim statistics

    According to the United Nations Children Education Fund (UNICEF), as of 2023, approximately 48 million Nigerians still lack access to safe toilets. The organisation’s 2021 Water Sanitation and Hygiene National Outcome Routine Mapping (WASHNORM) report indicated that 48 million people in Nigeria practice open defecation; only 10 per cent of the population has access to basic water, sanitation and hygiene services while only eight per cent practices clean hand washing.

    The report further stated that the percentage of household members who practised open defecation varies by region: North Central (53.9%), Southwest (28.0%) and Northwest (10.3%).

    Another UNICEF report published in September revealed that almost 2,000 children under the age of five die daily in low and middle income countries due to air pollution-related illnesses.

    Dangers of open defecation

    According to an environmental scientist, Dr Umar Shehu, open defecation not only poses a health risk to ground water but contaminates foods, fruits and vegetables sold in the open. Shehu said: “Most of the foods we buy from the open market are at risk of contamination.

    “These contaminations can happen in so many ways. For example, most of the people who sell food and fruits that we buy and consume directly are people who don’t have access to good toilets.

    “Yet, after engaging in open defecation without washing their hands with soap or even washing at all, they come back to peel that orange, slice that watermelon and touch other food that we buy and eat directly.

    “Another way of contamination through food is that behind or beside almost every market around, you see a refuse site where people defecate openly.

    “What that means is that the breeze can lift dirt from that refuse site and drop it on our garri, flour and other food items left open in the market.

    “The dangers of open defecation are just too many to mention.”

    Lagos’ many efforts, little results

    In 2003, the Lagos State Government started a campaign to punish those who urinate, defecate or throw water sachets carelessly on the road with two to three months imprisonment or a fine between ₦2,000 and ₦10,000. Unfortunately, the story has changed, and our communities remain plagued with open defecation.

    Our correspondent’s trip to some popular areas in Lagos metropolis, Iyana-Ipaja, Ikotun, Ilaje-Bariga waterfront, Ejigbo, Isolo, Oshodi rail track and park, Oko-Oba Agege, Oyingbo and Makoko was intermittently interrupted by unpleasant smell of urine as well as fresh and congealed faeces.

    In August this year, the Lagos State Ministry of Environment and Water Resources intensified its clean-up of the Ojodu-Berger highway median as part of its effort to end open defecation. The Ogun State Environmental Protection Agency also joined in the effort aimed at giving residents and commuters along that stretch some respite.

    But a recent visit to the axis showed a despicable sight. Lumps of fecal waste and droplets of urine with offensive odour forced their way through the nostrils, sending wrong signals to the brains and other organs.

    It was bulk-passing game when our correspondent sampled opinions to unravel the goings on in the minds of the people responsible for polluting and defacing the environment. The traders blamed residents who do not have pit latrines in their homes while the residents also blamed street urchins for the ugly trend.

    At the Ilaje area of Lagos, our correspondent observed many people, including adults and children excreting into the lagoon. The surroundings grossly lacked the level of hygiene expected of a place where smoked fish is processed and sold for public consumption.

    Ebonyi tops prevalence chart

    Ebonyi State is reputed for having the highest prevalence of open defecation in Nigeria with 73 per cent, as only seven per cent of the state’s inhabitants have access to safely managed water.

    Also, 78 per cent of the inhabitants drink water contaminated with E. coli while only two per cent have access to basic hygiene services.

    The General Manager (GM) of Ebonyi State Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Agency (EBRUWASA), Agwu Joseph, described the water sanitation and health situation in the state as pathetic and dangerous.

    He said the administration of Governor Francis Nwifuru has revitalised the moribund agency and paid its counterpart fund of N200 million for the Partnership for Expanded Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (P-WASH).

    “As a result, over 51 boreholes have been dug in various communities of the rural areas in the state,” he said.

    However, this is said to be grossly inadequate as many communities have no potable water. Sources told our reporter that more than 98 per cent of boreholes dug across various communities in the state have parked up owing to non-maintenance.

    On open defecation, it was gathered that no local government in the state is free of the problem.

    A resident of Abakaliki, Ifeoma Ezeaku, said there used to be a task force against open defecation, but over the years, the task force had become less active.

    Investigation by The Nation showed that the state allocated less than two per cent of its budget to WASH.  No dime was allocated to the Ukawu Water Scheme, an uncompleted water project started by the Martin Elechi administration, in the 2024 budget.

    The situation is worse in rural areas as many people don’t have toilet facilities.

    The Commissioner for Water Resources, Chinedu Nkah, told our reporter: “We are also building toilets. Lack of toilet facilities is another major source of cholera outbreak.

    “It is very dangerous to defecate in the bushes because when the rain falls, it washes the whole thing back to the water and the community people will drink it, and it becomes a serious problem,” he said.

    Why menace persists in Kaduna, others

    With multidimensional poverty, lack of access to water and inadequate toilets plaguing northern Nigeria, open defecation remains a hard nut to crack. In Kaduna State, 14 of the 23 LGAs and approximately 600,000 people still practice open defecation.

    The remaining nine LGAs, representing 39 per cent of the population, have attained the ODF status.

    While adults, especially females, appear to go into hiding, using the potty or polythene bags to throw their faeces into nearby bushes or gutters, children innocently and playfully climb to the top of refuse heaps to defecate.

    Save for public schools and hospitals, there are no free public toilets in Kaduna. Most of those who engage in open defecation cannot afford to patronise the commercial toilets popularly called Gidan Wanka, which are available in markets, motor parks and mechanic workshops.

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    Low-income residents like artisans, labourers, bus conductors and porters in the market consider it a luxury to use the commercial toilets that charge between N150 and N200.

    Like many other states, Kaduna has faced challenges with pipe-borne water for over a decade. This has led to the collapse of the toilet systems in many homes, especially those that cannot afford to sink boreholes.

    But the government has been working in partnership with UNICEF and other international and local partners to stamp out open defecation in the state.

    At the event where the nine LGAs were declared ODF (open-defecation free), Kaduna State Deputy Governor Hadiza Sabuwa Balarabe, a medical doctor, noted that the health indicators of the state (2007-2021) told a sobering story.

    She said: “Preventive health measures accounted for just 5.3%, while curative efforts stood at a stagnant 23.0%. These figures are unacceptable and clearly show the need for a paradigm shift.

    “We must focus more on preventing diseases rather than solely reacting to their consequences. This further stresses the urgent need to end open defecation.”

    Kano takes lead for ODF attainment

    For Kano State, 26 LGAs have been declared ODF. Though open defecation practice remains predominant in 18 local government areas, UNICEF while acknowledging the state’s efforts to address the menace said only two per cent of Kano’s population still practice open defecation.

    Although there are toilets in public places in the state, they are largely owned and run by private individuals who charge a fee for their use.

    UNICEF Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) Specialist, Malam Uba Lawal, said the increasing level of open defecation in Kano State was due to the increase in the prices charged by the toilet owners in the metropolitan areas.

    Niger’s ultramodern markets, model schools without toilets

    The story of open defecation is the same in Niger State despite claims by the government that the practice was in decline.

    Niger has a big ultra-modern market in Minna, the state capital, a big daily retail market that is heavily patronised called PZ, and several weekly markets in the rural areas.

    The Kure Ultra-Modern Market in Minna has only two public toilets, which are privately run. One of the public toilets is located at the extreme edge of the market, making it difficult for some of the traders at the other end to access.

    The second toilet is located outside the perimeter fence of the market, mostly suited for traders whose shops or stalls are situated outside the fence.

    But most of the traders do not use it as some of them protested paying money ‘just to defecate’.

    At the PZ retail market, there are no public toilets except for some of the plazas whose washrooms are for use by shop owners.

    A visit to the Model Science College, Bosso, Bosso Secondary School and Government Model Science College, Tundun Fulani, revealed the deplorable state of toilet facilities there, which have left students defecating in nearby bushes.

    Nkangbe Primary School, Gidan Mangoro Primary School and the Day Secondary School, Birji also suffer the same fate. Some of the teachers who live nearby said they go to their houses when pressed.

    Deputy Director, Environmental Health in Niger State Ministry of Environment, Jibril Katamba Naimi, said massive awareness and sensitization campaigns were ongoing for people to build and use toilets.

    Absence of legal framework feeds open defecation in Adamawa

    It was then Commissioner of Water Resources, Hassan Kaigama, who in 2022 regretted that the government could not move against people who practise open defecation in Adamawa State due to the absence of legal backing.

    “Defecation in open places is rather out of hand because there are no laws to prosecute offenders,” Kaigama had said.

    In response to that revelation, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri, in December 2023 signed a policy document titled: “Harmonised Water Resources and Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) Policy”, designed in collaboration with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and other partners to promote the idea of safe drinking water, sanitation and hygiene.

    At the signing of the policy, Fintiri stated that provision of water was a top priority for his administration, adding that he would do a lot with the policy to increase happy outcomes.

    However, little has been done in that regard. The water that most residents of Yola use comes from private boreholes conveyed to homes by water vendors, who with current inflation charge between N1,000 and N2,000 for a cart containing twelve 25-litre jerry cans.

    Even in government offices, toilets are not readily available. Toilets which are typically shared to offices in the premises are locked up and keys held by the workers to whom such toilets are allocated.

    Epidemic looms in Bauchi schools over poor toilet sanitation, water scarcity

    A looming epidemic threatens the health and safety of students in Bauchi State as poor toilet sanitation and severe water scarcity in schools continue to put children at risk.

    Our correspondent, who visited Community Day Secondary School, Wunti Dada, a UBEC/SUBEB 2015 Project located on the outskirts of Bauchi metropolis, observed that the surrounding areas of the uncovered four-room toilet facility were polluted by scattered excreta.

    The Nation reports that the school, hosting about 1,000 students at both the junior and secondary levels, is one of the public schools in Bauchi battling with poor toilet sanitation.

    Speaking in an interview with The Nation, some of the teachers said the deplorable conditions have not only impacted on the overall hygiene and well-being of students but also posed serious challenges to the learning environment.

    A teacher, who preferred anonymity, said: “The condition of the toilets in our school is appalling. They are not only unhygienic but also breeding grounds for various health issues.

    “It is disheartening to see students struggling with such necessities. The female students are suffering. Some of them, if they say they want to urinate, they use that as an opportunity to avoid learning.

    “Some of them see it as an opportunity not to come back. Even when they come back, another period is gone. Some of them find it difficult to learn because they are not used to it.

    “All the toilets here are in bad shape. Even houses close to the school have started complaining. And there is no way we can stop them because we can’t allow them to urinate in their classrooms.”

    According to findings, more than half of young girls who drop out of school do so due to poor water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities.

    Also, statistics from WASH National Outcome Routine Mapping, 2021, revealed that 97 per cent of public places across Bauchi State do not have basic WASH facilities for public use while 72 per cent of the schools in Bauchi do not have access to basic Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH) facilities needed by students and teachers.

    When contacted, the Public Relations Officer (PRO) of SUBEB, Mohammed Abdullahi, said the board was aware of the dilapidated toilets in the government-owned schools.

    Abdullahi assured that “part of our action plan for the year will be the renovation of dilapidated classrooms and the construction of toilets, boreholes, and fences. We will also provide them with school gardens and sporting facilities.”

    In Nasarawa school, teachers, pupils used one latrine for 30 years

    Until three weeks ago, students and teachers of Government College Doma, built in 1980, queued in front of the single pit latrine to do their business.

    Those who could not endure the long wait either had to trek into nearby bushes or go back home to relieve themselves.

    But respite came their way just three weeks ago when the Chief Press Secretary (CPS) to the Governor, Ibrahim Addra, provided a Water Cistern (WC) for their use.

    The school’s Vice Principal, Othman Ogaji, confirmed that the teachers used to defecate in the bushes, noting that trekking to and fro the bush disrupted their productivity and affected academic activities.

    The absence of good toilet facilities is not peculiar to the above secondary school. About 85 per cent of public primary and secondary schools do not have toilet facilities.

    Also, most of the headquarters of the 13 local government areas of the state do not have functional public toilets. Ironically, the chairmen of these local governments are tasked with the responsibility of providing good toilet facilities for public use and water.

    Different strokes for different folks

    Mrs. Barakat, a market woman at Oyingbo seemed unbothered by the stench oozing out of the surrounding that could make the uninitiated to puke.

    “We are used to this smell. It appears you’re new here. There are some traders that sleep in the market over the night, and they mess up the area with their faeces. This is the kind of stench and filth we endure daily just to sell our goods,” she said with nothing in her countenance showing she was badly affected.

    At Oshodi market, one of the traders, Mrs. Jimoh said: “For me and some other women here, we urinate in some corners at the market. Because we have to pay money before we use the toilet, we are left with no option than to look for a place to ease ourselves.”

    A homeless young man popularly called Ejo, said in Pidgin English: “We no get money to dey use toilet. How much we dey collect? We dey sleep and wake for under the bridge, with no work. Instead I go use the money smoke sef.

    At Ejigbo and Ije-Ododo areas of Lagos, some of the canals were littered with faeces. Cattle also defecated and passed urine in the canal.

    A market leader in Isolo, Alhaji Alimi said: “This has been a problem and it is not limited to our area alone.

    “We believe governments, private firms and religious centres should invest in building more public toilets, especially mobile toilets and other public facilities that are free.

    “Also they should continuously sensitise the public against open defecation.”

    Mummy Hajarat, a businesswoman in the Maitama Ultra-Modern Market in Kubwa Area of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), was seen making her way out of the toilet in the market.

    In a brief chat with our correspondent she explained that she usually went to that particular toilet because it was properly maintained.

    “I am a businesswoman in the market. I sell food, and as a businesswoman who expects to make sales, I have to be around in my shop. I cannot lock my shop and run home anytime I am pressed. To avoid being absent whenever customers come around, I went around the market and discovered that this particular toilet (Ayuba toilet) is the neatest and well-maintained. “So, as far as I do my business in this market, this is the toilet I will be using. It is the neatest and I don’t mind the cost. We used to pay N20 to urinate and N50 to defecate but now it is N50 and N100, respectively. The price is okay for me.

    Asked if she had ever treated an infection as a result of using the public toilet, she said: “At times, there is a way I position myself when I want to use the toilet, I don’t squat fully and so far, I have not had reason to treat any infection.”

    Kabir Musa, who is in charge of the toilet, said: “We need to keep this place clean and the only way we can do that is if we have adequate water, detergent and other cleaning agents. The little money we charge our customers is what we use to run this place.

    Another toilet at the exit gate of the marketplace enjoys less patronage. In response to our inquiry, the idle operator simply said: “People no get money to chop. The small money wey dem get na food dey go use am buy”.

    Despite having five toilets at different corners of the market, some traders and customers still said they prefer to use the bush, roadside, or car parks.

    Mummy Funmi, a dealer in used clothes popularly called ‘Okrika’, said she stopped using public toilets after spending so much money to buy antibiotics to treat infections she suspected were contracted from using them.

    She said: “Since I discovered that I treat toilet infections often, I have decided to look for a nearby bush around the market or an uncompleted building to defecate whenever I am pressed. Since I started open defecation, I have not had reasons to treat toilet infection.”

    Aminu Yusuf, a POS operator at the Kure Ultra-Modern Market in Niger, wondered why he has to pay to ease himself when the government is supposed to provide free public toilets.

    Sarah, who fries soya beans outside the market fence, also lamented the lack of access to the toilet, adding that she helps herself in any free space when the need arises.

    Efforts to combat open defecation

    Recognizing the gravity of the issue, the Nigerian government launched the “Clean Nigeria: Use the Toilet” campaign in 2019. Spearheaded by the Federal Ministry of Water Resources, the campaign aimed to make Nigeria open defecation-free (ODF) by 2025. With a mix of public awareness, community engagement, and infrastructural investments, the initiative sought to promote the construction and use of household and communal toilets.

    The Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation, Prof. Joseph Utsev, ahead of the Clean Nigeria Campaign Strategic Plan’s launch and the commemoration of the 2024 World Toilet Day, themed “Toilets: A Place for Peace,” said attaining the ODF status in Nigeria involves more than building toilets. He revealed that the country needed 11.6m toilets to meet its 2030 ODF target.

    According to him, 135 Local Government Areas (LGAs) and over 30,000 communities have achieved the ODF status since the inception of the “Clean Nigeria: Use the Toilet Campaign in 2019”.

    State governments have also joined the fight. In Ekiti, Bauchi, and Jigawa states, Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS) programmes have empowered local leaders to champion the cause. These programmes encourage communities to take collective responsibility for sanitation, ensuring every household has access to a toilet.

    Speaking during a Live Space on X, Lagos Environment and Water Resources Commissioner, Tokunbo Wahab, acknowledged the challenges of open defecation.

    He gave insights on the special topography of Lagos, its landmass and population, which all contributes to sanitation and environmental challenges.

    “…Lagos also houses 10% of the country’s population, and they are still coming daily because Lagos is their own New York or London, which is okay.

    “All these put together makes Lagos a melting pot for the country called Nigeria and throws up the environmental challenges that we now experience in Lagos.

    “Some of them are existential. There’s little we can do about them. But as a people, our resilience is for us to make it better, and that is what the government of Governor Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu and his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat, have been doing in the past few years.

    “Putting in place infinite infrastructure to help discharge our storm water and reduce the issues, bordering on flooding and flash flooding. Putting in place resilient infrastructure to help us out with the 13,000 tons of municipal solid waste that we generate in a day. “Putting in place for the future, infrastructure to help us manage the liquid waste and sewage system for the state called Lagos.

    “Also, working around the system to ensure that we have pipe-borne water in our homes in the next few years by activating the biggest water infrastructure we have in Lagos with 70,000,000-gallon capacity per day.

    “If we get this going by the grace of God, in the next few months, because contractors are working assiduously, the cause and effect on our health will be unquantifiable.

    “The same governor and his deputy are also working round the clock to ensure that years to come, we have in place a policy that will discourage open defecation by working out advocacy, awareness, and enforcement because it’s been bad.

    “They are also putting in place infrastructure to ensure that we have additional 100 plus public toilets across the states. We are Lagos. We are very proud of all these things. Are we there yet? I will tell you no. But we are on a journey to get there soon.”

    The Niger State Government, in the 2024 budget approved N30 million for the construction of 500 latrines in communities across the state using a community-led sanitation concept. This would give two toilets to a community per ward if it is implemented. About N211 million was approved for the provision of boreholes and latrines for community WASH education centres statewide and another N30 million for the construction of 30-compartment toilet latrines across the three geo-political zones in the state.

    Also, N20 million was approved for a statewide open defecation programme while the N35 million approved for the same programme in 2023 was not accessed.

    Also in the budget, 0.88 per cent amounting to N5.19 billion was earmarked for the water and sanitation sectors.  According to the Ministry of Water and Dams Development, the state aims to improve water infrastructure, expand access to potable water sources, and implement effective sanitation measures.

    The Nasarawa state government through the Commissioner for Environment, Kwanta Yakubu, introduced monthly sanitation exercise. But the scarcity of water and incessant national grid collapse have not helped matters.

    The state government said it was not going back on enforcement as 61 persons were recently arrested over alleged violation of the law against open defecation.

    The Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Environment told our Correspondent that the suspects were later released after agreeing to comply with the directive to build toilets in their facilities, though they were each fined N50,000 to serve as a deterrent to others.

    Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international partners, including UNICEF, WaterAid, and the World Bank, have also played pivotal roles. Through funding and technical expertise, they have supported the construction of sanitation facilities in schools, markets, and healthcare centers across the country.

    Why does the problem persist?

    Despite these efforts, Nigeria remains the country with the highest number of people practicing open defecation in Africa, and the second highest globally, trailing only India.  Experts attribute this menace to poverty and inequality, cultural barriers, inadequate infrastructure, weak governance and population growth.

    According to them, over 40 per cent of the population live below the poverty line and struggle to meet food and shelter needs and so, building or using a toilet is seen as an unaffordable luxury.

    Local governments, tasked with the responsibility of sanitation management, often lack the resources or capacity to enforce regulations.

    Also, Nigeria’s rapidly growing population exacerbates the problem. With over 200 million people, the demand for sanitation infrastructure outstrips supply, leaving millions in the lurch.

    To Zikora Ibeh, the Senior Programme Manager, Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), decades of awareness and sensitization campaigns by government and non-governmental organisations have not succeeded in eradicating the practice because of poverty, homelessness, poor housing, inadequate public water infrastructure and sanitation systems.

    She noted that the menace was worse in urban cities due to housing, water and sanitation provision lagging behind population growth.

    Quoting available statistics, Ibeh noted that the country has a housing deficit of no less than 28 million with at least 700,000 newly built housing units needed annually to plug the gap.

    “This means tens of millions are homeless across the country. Especially in Lagos with a population of over 20 million, millions of people often sleep under overhead bridges, motor parks, inside school classrooms and roadside shops.

    “Without any access to lavatory and sanitation systems, open defecation is the only way these people can relief themselves. There is also another layer who are forced to squat with friends and families due to the housing crisis.

    “While they are better off than those who sleep under the bridges, squatting often leads to overcrowding that puts pressures on existing water and sanitation facilities.

    “The sharp increase in rent especially in major cities due to inflation and other macro-economic indices is also a factor in the prevalence of open defecation.

    “As more and more people are forced by escalating rents to move into slum settlements in the suburb, they are compelled to make a trade-off between affordable rent and lack of access to essential facilities like toilet, water and sanitation systems. Housing conditions in poor and slum settlements are often unplanned, threadbare and without the accompaniment of the basic facilities and comfort that housing units within cities have.

    “Also, public infrastructures like electricity, pipe borne water supply and planned waste disposal systems are often either absent or insufficient in slum settlements due to the informal manner these communities often emerge thereby further compounding the crisis of open defecation.

    “Another important factor is the absence of public toilets in many urban conurbations like Lagos which commuters can utilize when suddenly pressed. Given the challenge of Lagos traffic, many commuters are constantly in need to relief themselves.”

    According to her, the government has failed over the years to tackle the problem at the root while simply concentrating on awareness and sensitization.

    Call to action

    To address the problem, Prof. Utsev outlined some Federal Government’s initiatives, including the Declaration of a State of Emergency in the water supply hygiene and sanitation (WASH) sector; the National Action Plan to revitalise the sector; the Partnership for Expanded Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (PEWASH) Programme, the Sustainable Urban and Rural Water Supply, Sanitation, and Hygiene (SURWASH) Programme, as well as the Presidential Executive Order 009 as measures to achieving an ODF status by next year.

    For the Minister, there was need for a strong collaboration from states and local governments, international organisations, private sector partners, civil society organisations, the media, and the public to achieve the universal access to sanitation by 2030 through the Clean Nigeria Campaign Strategic Plan.

    Ibeh said the government should first invest in standard public housing in order to resolve at least 30 percent of the crisis of open defecation.

    “Secondly, all government buildings including schools and hospitals must have functioning toilets. The government must also ensure that all private developers build in adherence to authorized prescriptions and that no residential or commercial building can be erected without provision for modern toilets facilities.

    “The availability of piped water is essential to the functioning of modern toilet and sanitation system. Therefore, the government must rejig and invest in the public water corporations to ensure adequate water supply for use at homes and by industries…” she stated.

    Campaigns against open defecation have been intensified in Rivers State.

    Currently sensitization/enlightenment and training programmes are ongoing in some Local Government Council Areas where the State Government is conducting pilot scheme towards ending open defecation in the State by the year, 2030, the Nation learnt.

    Speaker Victor Oko-Jumbo led State House of Assembly on July this year passed a resolution that public toilets facilities be built across the 23 local government areas of the State, as a way of curbing open menace of open defecation in the State.

    The Lawmakers equally advocated for regular monitoring, evaluation and active participation of relevant ministries and stakeholders in the fight against problem.

    In compliance with the resolution, the State water supply and sanitation Agency

    has since kick-started enlightenment and train the trainers programme in four selected Council areas, each from the senatorial zones of the State, to pave way for the project construction proper.

    The LGAs are: Akuku-Toru, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni; Ikwerre and Opobo/Nkoro.

    The Acting General Manager of the Rivers State water supply and sanitation Agency, Napoleon Adah, who disclosed this to the Nation in Port Harcourt, assured that the State Government is not resting on his oars to ensure the State meets the 2030 Global Millennium Goals target to end open defecation across the World, including Nigeria.

    Speaking to our Reporter, via a telephone interview, Adah said, “As a State, we’re presently intervening to end open defecation in four local government areas, it is like a pilot scheme, meaning that the intervention would later be expanded to accommodate more areas and then the entire State as the programme progresses.

    “We have intensified campaigns, sensitizing all communities and villages in the four council areas on the need to do away with open defecation.

    “Already the State House of Assembly have resolved and directed that public toilets should be constructed across the 23 Council areas of the State to ensure that it is available for users; travellers at all times, and that is the campaigns we’re carrying out in the rural communities where we’re currently working.

    “As a State Agency that is saddled with the responsibilities of campaigning, teaching, building and enforcing the Lawmakers directive on this matter, we have been touring around these LGAs, conducting train the trainers programme on WASH, which is targeted at eradicating open defecation in our various communities.”

    He expressed the Government’s determination and efforts at ensuring the eradication of the growing menace in the State, especially with the growing population of slump residents due to hardship and high cost of accommodation, living in the country.

    “I can assure you that the Rivers State Government, under the Leadership of Sir Siminalayi Fubara is determined to end open defecation across the State and the Ministry of Water Resources on whose purview this programme being implemented is not leaving any stone unturned in ensuring that Rivers State achieves open- defecation-free target by the year, 2030.”

    Asked if construction of sanitation facilities have already started in the council areas as directed by the State Lawmakers said, it is the next phase after the LGA and community enlightenment, training programme.

    “It is after we have completed the enlightenment/training programmes in the communities and LGAs that construction will begin. Don’t forget that there are technicalities associated with this kind of project, like project plans and designs before the construction proper will start.

    “I don’t entertain any doubt that in due time, government sanitation facility will be constructed in public places across the State, markets, churches, motor parks among others.

    Before now, the Rivers State Government and UNICEF, under the Niger Delta WASSA programme have provided toilet facilities and water in communities in Akuku-Toru and Opobo/Nkoro council areas, the Federal Ministry of Water and Sanitation has equally done same in some other places in the State like ONELGA, Tai, Akuku-Toru, Ikwerre and Ahoada East.” Adah explained.

    Speaking further, the Acting General Manager revealed that the burden of open defecation is more among those living in slumps and waterfronts where sanitation facilities are not considered and where they manage to build one, the way they are built does not encourage usage.”

    He called on Council Chairmen in the 23 LGAs to support State Government’s efforts on this, by ensuring that every home and houses in their localities have functional sanitation facilities, including public places, markets and motor parks, as well as worship centers.

    He also called on them to equally enforce compliance, assuring that with that, the challenge of open defecation would be a thing of the past on the State if all hands are on deck.

    • This special report was commissioned by The Nation Journalism Foundation (tNJF).