Category: Insight

  • Fading shadows: Once kings of their homes, now nomads of a broken world

    Fading shadows: Once kings of their homes, now nomads of a broken world

    • Plight of older men in aftermath of terror

    • How farmers’ displacement accentuates food insecurity

    How should one recall Bala Aliyu’s story? Like a dismal truth tucked within a mournful prose perhaps. Some may find in it a cautionary tale of how not to be a man in an age of jackals. But the 83-year-old would rather recount his past as the stuff of legend.

    Once, in the biting chill of harmattan, Aliyu teased a smile from his beloved Larai, drawing warmth and the promise of romantic bliss.

    Having earned her love and good graces, the rice farmer fancied the simple pleasures of raising a family with her. Nothing prepared him for the despair that would one day consume him.

    Aliyu, who once caused his wife’s heart to melt, through the icy harmattan “of 1981” became “a good for nothing coward” on Tuesday, June 3, 2014.

    On that day, the rice farmer became a postal icon of how not to be a husband. His fate altered in the exact moment that the first shot pierced through the calm of his family home in Attagara, in the remote tracts of Gwoza, Borno State.

    The day Attagara split open

    On Tuesday, June 3, 2014, Attagara split to a violence that would forever scar Aliyu and his people.

    The rice farmer and his family were startled from the normalcy of their daily life as the terrorist group, Boko Haram, invaded their village in a retaliatory attack that led to the death of over 130 people.

    The first gunshot rang as Larai cleansed their grandson, Ali, who had soiled his pants, in front of the house, and as Aliyu waited for her to be done, so that she could serve him his favourite cornmeal and stew.

    After the first shot rang out, multiple shots followed and ricocheted closer to their home as the terror squad, disguised as soldiers of the Nigerian Army, burst into their premises shooting indiscriminately. Aliyu fled.

    As the gunshots echoed through the air, Aliyu, then 73 years of age but surprisingly agile, fled into the wilderness. His legs, though weakened by age, found strength in the primal urge to survive.

    Behind him, the lifeless bodies of his second wife Hafsatu, his son Musa, and grandson Ali, lay in a pool of blood. Musa, who was visiting with his newly married bride, sprawled astride the house’s main entrance, his skull split apart by terrorist bullets. Aliyu’s first grandchild, Ali, lay dead in a mixture of blood and fecal water, his chest torn apart by hot lead too. But his first wife, Larai, and third wife, Saratu, survived.

    When home becomes a battlefield

    Attagara, once a haven of peace, was transformed into a battlefield soaked with the blood of its inhabitants as the terror squad spared neither the old nor the young. They turned the village upside down and inside out, in a macabre siege that stifled the cries of the dying in the crackle of gunfire.

    On June 1, 2014, Boko Haram had attacked a church in Attagara, killing nine people, but the villagers retaliated, killing many more militants. Two days later, the insurgents returned to punish Attagara.

    The gunmen returned dressed in military uniforms convincing residents that they had come to provide protection after the attack two days earlier, on Sunday. They gathered the people in the centre of the village on the pretext of addressing them on safety measures, and when a sizeable crowd had gathered, they opened fire at the crowd. They shot indiscriminately and continuously, killing both young and old.

    From the hills surrounding Gwoza, Aliyu and other survivors watched in horror as smoke billowed from the villages below. The once familiar and beloved landscape was now a desolate wasteland, where memories of happier times burned to ashes beneath the plumes of terror.

    Gwoza, which shared boundaries with the terrifying Sambisa Forest, had suddenly scorched earth, its people trapped in a never-ending cycle of violence.

    The bitter aftermath

    Amidst the mayhem, Aliyu, surprisingly nimble for his age, fled leaving his two wives behind. Subsequently, he found refuge in Garwa, in Maroua, Cameroon’s Far North Region. From his hideout, he learned of the fate that had befallen his wives; neighbours told him that they had been taken as spoils of war by the invaders. This crushed him but he was powerless to act. His body was too frail to seek vengeance even as he silently bore the burden of his failure.

    As he tried to piece together the fragments of his life, Aliyu was confronted by the bitter reality of lost love. Five months after their separation, his beloved Larai, moved on, cohabiting with another man.

    “My wife blamed me for running away. But how could I have stayed? They were targeting all the men and boys. They didn’t care if you were old. They would simply kill you. Yet, Larai blamed me for everything. She called me a coward and accused me of causing the death of our son and only grandson…I was eager to take her back. We were not divorced but she said things had changed and she was with someone else,” the 83-year-old said, recalling the tragic evening, when he encountered his first love making a meal for another man, in a ramshackle tent in Maroua.

    To his chagrin, Larai rejected him, and called him “a coward.” Thus deepening his heartache. In her eyes, he was no longer the man who had once made her smile in the harmattan, but a shadow of his former self, diminished by the spectre of his past.

    A land stained with the blood of innocents

    Gwoza, nestled 135 kilometers from Maiduguri, Borno’s capital, bears the scars of the Attagara massacre among so many others. The commune, once vibrant with life, now grapples with the aftershock of a decade-long nightmare, no thanks to Boko Haram.

    The terrorist group invaded with bloody intent, laying waste to human lives and displacing thousanda of residents. The town flaunting scenic land tracts and hilly terrains that once promised serenity, now conceals deeply rooted fear.

    Though the Nigerian military wrested the town from the grip of Boko Haram, one year after the Gwoza massacre, the victory feels hollow. The returnees, who dared return to their homes, find themselves caught in a limbo of terror and recurrent attacks. Every breath they draw, is laced with the fear of another attack, thus making existence there a continuous trial.

    Since 2009, and with a cruel crescendo from mid-2013, the land has been stained with the blood of innocents. Boko Haram, with a cold and calculated cruelty, struck at the heart of the township, targeting schools, marketplaces, and places of worship. The precision with which they strike, the coordinated maneuvers, and the chilling efficiency of their assaults reveals an organised malevolence, a force that moves with the intent to crush all in its path.

    In the first half of 2014 alone, violence claimed at least 2,053 civilians, felled in 95 merciless attacks in the northeast. The Human Rights Watch, in its grim estimate, chronicled these horrors, laying bare the extent of the carnage perpetrated across over 70 towns and villages, and even reaching the federal capital, Abuja.

    Just say: ‘Yes sir!’

    While the impact of the violence on children, women and the elderly accentuate in real time, the consequences for the elderly northern male is devastating yet ignored in plain sight.

    It’s excruciating. Many old men, like young men and even boys, argued Balkis Ahmed, a Gusau-based trauma psychologist and social worker, suddenly find themselves on the receiving end. “They have become the disposable elements at the bottom of the totem pole,” she said.

    In truth, several males in the region hitherto ensconced in cozy positions of patriarchs, family heads and providers, are hauled on to the fringes of existence. From the northeast town of Gwoza to the terror troves of the northwest the older male must adapt to a re-calibrated life cycle.

     “It’s a bad time to be a man. If we cannot join the bandits or work for them as informants, we must run away or end up losing our lives,” said Aliyu Madachi, a displaced farmer and former resident of Shinkafa, in Zamfara State.

    Corroborating him, a staff of the Zamfara State Emergency Management Services (SEMA), stated that the only rational option for most men is to flee with their families.

    “Those who are too old or weak to flee are forced to live as captives in their own homes,” she said.

    The Nation findings revealed that several villages and local councils are currently under siege by armed bandits. Residents of Dumburum in Zurmi, Badarawa in Shinkafi, Kizara in Tsafe and Dangulbi in Maru Local government areas, for instance, live under the persistent fear of attack and yoke of subjugation of notorious bandit leaders and their lieutenants.

    “We know them. Many of them grew up here. But no one dares challenge them. The child whose nose you cleaned yesterday has grown into a bandit. When he comes to your home to rob you of your food and money, just give it all to him. Don’t challenge him. Just say, ‘Yes sir!’ Don’t give him the evil eye, if you do, might end up losing your life. He would gun you down. If he lays hand on your daughter or wife. Just say, ‘Yes sir!’ Pray that he finishes quickly and never comes back. Pray that he doesn’t take (abduct) them away. Whatever happens, stay alive. Be grateful,” said Mohammed Maru, a resident of Dansadau.

    Men cuckolded by bandits

    But gratitude would never cut it for Murtala Kanwuri. Bankrupt and displaced from his home in Gidan Baru, the 68-year-old cut the picture of a haunted man. At The Nation’s first encounter with him in 2021, Kanwuri looked distraught. His youngest wife, Usama, “is sleeping with his former herder,” Bilyaminu, an orphan he raised from childhood, he revealed.

    Bilyaminu was entrusted in his care soon after he clocked 17 and his parents died in a road accident en route Bauchi. But the teenager has grown from a mild beneficiary pecking on superfluous affection into Kanwuri’s nemesis. “He joined bandits and stole from me. He is a cursed child,” said the 68-year-old.

    A dark drawl of anguish rattled in his words. The resonance was unsettling. Sad, bitter words leapt from his lips and clung to the air with a nostalgic peal. Kanwuri heaved with heartbreak and resentment.

    Through his narrative, Usama, his 18-year-old wife and caregiver, plucked blooms and young leaves from a herbal plant for sale at the local market. As she worked, she sang sonorously in her native dialect. The song, when translated, glorified the exploits of a legendary bandit, who stole from the rich to feed the poor.

    Kanwuri cursed under his breath, uttering an oath, like an eerie groan. His blunted words threatened mishap for the singer and every armed bandit.

    Aliyu, my translator, explained afterwards that Kanwuri believed that his wife sang to taunt him. Two days later, the 68-year-old recounted how marauding bandits abducted his two wives, right from under his roof. He dreaded their molestation of his youngest wife, Usama, in particular, because they were barely three months into their marriage. Kanwuri remembered them grabbing her and copping a feel of her supple body.

    One of the bandits smacked Usama’s butts, saying her youth and beauty was wasted on an old man. Livid, Kanwuri shoved the molester and that earned him a severe beating. His 13-year-old son, Umar, sprang to his defense and in the consequent scramble, got stabbed and shot in the head.

    The bandits made away with Kanwuri’s two wives. And even though the ransom he paid for their freedom bankrupted him, his first wife, Awa, packed her belongings and absconded from home, four days after her rescue. Usama, his youngest wife, however, stayed behind more out of pity than love, it would seem.

    “Awa ran away to be with her forest husband (bandit). But me (sic) I stayed behind. He (Kanwuri) should show gratitude. No woman will marry him. He is too old, very weak and penniless,” said Usama.

    Nonetheless Kanwuri accused her of unfaithfulness. He said, “Usama has become wayward with bandits. She is committing an abomination.” Initially, Kanwuri was acceptive of his situation, thinking his wife was the concubine of Dogo Gide, a notorious bandit terrorising Dansadau.

    But he eventually discovered, through a neighbour’s mother-in-law, who got kidnapped and ransomed, that his wife wasn’t having an affair with Dogo Gide but with his herder turned bandit, Bilyaminu. Ever since, Kanwuri has been plotting his payback.

    But at his age, there was little he could do. He had barely recovered from a stroke, which he suffered in June 2020, and he lacked the resources and influence to exact retribution. Findings revealed that Bilyaminu relocated to the forest since November 2020. He is one of the strongest members of a gang allegedly loyal to Dogo Gide.

    Those whose wives part their thighs for mercy and a meal

    There is no gainsaying several men like Kanwuri abide in Zamfara’s troubled crannies. Occasionally, their wives leave home, sometimes in a group, under the pretext of petty trading or begging for alms. Oftentimes, they return with food and money.

    “Sometimes, they go overnight. What manner of trade or alms-seeking lasts from morning till dawn of the next day? It’s a terrible thing to happen to any man,” said Maru-based Lukman Mala, 89.

    Eventually, some husbands learn to turn a deaf ear and a blind eye, bidding dawn to intrude apace and rid them of the tyrant imagery of their wives, whose ripped moans split their subconscious through the night.

    Tsafe-based sweets hawker, Habibatu Mafara, stated that, “Some women do it for food and some do it for money.” And some wives cuckold their husbands as a gesture of personal sacrifice, she said.

    Further investigations revealed that, some husbands, on discovery that they had been marked for death by bandits, who accuse them of giving up their informants to the military, become jittery. When this happens, the accused man either flees with his family or takes the initiative to approach the bandits, through a proxy, to plead for leniency.

    In doing this, he must be ready to abide by the bandits’ terms: which could be a cash penalty or fine, or giving up his wife or wives for several nights in the bandits’ leader’s bed. Sometimes, the bandits visit the home of their victim and lay with his wives in his presence.

    “They do this when they truly intend to humiliate the husband. Even so, they kill the man afterwards,” said Junaidu Lawali, from Shiya Galadima. Lawali admitted, however, that there had been instances whereby the wives seized the initiative to approach the bandits on their husbands’ behalf.

    “Sometimes, a wayward wife could also collude with her lover among the bandits to force her husband to give her up as a comfort wife or concubine to her bandit beau. These things happen. Those bandits have ruined everything. They have destroyed too many families,” said Lawali.

    Several men have been known to resign to wretchedness, bearing their grief like a secret shame. For instance, Kanwuri, during his chat with The Nation, did a great job hiding his misery until his eyes parted and peeled from the burden, spilling the rivulet of a prodigal tear.

    Yet several men cling tenaciously to beloved visions of their wives. Whatsoever the circumstances, they appreciate their wives as life-savers, unwilling participants in a vulgar rite of atonement. To those whose wives do it for food, they are husbands to virtuous women parting their limbs for a meal in silent fury. The assumption of their wives’ discomfort, however, is a necessary performance of will – as the circumstances often vary.

    Three cups of rice for three rounds of sex. A quart of cooking oil for three long nights in the fetid saddle of a menacing bandit often seems gross but acceptable. Sometimes, the bandit delegates the romp to a zealous underling. Especially when his bed is full with reputable villagers’ wives.

    The husbands learn to keep a stiff upper lip. No sacrifice is too much as long it keeps them safe or their bellies full. Men silence their pride to stay alive. Women barter their honour to survive. It’s flipsides of the same coin.

    A young groom was reportedly hacked to death by bandits in Gwashi, Bukkuyum LGA, while trying to prevent them from raping his wife on their wedding night. The remains of the newly-wedded young man was laid to rest in Gwashi.

    An older man would simply turn a blind eye and maintain a stiff upper lip.

    Armed banditry plaguing Zamfara and neighbouring northwestern states, Katsina and Sokoto has consumed more than 8,000 lives – mainly in Zamfara – with over 60,000 fleeing into Niger Republic in the last decade, according to the International Crisis Group (ICG).

    Through the mayhem, livestock and crops have been decimated, further depressing human livelihood indices that were already the country’s lowest. Despite its economic potential, the North West has the highest poverty rate in Nigeria. As of 2019, all seven states in the zone had poverty levels above the national average of 40.1 per cent, led by Sokoto (87.7 per cent), Jigawa (87 per cent) and Zamfara (74 per cent).

    The Great Unravelling

    A quiet tragedy unfolds across the country’s terror-ravaged zones and IDP camps as elderly men who once stood tall as the pillars of their communities bemoan their reduction to shadows of their former selves.

    Against the backdrop of their travails, Nigeria’s 220 million citizenry is ensnared in a cruel paradox. A staggering 84 million Nigerians, nearly 37 per cent of the population, are impoverished, their plight worsened by escalating conflicts, rampant inflation, and the unyielding scourge of climate change.

    The nation’s food security is unraveling, with a harrowing forecast of 26.5 million people confronting acute hunger during the June-August 2024 lean season, a dramatic leap from the 18.6 million food-insecure individuals at the close of 2023, according to the World Food Programme (WFP). The North East, ravaged by ceaseless conflict, bears the greatest burden. Insurgency has displaced 2.2 million people and left 4.4 million food insecure across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states, with Borno State—epicentre of the turmoil—housing three million of the displaced.

    The twin scourges of insurgency and environmental upheaval have affected agricultural productivity as elderly farmers desert vast acres of fertile lands, deepening the plight of rural populations whose daily survival once depended on peasant farming.

    Their plight casts a dark pall over food security. Uprooted by violence, their agricultural wisdom is lost to their children and the teeming youths who are further alienated from the farmlands.

    The consequences are dire. Scarcity of staple crops has driven food prices skyward, making once-affordable staples out of reach for many. This disruption strains the economy and also exacerbates the suffering of the vulnerable, particularly women and children, who face heightened food and nutrition insecurity.

    In essence, the displacement of Nigeria’s elderly farmers symbolises a broader crisis, threatening the very foundation of Nigeria’s food security. As they are driven further from their fields, the land itself mourns its abandonment by the experienced hands that once nurtured it.

    Yet as Nigeria’s humanitarian efforts focus on the most visible victims—women, children, and the young—older men are left to navigate the desolate landscape of displacement camps, where their authority is stripped, their needs neglected, and their voices silenced.

    The silent erosion of life, dignity

    According to the UNCHR (2015), elderly IDPs frequently experience inadequate psychological, physical, economic, and social support. And the World Health Organisation (W.H.O) notes that they show higher rates of coronary heart disease, diabetes, stroke, cancer, respiratory diseases, and rheumatism.

    Consequently, the global burden of disease database highlights that comprehensive healthcare services are vital to address issues like high blood pressure, high body mass index, unsafe sex, household air pollution, and alcohol use, which contribute to morbidity, mortality, and disability in those over 60 (Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, 2015).

    Within the confines of the IDP camps, older men, once the guardians of their households, are now relegated to the background. The traditional roles they once held with pride have been dismantled, leaving them to grapple with the harsh reality of their new existence. Mercy Igoh, a social care worker, lamented the oversight, stating that many older men, who were once the backbone of their families, are now invisible to the humanitarian agencies. Their wives on the other hand are empowered with seed funds to start a business. The men’s needs are overlooked, and they are left to fend for themselves in a world that no longer values them.

    For many of these men, the loss of their homes constitutes both a physical displacement but a profound existential crisis. The power they once wielded within their families has been taken away, leaving them vulnerable to the scorn of those they once protected. Consequently, stories of broken authority abound across IDP camps.

    The erosion of male authority within the camps has led to a bitter backlash. Gimba Jalle, a 68-year-old elder, recounted the painful reality of his wife’s rebellion: “When a man can no longer provide for his family, he becomes worthless in their eyes. My wife, once loyal, now rebels against me. The humanitarian workers have incited her against me. She even sleeps with younger men, and I am powerless to stop her. My late wife, Hafsatou, Allah bless her, was very kind. Until she died, she never misbehaved to me. She was very sick and couldn’t perform her bedroom duties with me but she always counselled her younger co-wife, Hassanatu to respect me. Several times, she intervened to make her perform her duty (have sex) with me. But since Lami died, things got worse.”

    For Jalle and others like him, the camps have become prisons of shame, where the very fabric of their identity is torn apart.

    Mohammedu Giro, an esteemed elder of Gabari in Bama LGA, Borno State, recalled with a heavy heart on the erosion of paternal authority in the face of loss. Once, his youngest and only surviving son, Ibrahim, held him in reverence, the promise of a rich inheritance binding the boy to the wisdom of his father’s counsel. But when Giro’s fortunes crumbled, so too did the son’s respect. In a bitter encounter, the 14-year-old defied his father, clutching a wrap of marijuana. Reacting to his father’s chastisement of his narcotic addiction, the teenager spat: “You have nothing left to leave us!” Thus shattering the last vestige of Giro’s authority.

    Giro, now 76, laments the harshness of the present, as poverty strips him of parental dignity. He recalled a time of abundance, when his lands stretched far and wide, and his cattle, over 700 strong, grazed contentedly under his watch. His grain stores were full, and his wealth flowed through a network of agents and traders that spanned from Maiduguri to Adamawa. He was a man of means, respected and revered. But the ravages of displacement have reduced him to a shadow of his former self.

    The humanitarian blind spot

    While humanitarian efforts are rightly focused on the most vulnerable—women, children, and the young—older men are often left to suffer in silence. Sule Lamedu, paramedic and camp administrator, explained the rationale: “Experience has shown that without strict measures, men would hoard resources, leaving their wives and children to starve. I witnessed a case in Muna Dalti where a man starved his pregnant wife, hoarding food for himself. We had to remove her with security help and transfer her to a registered camp, where she received proper food and postnatal care. Lamedu noted that many men, regardless of age, try to dominate their wives while failing as providers and protectors, often denying their displaced reality. But in our zeal to protect the vulnerable, we have neglected the older men, who also need our support,” he said.

    The focus on empowering women and children, while necessary, has unintentionally marginalised the older male population, leaving them without the help they desperately need, he said.

    While expert psychologists, like Dr. Abubakar Monguno, whose team authored a report on remedial trauma support to victims of violence, have urged the government and other humanitarian actors to enhance service provision to female survivors of violence. Further intervention could ultimately ensure that more survivor-centred services are extended to affected boys, young men and most especially, older men. The support efforts should also integrate social workers into health clinics, communities and IDP camps where aging demographics are identified at risk of breakdown.

    But that is in the long run. In the short run, urgent steps must be taken to assist victims like Aliyu, Kanwuri and Giro to pick up the broken pieces of their lives. To many, their struggles blend into the hobbling steps of the north’s brutal re-awakening. Their collective fate, however, resonates a tragedy so overpowering that it becomes a torrent of feelings.

    Beyond that, there is guilt; that our concern for IDPs is so constrained and streamlined that it sets the society, like a bird of prey, to alienate them and make light of their buried narratives.

    In their sad, sorry world, every muted anguish or poignant recall pricks their minds and sinks like claws. There is no closure. There is only loss.

  • 10 DAYS OF RAGE: ‘It will only be the poor wrecking the poor’

    10 DAYS OF RAGE: ‘It will only be the poor wrecking the poor’

    • Lessons from #EndSARS, Kenyan protests
    • Fallacies of Rage: Why Nigerians must shun call to mayhem
    • Beneath the mask of revolt, history spills with blood of the fallen

    In the hazy light of an October morning, the streets of Awoyaya, Lagos, birthed an unspeakable horror crocheted in blood and ash. The neighbourhood shook as Gabriel Maduka Igwe, a police officer, suffered the grim inevitability of fate. Leaving his home in Ologunfe, Awoyaya, Ibeju Lekki, to withdraw cash from a nearby Automatic Teller Machine (ATM), Igwe ignored the cries of his three-year-old daughter, Goodness, promising a swift return. Yet, as he mounted his motorbike that October 21, 2020, destiny charted for him, a darker course.

    Igwe’s mundane trip to the ATM, to withdraw money for food, turned into a journey of no return. The previous night, a macabre dance of bullets and cries had unfolded at the Lekki tollgate, as security operatives enforcing a curfew opened fire on protesters. The dawn that followed was shrouded in tension and rage as Lagos listed, on the brink.

    Igwe traversed the streets, oblivious to the storm gathering around him, until he encountered a mob—hoodlums returning from attacking the Elemoro Police Station, their bloodlust inflamed by the death of one of their own.

    The Gauntlet of Rage

    “He’s a policeman!” The accusation erupted like a thunderclap, shattering the air. His frantic denials fell on deaf ears, and a swift search sealed his fate. His police ID card, a stark death warrant, gleamed ominously in the harsh light. The mob descended upon him, a hurricane of fists and feet battering his quaking form, while his motorbike was engulfed in flames, a sacrificial pyre.

    But the violence spiraled further into the abyss. Thrust into a cold steel wheelbarrow, Igwe became a grotesque spectacle. Beer bottles exploded against his skull, shards of glass and pain mingling. Knives danced across his skin, carving cruel, bloody patterns. Clubs and machetes followed, each strike a grim exclamation of suffering.

    Weakened by blood loss, his body sagged, but the mob’s fury was unrelenting. They encircled him with tires, a sinister wreath heralding his doom. The fire roared to life, consuming flesh and bone, transforming him into charred remnants, a harrowing testament to unchecked rage.

    The mob’s wrath did not end with Igwe’s death. They turned their eyes towards his home, seeking his wife, Doris, and their daughter, Goodness. But the neighbours, in a rare act of courage, shielded the family. Fleeing for their lives, Doris carried the memory of her husband’s last moments, a burden that would shadow her steps. Friends and neighbours, under the cover of night, sought to reclaim what was left of Igwe. The ashes they found bore silent testimony to the brutality that had claimed him.

    In the weeks that followed, Doris, three months pregnant, buried her husband’s ashes in Nnewi, Anambra State. Their daughter, Goodness, now five, had ceased to ask for her father, a silence more heartbreaking than words. The family’s suffering caught the attention of Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who, moved by their plight, extended a lifeline—a cheque of N5 million. Yet, no sum could mend the rift torn into their lives by violence and loss.

    Shadows of the Fallen

    In Ibadan, Oyo State, the grim fate of Sergeant Adegoke Ajibola and Corporal Rotimi Oladele mirrored Igwe’s tragedy. Pursued by a bloodthirsty mob, they ran, desperation lending speed to their steps. They sought refuge, pleaded for mercy, but found none. The mob’s rage was unrelenting, their pleas lost in the cacophony of violence. Beaten, clubbed, and knifed, their lives extinguished in a blaze of fury. Set ablaze atop a heap of tyres, their voices were swallowed by the flames, their bodies consumed by fire.

    A viral video, posted by one of the perpetrators, immortalized the horror—Ajibola and Oladele burning, their agony shared with the world. They were not criminals but protectors, fallen in the line of duty, their deaths a grim testament to the chaos that had gripped the nation. Igwe, Ajibola, Oladele—names added to a litany of loss, among the 22 policemen, seven soldiers, and 59 civilians who perished in the fires of the #EndSARS protests, their stories a haunting reminder of the cost of silence and the price of rage.

    A Spark of Misinformation: Genesis of #EndSARS

    In the twilight of October 2020, Nigeria’s pulse quickened with the first beats of a rebellion. The #EndSARS protest, like a storm conjured from the ether, began with a singular, unsettling image—a video of police brutality, recorded by one Prince Nicholas. As he journeyed from Ughelli to a wedding in Warri, Nicholas captured what appeared to be an unprovoked killing by SARS officers. “They don kill the boy o. Safe Delta Ughelli. The boy don die o,” he narrated, his voice trembling with the weight of perceived injustice.

    This footage, raw and visceral, spread through social media like wildfire. Despite later revelations that the young man, Joshua Ambrose, survived and was not fatally harmed by the police, the initial surge of outrage could not be contained. The hastily deleted video, a digital ghost, had already seeded a fertile ground for mass dissent. By the time the truth emerged, the narrative had slipped beyond the grasp of its originator, spiraling into a nationwide outcry.

    From Peaceful Protest to Tragedy

    The streets of Lagos, Abuja, and cities across Nigeria became rivers of humanity, flowing with the demands of the young and disillusioned. Among their pleas was a call for the fundamental reform of the police, encapsulated in five core demands that ranged from increased police salaries to the eradication of systemic corruption. Yet, the movement, which began in hope, soon descended into despair.

    On the fateful night of October 20, 2020, the Lekki toll gate, a nexus of protest, became a scene of horror as soldiers opened fire on unarmed protesters. The echoes of gunfire reverberated through the nation, leaving scars that have yet to heal. The fervor of #EndSARS had transformed into a lament for lost lives and shattered dreams.

    Untold casualties of #EndSARS

    During the #EndSARS protests, significant property damage occurred, with the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) estimating over N700 billion in economic losses in 14 days. An unforeseen consequence was the destruction of Wills and Codicils kept at the Lagos High Court. A business magnate discovered his Will had been destroyed when he approached the court for an update. The Lagos State Judiciary issued a letter confirming that his legal document, lodged on January 8, 2020, was destroyed in the fire caused by the protesters. This incident has led to many individuals realizing their legal documents are lost, causing widespread concern about the implications for their estates and loved ones.

    In the same vein, felons destroyed many police stations, razing vehicles. The magnitude of effect of this destruction on the economy is unfathomable. Likewise, a recent Dataphyte report which noted over 27 razed police stations, with 10 missing AK-rifles, questioned the compounded effect on an already sinking economy, serviced by debt. Not to mention the opportunity cost of repairs which the country would have channelled to other areas of the country. Worse, though, there was also no distinction between government and private property, as raiders plundered indiscriminately.

    The crisis spiraled with over 59 reported incidents across 26 states. The economic repercussions were significant, with damages from the protests estimated at over ₦47.12 billion.

    The protests particularly impacted correctional facilities in Edo and Ondo States, resulting in the escape of over 2,000 inmates. Security forces were able to prevent similar incidents in Ikoyi, Lagos. Both public and private properties were set on fire, disrupting critical revenue streams.

    The protests also had significant impacts on the insurance industry, with claims totaling about N11 billion across five critical sectors: Fashion & Beauty, Agriculture, Food & Beverages, Retail Trading, and ICT. According to a report by Intelpoint, only 3.6 percent of 388 affected businesses in Lagos had insurance, while 94.6 percent did not. The most affected sectors included Services, Transportation, Entertainment, Building & Construction, Education, Health Services, Online Retail, Real Estate, Consulting, Engineering Services, Hotel and Leisure, Manufacturing, and Travel/Tourism.

    The report highlighted that more than half of the affected SMEs had 2 to 4 employees, and seven in every ten businesses surveyed had to lay off staff post-protests. Among the reasons for the lack of insurance coverage, a significant number of business owners cited uncertainty about where to start. Only 13.1 percent of those without insurance had alternative plans for fire or theft.

    Read Also: Election losers want to overthrow government through protest, says Wike

    Additionally, data from the Nigerian Insurers Association (NIA) revealed the breakdown of claims: 99 for malicious damages, 8 for business interruption, 455 for burglary attacks, and 912 for fire and burnt sites.

    Murmurs of Discontent: The Call for ’10 Days of Rage’

    Fast forward to the present, and the embers of past protests glow ominously in the darkening socio-economic landscape. Recent reports suggest a coordinated effort to reignite the spirit of resistance, under the banner of ’10 Days of Rage.’ From August 1 to 10, various groups plan to take to the streets, voicing their anguish over the soaring cost of living and economic hardships that grip the nation.

    The embers of the #EndSARS protests, once ignited by a spark of misinformation, now flicker anew, threatening to blaze into a ’10 Days of Rage.’

    As the dawn of August 1st approaches, an air of anticipation hangs heavy over Nigeria. Discontent simmers among the populace, fueled by rising costs of living and economic hardship. Random agitators within the socio-political circuit call for a nationwide protest, invoking the memories of past upheavals. The nation stands on the precipice of potential chaos, with the spectre of violence lurking in the shadows of citizenry dissent of the ruling class perceived misgovernance and insensitivity to their plight.

    A UN threat and risk assessment, dated July 19, 2024, raises alarms about the potential for violence. It recalls the febrile atmosphere of February 2023, when scarcity of the new Naira currency sparked violent protests across the South-East and South-South regions. The possibility of large-scale disruptions looms, threatening to paralyse the nation once more.

    Prominent organisations and leaders, including the Ọhanaeze Ndigbo, have cautioned against participation in the protests, citing the risk of escalation and the spectre of hijacked intentions. They remember past insurgencies perhaps, where noble aspirations were eclipsed by chaos, leaving the common man to bear the brunt of the fallout.

    History warns that unbridled passion births devastation. In the late 18th century, France’s bread riots toppled the monarchy, ushering in bloodshed and Napoleon Bonaparte’s dictatorial reign, costing over 3.5 million lives.

    The Arab Spring of 2010 ignited in Tunisia, a rebellion against corruption and dictatorship. Yet, it birthed worse tyrannies, civil wars, ISIL’s rise, and mass migration. These revolts mirrored Europe’s 1848 revolutions and the Prague Spring of 1968, both ending in turmoil.

    And in 2014, Ukrainians ousted pro-Russia President Yanukovych, but internal strife opened doors for Russia’s annexation of Crimea and a full-scale invasion. Ukraine remains scarred.

    Unplanned revolutions and unchecked demands often spiral into tragedy. African youths must foster leaders with clear agendas within established parties, plan protests meticulously, negotiate thoroughly, and educate protesters on their cause and safety measures. Only then can true change emerge from the flames of dissent.

    The UN’s assessment underscores the fragility of the situation, warning of confrontations between pro-government factions and dissenters. The demands of the protesters, while echoing past grievances, now focus on reversing recent policies of President Bola Tinubu, which are seen as exacerbating the country’s woes. Among these demands are the reinstatement of subsidies, reduction of import duties, and a call for transparency in public administration.

    A Global Resonance: Lessons from Kenya

    The planners of ’10 Days of Rage’ draw inspiration from the recent Gen-Z protests in Kenya, where youth-led demonstrations against President William Ruto’s tax policies ended in bloodshed and destruction. The echoes of Kenya’s struggle resonate with Nigeria’s own turmoil, suggesting a shared yearning for justice and an end to corruption.

    As civil unrest continues spreading across Kenya, protesters led by Generation Z, a demographic cohort of educated unemployed youth, are calling on President William Ruto to resign over his poor leadership.

    On July 23, a group of Gen Z activists stormed Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, the largest airport in sub-Saharan Africa, to protest its alleged sale, while another group took over the capital, Nairobi.

    The protests erupted in mid-June over legislation that would have imposed unaffordable tax increases on ordinary citizens and businesses already burdened by the high cost of living.

    The president withdrew the bill on June 26 and fired his entire Cabinet except the foreign minister on July 11, VOA reported.

    The Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights said at least 50 people were killed and 413 others injured less than two months into the unrest amid the government crackdown on the protesters.

    As the pressure mounts on Ruto, the president has been changing his approach to dealing with the crises threatening his administration. On July 22, he threatened “to deal” with protesters, describing them as anonymous, faceless, formless and foreign-sponsored.

    But on July 24, Ruto suddenly ordered the release of all protesters arrested since the start of rallies on June 18.

    Earlier in July, without providing any evidence to back his allegations, Ruto accused the U.S. Ford Foundation of sponsoring the violence and threatened to “kick it out of the country.”

    “I want to call out those who are behind the anarchy in Kenya, those who are behind sponsoring chaos in the Republic of Kenya. Shame on them, because they are sponsoring violence against our democratic nation. I want to ask the Ford Foundation if that money they are giving out to fund violence, how is it going to benefit them?”

    The Ford Foundation has, however, denied Ruto’s accusations.

    In a statement, the Ag. I-G of Police, Douglas Kanja, said authorities received credible intelligence that organised criminal groups were planning to take advantage of the ongoing anti-government protests to execute criminal activities.

    He said the lack of a clear leader, especially among the young protesters, has made it difficult for the police to enforce safety protocols.

    “We therefore appeal to all members of the public to remain vigilant in crowded areas, and to support our collective safety and security by sharing information that may aid the police in crime detection and prevention,” Kanja said in the statement.

    He said that while the constitution provides for the right, peaceably and unarmed, to assemble, picket, demonstrate, and present petitions to public authorities, the same constitution also provides for the critical role that the police plays in the country’s national security.

    “Criminals have infiltrated the protesting groups, leading to a troubling trend of disorderly and destructive conduct,” Kanja said.

    The ban came after traders and business owners suffered major losses after their businesses were looted by those who had infiltrated the protests across the country.

    In Kenya, the government’s ruthless response has left a nation wounded but not defeated. After the widespread destruction, the lawmaker that triggered the Kenyan Protest in the Senate House has apologised. Juja Member of Parliament (MP) George Koimburi, has apologised for his claims that legislators who voted in support of the now-withdrawn Finance Bill, 2024, were bribed. Koimburi sensationally claimed that MPs were offered Ksh. 2 million to support the contentious law that triggered nationwide protests, culminating in agitated youth breaching of the country’s Parliament. House Speaker Moses Wetangula communicated Koimburi’s apology before the House last Tuesday afternoon.

    As Nigerians look to their eastern neighbour, the parallels are stark, and the potential outcomes, uncertain.

    The Power of Words: Media’s Role in Shaping Destiny

    In the digital age, the power of narrative cannot be underestimated. Online news media, both local and international, play a pivotal role in shaping public perception. Yet, history warns of the dangers of inflammatory reporting. As the Arab Spring demonstrated, when the flames of revolution are fanned by distant voices, the ones left to suffer are often the ordinary citizens.

    “The accidental activisits and bleeding heart foreign media will depart Nigeria when things turn awry and it becomes too dangerous to live here. We must learn from the Arab Spring and the Kenyan protests, where the greatest losses were borne by the commoners and the middle class. In all of these protests, it is always the poor wrecking the poor. The 10 days of rage will equally turn out that way. Only the poor will suffer. Nigerians must shun the agents of anarchy and darkness. In time, with dedication and good governance, all our worries will be resolved,” said Stanley Abiodun, a Lagos-based CCTV dealer and security expert.

    APC, LP Trade Words

    Speaking in a media programme, the Special Adviser on Media and Strategy to the President, Bayo Onanuga, accused Labour Party’s Peter Obi of fanning the embers of the crisis. He said, “What I know about the campaign of Obi was that for the first time in a very long while in our country, we had a candidate who was inflaming ethnic passions. That was the way the election went at that time. He was inflaming ethnic passions, religious passions, bringing two dangerous things to our politics – ethnicity and religion. That is what he did. And those things were dangerous to our Nigerian politics,” Onanuga said.

    He described Obi’s supporters as desperate to see the downfall of the President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

    “Somebody who came third, how could he have won that election? You can even see when they were talking about the naira, some people were just happy that the naira was going downhill. You can trace them. People who are saying so are members of the Obidient movement.”

    The presidential aide also said Obi never commends the government when it does something good but is very quick to tweet when something bad happens.

    In response, Obi, writing through his lawyers, issued a 72-hour ultimatum to Onanuga, to retract his alleged defamatory statement against him. The former governor of Anambra is also asking Onanuga to tender a public apology published in four national newspapers over the “widespread defamation and libel” or face legal action. Obi is demanding N5 billion in damages from Onanuga.

    Growth Indices Hopeful

    In a subsequent press release, the APC National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, dismissed Obi’s claim that Nigeria’s economic distress was caused by nine years of APC leadership as “half-truths, distortions, and misinformation.”

    Morka argued the economic decline began under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) when GDP growth fell from 7.98% in 2010 to 2.79% in 2015. He cited global oil price crashes, geopolitical tensions, climate change, the COVID pandemic, and a rising population as major factors impacting the economy since 2015.

    He noted that Nigeria’s economic growth under PDP leadership relied on high crude oil prices, with Nigeria earning $531.2 billion from 2007-2014, compared to $287.8 billion under APC from 2015-2022. Despite reduced export earnings and a population increase from 184 million in 2015 to 229 million in 2024, Morka argued highlighted positive economic signs under APC. These include attracting over $20 billion in investments, achieving a N6.52 trillion trade surplus in early 2024, and expanding foreign reserves to over $34 billion. Capital inflow increased by 66.27% this year alone.

    Financial experts and the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics report that the All Share Index (ASI) of the Nigerian Stock Exchange crossed the 100,000 mark, making it one of the most profitable capital markets globally with a 22.90% return on investment. The IMF projects a 3.1% GDP growth for Nigeria in 2024, one of the highest in Africa.

    President Tinubu’s initiatives, such as Credit Corps, Students Loan, a new minimum wage, local government direct funding, and the 700-kilometre Lagos-Calabar highway, aim to combat poverty and expand economic opportunities.

    However, many youths argue they have yet to experience these benefits, criticizing government officials’ luxurious lifestyles amid widespread hunger, inflation, and insecurity. Food inflation is at 40% and general inflation at 34.19%, fueling planned protests like the “10 Days of Rage.”

    Government’s Response to Planned Protests

    Against the backdrop of the crisis, President Tinubu has been rallying state agencies, traditional institutions, and civil societies to counsel youths against protesting to prevent potential destabilisation of the country. President Tinubu reiterated his support for peaceful demonstrations, emphasising their importance in a democratic society but advocated dialogue instead of an anarchy-prone protest.

    In response to the proposed protests, security measures have been significantly increased across many states.

    This followed a meeting between the National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu and the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF). Several governors who participated in the meeting in Abuja held emergency security meetings to devise strategies for either preventing the protests or ensuring they are not hijacked by troublemakers.

    Following the governors’ parley with the NSA, President Tinubu met with the Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF) at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. Although the meeting’s agenda was not disclosed, it is believed to be related to the planned rally on August 1.

    The Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has also issued a stern warning to the organizers of the proposed protest, stating that the military would not tolerate any actions leading to anarchy. Major General Edward Buba, Director of Defence Media Operations, emphasised that while citizens have the right to protest, the Armed Forces will intervene if the protests turn violent. Intelligence reports have indicated plans by some elements to hijack the protest and cause chaos. The military is prepared to act to prevent any such outcome.

    Additionally, the Department of State Services (DSS) warned against the planned protests, urging youths to avoid participating in actions that could lead to anarchy and violence. DSS spokesperson, Peter Ahunanya, acknowledged the right to peaceful protest but highlighted a sinister plan by some elements to infiltrate the protests for political gain. The DSS has identified the funding lines, sponsors, and collaborators of the plot and is employing conflict resolution strategies to dissuade the planners from their objectives.

    The DSS urged prospective protesters to consider the government’s efforts to address economic challenges and to engage with authorities peacefully.

    The Unanticipated Pushback

    Ahead of the planned protest on August 1, 2024, traditional Oro worshippers in the southwest, alongside the Yoruba Patriots Movement (YPM), have declared the six states in the region off-limits to protesters. In a statement, they announced they would occupy the southwest from July 28 to August 28, 2024, for the Oro Festival.

    “The streets in Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, and Ondo States are no-go areas for protesters,” they said. “Go to your states to protest against your state governor if you are not happy with him.”

    They added, “No strangers are allowed to roam the streets without express permission from traditional rulers, let alone stage any protests. We are not against your right to protest, but respect our cultural rights. You may go to Abuja, Kaduna, Yola, Jos, Enugu, Port-Harcourt, Owerri, Benin City, Sokoto, or Maiduguri.”

    Reflecting on the #EndSARS protest in Lagos, they noted, “Multibillion-naira industries, factories, and businesses were destroyed, but ‘Computer Village’ was spared. Where would those who lost their jobs in the burnt factories, industries, and businesses start from? Shoprite Stores at Lekki, Adeniran Ogunsanya, and Awoyaya were looted and burnt, but Computer Village was untouched, and luxurious buses at Yaba and Jibowu traveling to the Eastern region were not destroyed.”

    Concerned parties have initiated steps to counter the incitement to anarchy on social media platforms. One prominent message, allegedly promoted by the NSCDC Lagos State Command, calls on Nigerians to foster peace and avoid vandalism, violence, radicalisation, and destruction. The message emphasizes learning from the turmoil in countries like Libya, Syria, Yemen, CAR, Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, and Rwanda, where violence has followed a disturbingly predictable pattern.

    Initially, people rise up to protest. The government responds with repression, and soldiers open fire on the crowds, resulting in casualties. Angered by the violence, mobs retaliate by burning down properties associated with government and political leaders. Under international pressure, the army and police retreat to their barracks, leaving the streets unprotected.

    Without law enforcement, mobs begin targeting the assets and residences of prominent political figures, forcing these leaders and their families to flee abroad. The unrest soon extends to the middle class, with mobs attacking anyone perceived to have wealth or comfort. Residential estates and middle-class areas become targets, leading to widespread looting, robbery, and violent crime.

    As the chaos deepens, it evolves into a full-scale war. Opportunistic groups with conflicting interests seize the opportunity to vie for control, further tearing the country apart. People are forced to flee their homes, becoming refugees in neighboring countries. Many succumb to famine and disease.

    In modern times, such internal conflicts are prolonged, with no unifying force to bring peace. Children are recruited as soldiers, the elderly and infirm are killed, and women are raped and eventually murdered. The Libya scenario serves as a stark reminder.

    Amid this chaos, those abroad who incite violence continue their lives comfortably, far removed from the destruction. The UN’s response is often limited, with peacekeepers staying in secure locations, reminiscent of the scenes depicted in “Hotel Rwanda.”

    The message underscores that, in the blink of an eye, all that is held dear—homes, possessions, families—can be lost. It calls on Nigerians to choose peace and learn from the past to prevent a repetition of such devastating cycles.

    A Nation on the Brink

    As Nigeria teeters on the edge of another upheaval, the lessons of the past loom large. The #EndSARS protests, ignited by a falsehood and sustained by genuine grievances, serve as a cautionary tale. The fate of unanticipated victims like Igwe, Ajibola, and Oladele, among others, linger like ghosts, their voices echoing in the silence of their ashes.

    The call for ’10 Days of Rage’ echoes with the same fervent desire for change but carries the weight of history’s warnings.

    In the days to come, the nation’s streets may once again become a battleground for the hearts and minds of its people. Whether this will lead to meaningful reform or descend into chaos remains to be seen.

    For now, the nation holds its breath, waiting for the dawn of August 1st, and the uncertain future it heralds.

  • JAPA DREAMS, DIASPORA NIGHTMARES: Illusions of greener pastures abroad

    JAPA DREAMS, DIASPORA NIGHTMARES: Illusions of greener pastures abroad

    • From promised lands to prickly sands, Nigerian migrants battle starvation, destitution, death
    • How to survive in a foreign land

    Winter in Chicago had always been unforgiving. The temperatures plummet and the wind-chill becomes a silent, deadly adversary. For Marcus Faleti, the cold proved fatal. On January 1, 2017, at exactly 12:09 a.m., the 58-year-old succumbed to hypothermia and alcoholism, the temperature biting through the meagre layers of his existence.

    The wind-chill that night registered at 18 degrees. It was a lethal cold that Faleti could no longer fight. Homeless and impoverished, he was found lifeless at the Presence St. Mary and Elizabeth Medical Centre, a tragic end to a life marked by relentless suffering.

    Born in Nigeria, Faleti left for the United States 24 years ago, with dreams of prosperity and a better life in Chicago. The bustling metropolis, with its towering skyscrapers and promises of opportunity, seemed worlds away from his homeland. But as the years passed, the glittering facade of the American dream began to fade off, revealing a stark and unforgiving reality. Faleti watched helplessly as his dreams morphed into a nightmare of destitution and despair.

    For over fifteen years, he lived from hand to mouth, sleeping rough on the streets of Chicago. His days were marked by a relentless struggle for survival, scavenging for food and seeking refuge from the elements. His clothing, tattered and inadequate, offered little protection against the city’s harsh winters. Each gust of wind pierced through his bedraggled attire, chilling him to the bones.

    Faleti was a familiar figure in Wicker Park, often seen pushing his shopping cart overflowing with scavenged items or sitting on a bench reading the Sun-Times or Wall Street Journal. Despite his dire circumstances, he remained a voracious reader, a testament to the intellectual spark that never left him. “He was a good influence on everyone. Everyone liked him. He was a big newspaper reader and a very smart man,” recalled Nick Nixon, a friend who had known him since 1992, from their days as day labourers.

    Faleti had a profound impact on those around him, with his intelligence and kindness leaving a lasting impression. Yet for 15 years, the streets of Chicago became his home, a stark contrast to the sheltered life he once knew in Nigeria. Despite the brutally cold winters, Faleti often refused to go to a homeless shelter, fearing for the safety of his cherished shopping cart filled with his few possessions.

    He had an adult daughter in Tulsa, Oklahoma, but their connection had long been lost to the miles and years that separated them.

    Clare Rodriguez, a Chicago Park District supervisor, reflected, “Marcus was a part of the fabric of this park. He was a kind man and an icon of Wicker’s grounds.”

    While the 58-year-old’s death is a sombre reminder of the fragile lives led by the homeless, his story isn’t just about a man who Japa (Japa stitches together the Yoruba expression já pa, meaning “to run” or “flee” as ascribed to migration) and died in the cold; it is about a dream that got frozen and shattered.

    Faleti’s struggle with addiction and homelessness further highlights the harsh realities faced by migrants who seek a better life but find themselves trapped in a cycle of poverty and despair.

    The lawyer who died doing care work

    Seven years after Faleti’s death, another tragedy unfurled, this time in the United Kingdom. Chidimma Susan Ezenyili, affectionately known as Suzy, was a Nigerian lawyer who relocated to the UK to work as a caregiver. The 37-year-old nursed hopes of a better future. But on February 22, 2024, while attending to an elderly client, Ian Hale, on Scott Road, Ezenyili slumped while on duty in the street of Bishop’s Stortford. She died two days later. The cause of her death was a severe brain hemorrhage, a tragic end to a promising life.

    Ezenyili’s journey was one of dedication and sacrifice. Despite feeling unwell, she continued to care for her client, driven by a sense of duty. Catherine Segal, the daughter of the elderly man Chidimma was caring for, recounted, “She was driven there by her husband with their three-year-old daughter as she wasn’t feeling well but didn’t want to let my dad down.” Her commitment was a testament to her character, but it also highlighted the immense pressures faced by immigrants in their quest to survive and support their families.

    Ezenyili relocated to the UK as a caregiver, but her aspirations went beyond that. She was a qualified lawyer in Nigeria and planned to attain her qualifications to practice law in the UK.

    Her dream was for her daughter, Mandy, to attend school in the UK and to make a new life here where she would have the opportunities that Suzy and Friday never had growing up in Nigeria. However, her dreams were cut short by her untimely death.

    Silent Struggles of the Diaspora

    Faleti and Ezenyili’s fates are part of a broader narrative of the struggle experienced by Nigerian migrants. Many leave their homeland with hopes of a brighter future, only to find themselves grappling with unanticipated hardships in a foreign land.

    In recent years, the plight of Nigerian migrants has become a front-burner issue in the global circuit, with many facing exploitation, discrimination, and a lack of support in their host countries. The journey to greener pastures, many eventually find, is fraught with obstacles, and for some, it ends in tragedy.

    Accordingly, better-heeled Nigerian communities in the diaspora have begun to advocate for better conditions and support systems for their fellow compatriots, but the road to change is long and arduous.

    Boundaries of Hope: A divorcee’s odyssey from America to Canada

    If you ask Isabella Yaqub, she will tell you the road to greener pastures is onerous and precarious. In pursuit of a better life, Yaqub crossed borders and braved elements through the icy winds of the North and the heartaches of motherhood. Burdened by the weight of a fresh divorce, the 52-year-old embarked on a journey that would test her strength and resolve. In 2018, with five children clinging to her, she crossed the United States border via New York, into Quebec, Canada.

    As Yaqub and her kids approached the boundaries of New York, the icy tendrils of fear gripped their hearts. The Canadian border police towered like sentinels in the distance, thus posing a formidable barrier. The 52-year-old almost faltered but she remembered the words of her childhood friend who saw them to the border of the New York State. He said, “The police will try to dissuade you. Do not listen to them. Don’t stop. Do not look back. Do not say anything. Just keep walking towards them. Make sure you cross the New York state line into Canada.”

    Thus, with her children huddled close, their breaths mingling in the frosty air, Yaqub forged ahead. The Canadian border police, stern and unyielding, urged them to turn back. But the family pressed on, their steps heavy with trepidation yet light with the promise of a new beginning.

    As they crossed into Canada, the police read them their rights, informing them that they had staged an illegal entrance into the land of maple leaves. Subsequently, they herded them into a holding facility.

    The Cold Reality of Integration: Quebec’s Lingual Barrier

    The initial warmth of cookies and tea at the makeshift immigration checkpoint in Quebec did little to dispel the cold reality that lay ahead. “From my findings, I was warned by other Nigerians that unless me and my family spoke perfect French, we would have a very hard time integrating into the social system there,” Isabella explained. The tales of Nigerian families struggling in a French-dominated environment weighed heavily on her. Determined to find a more welcoming community, she moved her family to Sudbury, Ontario.

    Sudbury’s Shelter: New Beginnings, Fresh Challenges

    In Sudbury, Isabella found a semblance of peace. The state welfare provided a lifeline, and she rented a modest three-bedroom apartment. Her entrepreneurial spirit flourished as she started “i-cart,” a business that catered to her neighbours’ needs. Trading in Nigerian food condiments and offering essential services, she began to build a new life.

    Read Also: Obi’s supporters behind planned protests, says Presidency

    Yet, just as stability seemed within reach, a new challenge arose. Idris, her 11-year-old son, once a model of good behaviour, threatened to beat her over a simple chore. “Don’t beat me, Mom,” he barked, charging at her. Isabella’s heart shattered. “We were barely two years in Canada, and my 11-year-old son was threatening to beat me up. I was completely shaken,” she recalled. Determined to protect her family, she relocated to Edmonton, hoping for a fresh start in a disciplined environment.

    A Mother’s Sacrifice: The Cost of New Beginnings

    The move to Edmonton drained Isabella’s savings, exhausting the $30,000 she had painstakingly saved. Leaving Sudbury meant abandoning affordable living and the support system she had built. Declaring her solvency to expedite her residency application, she relinquished welfare support, maintaining her integrity despite the financial strain.

    Isabella’s journey from Nigeria to North America cost her approximately N4.5 million. Today, relocating with her family would demand between $35,000 and $40,000, excluding the N7 million needed for transportation. Her story mirrors the broader challenges faced by many Nigerian migrants, who brave perilous paths in search of better opportunities.

    From Prestige to Penury

    Unlike Yaqub, Olumide Adio had no urgent need to relocate abroad. In the twilight of his life, the 64-year-old bore the semblance of a monarch in his homeland. With the regal bearing of a man fulfilled, he commanded an empire of knowledge as a Ph.D. holder in English Literature, wielding his pen as both a scholar and an educator. He nurtured young minds in his private nursery and primary school in suburban Lagos while his fish farm, sprawling over eight fertile plots, whispered prosperity. His coffers brimmed with the rewards of his labour, and he lived in opulence.

    But the tides of fortune are capricious. When his sister-in-law, bearing tales of Canadian promise, returned from her sojourn, she sowed longing in his wife’s heart. Reluctantly, Olumide yielded to the siren call of the West. The echoes of their debates and bitter squabbles reverberated through their home, and three years hence, with his pockets drained of $31,000, he set out with his family on a journey to the land of maple leaves.

    The Golden Chains of Home

    The life Adio left behind was nothing short of idyllic. His words, steeped in the cadence of regret, painted a portrait of abundance. “I taught in private universities and established a primary school with my wife, a gifted chef. My fish farm was thriving. I was prosperous and our lifestyle, by Nigerian standards, was luxurious,” he recounted sorrowfully.

    The decision to abandon this paradise was no easy one. The school, just about breaking even, was shuttered. Their stately duplex, a symbol of their stature, was sold. The cars, the farm, and other properties were also liquidated at a fraction of their worth – the joint sale of his assets yielded N40 million (barring the school building which was rented) instead of the anticipated N90 million. But the end justified the means in the estimation of his wife and children. While the latter joyfully prepared for the trip, Adio wondered if he had taken the right decision. “I was worried throughout the processing of the trip. Each time I sold a property beneath its actual value, I felt a hollowness within me. But reality dawned on me when my wife held a departure party to wish our friends and loved ones goodbye. She and the kids were very happy. I couldn’t bring myself to dampen their joy. The least I could do was nurse high hopes about our relocation abroad,” he said.

    Thus, with a heavy heart and a dwindling fortune, Adio got on the plane with his wife and four children, naively clinging to the hope of a better life abroad.

    A House Divided

    But life in Canada, he would find, isn’t all it’s cracked to be. In the frigid embrace of their Vancouver home, reality struck with jarring cruelty. The savings that initially seemed ample evaporated in a mere six months. The jobs befitting Adio’s qualifications were elusive; age wasn’t on his side, and the sting of rejection became his daily torment. Once sparked by trivialities, the friction between the 64-year-old and his wife now raged into an inferno of discontent. To quell the storm, he accepted a position as a grocery shop attendant, a shadow of his former self. His wife, finding solace in her training, worked as a chef in a Nigerian-owned restaurant, her earnings, though modest, eclipsing his.

    When she pursued further education in social and palliative healthcare, her income doubled, shifting the balance of power. Adio, once the cornerstone of their family, felt the weight of his diminished role. “I have become a glorified errand boy,” he lamented, the cultural and economic dissonance gnawing at his soul, leaving him traumatised.

    A House Divided

    In the frigid embrace of their new home, reality struck with a cruel force. The savings that once seemed ample evaporated in a mere six months. The jobs befitting Adio’s qualifications were elusive, and the sting of rejection became his daily torment. Once sparked by trivialities, the friction between him and his wife now raged into an inferno of discontent. To quell the storm, he accepted a position as a grocery shop attendant, a shadow of his former self. His wife, finding solace in the kitchen, worked as a chef in a Nigerian-owned restaurant, her earnings, though modest, eclipsing his.

    When she pursued further education in social and palliative healthcare, her income doubled, shifting the balance of power. Adio, once the cornerstone of their family, felt the weight of his diminished role. “I have become a glorified errand boy,” he lamented, the cultural and economic dissonance gnawing at his soul, leaving him traumatised.

    The Exile’s Lament

    From Yaqub’s journey across the U.S. border into Quebec to Adio’s grim life in Canada, this narrative highlights the struggles of the Nigerian diaspora. Relocation has become very expensive. “A family of six needs $35,000 to $40,000 to relocate comfortably to Canada,” said Silvia Idongesit, a travel specialist.

    With the Canadian government shutting down illicit entry points along the Quebec border, she said, many U.S.-based Nigerians can no longer cross into Canada.

    Travelling overseas does not guarantee instant prosperity for many Nigerians, compared to Chinese migrants, who often achieve middle-class status within a generation through perseverance and community support, Nigerians face unique challenges.

    Meredith Odugbe, a healthcare worker in Ontario, Canada, noted that many Nigerians live beyond their means, unlike the more prudent and cooperative Chinese. “The Chinese save by living together, sharing apartments and expenses. They split bills, allowing them to save enough to eventually get their own places. In contrast, Nigerians are extravagant and struggle to impress. Nigerians tend to rent or buy houses and cars they cannot afford, leading to juggling multiple jobs and declining health. This leads to financial strain and health issues, causing many Nigerian marriages to suffer,” said Odugbe.

    A Scholar’s Wisdom: Navigating Uncharted Waters

    Professor Omotayo Fakinlede of the University of Lagos shared insights on the Canadian experience, emphasising resilience over credentials. Drawing from his experience as a student in Canada over 35 years ago, he noted that Canada rewards resilience more than degrees. He shared the stories of two colleagues in Alberta, Andrew and Nnamdi, both with PhDs in Chemistry. Andrew, a white Canadian, became a plumber due to higher wages, while Nnamdi, a Nigerian immigrant, became a secondary school teacher. Both found contentment, but their stories highlight the unpredictability of career opportunities in Canada.

    Fakinlede also contrasted the success of Indians with relatively lower education achieving middle-class status within a generation by running small businesses, while Nigerians with PhDs still struggle and often need student loans for their children. He pointed out that Nigerians often do not cooperate as easily as Asians, leading to slower upward mobility.

    “In a single generation, Indians with relatively lower education had arrived at middle-class status while we Nigerians are busy amassing degrees and boasting to be doing so well. Degrees are not paid for in Canada. Even with your PhD, you keep quiet at work and perform. If another person with a lower level of education does better than you, he could be paid more,” he said.

    The examples given, he said, are about certificate-piling Nigerian immigrants underperforming compared to lower-educated Asians. “When you now bring in highly educated Indians – that are multiple times the number of Nigerians, the story becomes even more interesting. Four or more Pakistani IT workers can be so helpful to one another, share an apartment, and contribute to sustaining an unemployed member until they all move ahead in Western society. Nigerians in the same situation are more likely to engage in unhealthy competition.

    “The Koreans, Vietnamese, Thai, and Indonesians, move into the middle class much faster than Nigerians do, no matter how fast we start. If it is a matter of entrepreneurship, upward mobility, social integration, and so on, it is a different game. When a Chinese sets up a restaurant, he aims at the local Western population. The few Nigerians who set up bukas (mini eateries) are targeting other Nigerians or Africans like themselves – that is, two to five per cent of the population,” he noted.

    The Pressure Cooker: Marital Strife, Domestic Violence

    Nigerian families, once comfortable, often find themselves living in slums in the UK, US, and Canada. This drastic change leads to mental health issues and marital strife. Financial strain and cultural dislocation cause marriages to crumble, with some husbands turning violent. Cases of Nigerian men succumbing to depression and mental health issues are alarmingly frequent as they grapple with the loss of their once powerful role within the family unit.

    In the UK, for instance, Olubunmi Abodunde, 48, was recently sentenced to life imprisonment for killing his wife, Taiwo, with their son’s skateboard. The tragic incident occurred on November 28, 2023, at their home on Exning Road, Newmarket, Suffolk. Abodunde admitted to causing Taiwo’s “catastrophic brain injuries.”

    The Ipswich Crown Court was told that Abodunde’s attack involved significant violence. The couple, who moved to the UK in 2022, frequently argued over affairs and finances. Abodunde’s attack on Taiwo involved significant violence, and he will serve a minimum of 17 years before being eligible for parole. Similar tragic incidents involving Nigerian men killing their wives have occurred in the US, often due to financial disputes and infidelity.

    In Texas, United States, Michael Collins Iheme, 50, shot and killed his 28-year-old estranged wife, Anthonia Iheme, as she left work. He called the police, confessing he had “killed the woman that messed my life up.” Witnesses reported that Iheme fired at her vehicle, causing it to crash, and then continued shooting.

    Moses Egharevba, 45, allegedly killed his wife, Grace, with a sledgehammer in Dallas. Grace’s newfound financial independence after becoming a Registered Nurse led to increased tensions, culminating in this tragic event witnessed by their seven-year-old daughter.

    Mental Health Trauma: The Silent Crisis

    The mental health crisis among Nigerian immigrants is often overlooked. Adapting to a new environment and societal dynamics that render men powerless contributes significantly to this issue. Many suffer in silence, with depression slowly eroding their spirits.

    In the UK, many Nigerians struggle to adapt, leading to frustration and hopelessness. Marital squabbles and perceived infidelity exacerbate these issues. Kamson advised Nigerian men to limit their expectations when relocating abroad and seek therapy. “The laws in European countries favour women and children, which can shock men used to dominance back home. This often leads to marital strain and, in extreme cases, violence,” she said.

    Kamson emphasised the importance of humility and self-awareness for Nigerian men abroad, noting that European laws’ provisions for women and children can cause significant strain on traditional family dynamics, often leading to conflict and sometimes tragic outcomes.

    The Exodus Persists…

    Despite the hardships faced by many migrants in Europe, Nigerians continue to seek visas from European consulates. Otunba, in his 40s, revealed to a British newspaper that he relocated to the UK from Nigeria using a tourist visa to claim asylum but fled to Ireland to avoid being sent to Rwanda. He spent four months in the UK before travelling to Dublin. “When I heard the Rwanda Bill was going to be passed, I was scared. People advised me to go to Ireland, saying they were accommodating. I didn’t know we’d be sleeping in tents; I thought we’d get proper houses,” he said.

    On November 15, 2023, a Nigerian male asylum seeker was found dead in a tent outside a Canadian shelter for the homeless. The man, in his 40s, died from carbon monoxide poisoning while trying to keep warm in Peel, Greater Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Patrick Brown, Mayor of Brampton, confirmed the man was a Nigerian asylum seeker. Brown noted that the shelter system in the region was overstretched by over 300%, leaving the deceased no choice but to use a tent.

    Irregular migrants face greater risks and hardships, argued Nnamdi Olise, a Manchester-based healthcare worker. Olise, 44, was an insurance executive until he relocated to the UK. “I have my papers intact and don’t have to sleep in an open shelter. Only those without papers experience such conditions. Many who sold their assets to relocate without proper documents end up in worse conditions than back home,” he said.

    Diaspora Inflow into Nigeria

    Nigeria emerged as a major recipient of diaspora remittances in Sub-Saharan Africa, capturing approximately 35% of the region’s total inflows in 2023. A World Bank report indicated that Nigeria received about $19.5 billion last year, the highest in the region but a 2.9% decline from the previous year. In comparison, India received approximately $119 billion. These remittances came mainly from the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, and Italy.

    In the first quarter of 2024, Nigeria recorded $282.61 million in direct foreign exchange (FX) remittances, a decrease of $18.96 million or 6.28% compared to $301.57 million in Q1 2023. These figures belie the hardships Nigerian migrants have to endure to send money back home.

    A Path Forward

    Addressing the underlying issues driving emigration requires a multifaceted approach. Promoting local opportunities, encouraging entrepreneurship, and implementing government initiatives to improve living conditions in Nigeria are crucial, argued experts.

    “We need to create a system where people do not feel the need to leave,” asserts Dr. Isidore Amaka, an economist. “Investing in education, infrastructure, and job creation is key.”

    If Nigeria becomes more habitable, many youths will stay back home, argued Idris Adebayo, an I.T. technician in Philadelphia, United States. “If the government can revive local industries and solve the security problem, I would have no business staying here. I have yet to secure decent work worthy of my training since I got here. I work freelance from home for Nigerian IT firms. Imagine, I came here (United States) in search of greener pasture and I have to sit at home to work for firms in the country that I deserted,” said Adebayo.

    The Ballad of Migration: Unwritten Verses

    Against the surge of Nigerians relocating from the country, Adedoyin Adeleke, a 35-year-old PhD holder, recently returned to Nigeria. Adeleke, an expert in Energy for Sustainable Development, previously schooled and worked in Italy. But he returned in November 2023, to transform Nigeria into a “greener pasture.”

    He believes in making Nigeria as attractive as Europe and America, stating, “Europe is a ‘greener pasture,’ but we can make Nigeria the same,” he said.

    Corroborating, former UK-based health worker, Abiodun Olatunbosun, argued that, “Despite Nigeria’s challenges, it remains a blank canvas for the creative and enterprising. Those moving abroad should remember that today’s greener pastures were once barren. Progress is admired, but the process is often disliked. Many who Japa, will never leave a lasting legacy. Nigeria is home, and it is where the real work and glory lie,” he said.

    Adeleke and Olatunbosun would have a hard time convincing Nigerians yearning to Japa – many of them would relocate to see their diaspora dreams thaw and rekindle from frozen aspirations to resilient realities. Each story would unfurl like a verse in the ballad of migration, testifying to the indomitable spirit of the Nigerian migrant braving the chill of uncertainty.

    Whether their destination is the UK, the US, or Canada, it’s the same canvas of frozen dreams and challenges for the weak, but an opus of opportunity for those who dare to dream and persevere.

    For Yaqub, Adio and many others, their stories intertwine to form a mosaic of perseverance and the unyielding human spirit.

    But for ill-fated migrants like Faleti, the complexities of their altered existence, maul them through bone-chilling mornings and nights in the cold. For this luckless divide, the dreams of a better life in the diaspora often morph into a waking nightmare.

  • 10TH SENATE: A year of controversies and achievements

    10TH SENATE: A year of controversies and achievements

    The 10th Senate, led by President Godswill Akpabio, will mark its first year in office on June 13, 2024. Since its inception, the Senate has been embroiled in various controversies and has faced numerous challenges. Despite these hurdles, the Senate has managed to achieve significant milestones in its legislative agenda.

    Achievements

    Rejection of Electricity Tariff Increase: The Senate in February this year rejected a proposed increase in electricity tariffs, a move that was widely commended by Nigerians. This decision demonstrated the Senate’s commitment to protecting the interests of the people and its ability to stand up to the executive branch. However, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) in April this year announced a hike in the electricity tariff for Band A customers revealing that those affected would pay N225 per kilowatt/hour, up from the previous rate of N68/kWh. The hike represented a 240 per cent increase. The development, according to the Federal Government, marked the removal of subsidy from the electricity tariff of customers in the Band A category, who it said constituted about 15 per cent of the total 12.82 million power consumers across the country. Based on the tariff hike, the Federal Government said it would save N1.5trillion. The Senate had condemned the move and called for its suspension. Many Nigerians also condemned the increment on the basis that it was not fair to electricity consumers. However, the Senate had suspend the consideration of a report of an investigative hearing conducted by its Committee on Power chaired by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, over a pending suit on the tariff increase. It said it would seek a legal advice from the legal unit of the National Assembly on the next steps to take on the issue.

    Suspension of Recess to Screen Ministers: The Senate during the course of the year under review suspended its recess to screen and confirm ministerial nominees. The move was seen as a demonstration of its commitment to institutional integrity and transparency. The Senate President’s commitment to ensuring that all nominees undergo thorough scrutiny was seen as a positive step towards good governance. Besides, out of the 48 nominees, 45 were successfully screened and confirmed while three were rejected based on security reports on them from relevant security agencies.

    Relative peace and harmony:

    The 10th Senate has maintained relative peace and harmony, a significant improvement from previous legislative sessions. This has been attributed to the effective management abilities of the Senate President and the committees set up to handle various issues.

    Intervention in Resident Doctors’ Strike: The 10th Senate in August last year intervened in the Resident Doctors’ strike, leading to its suspension. This intervention, according to analysts demonstrated the Senate’s ability to effectively engage with various stakeholders and resolve conflicts. It also went a long way to help improve the nation’s health sector.

    Budget Passage: The 10th Senate successfully passed the 2024 Appropriation Bill, a critical step in the country’s fiscal planning. This achievement was seen as a significant improvement from previous years.

    Protection of National Interest: The 10th Senate demonstrated its commitment to protecting national interests by declining to approve military action in the Niger Republic following a military putsch in the neighbouring country and the resolution of the leadership of the Economic Community of West States to restore democratic governance with use of force if necessary. This decision of the Senate to turn down the option of use of force was seen as a significant step towards promoting national sovereignty and independence.

    Senate

    Controversies, challenges and shortcomings

    The 10th Senate, led by Akpabio, faced several significant controversies during its first year in office. The most notable ones include:

    Corruption Allegations: The Senate faced numerous corruption allegations, including the claim that lawmakers pocketed N100 million each as palliatives. The Assistant Secretary-General of the Nigeria Labour Congress, Christopher Onyeka, had in September last year reportedly claimed that members of the National Assembly received over N100 million each as palliatives to cushion the effect of the petrol subsidy removal, while poor Nigerians were being given rice. The Senate through its Chairman, Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Yemi Adaramodu, denied allocating N100 million each to its members as a form of palliative to cushion the effect of removal of petrol subsidy. The denial notwithstanding, the allegation damaged the Senate’s reputation and undermined public trust in the institution.

    Ningi and his ‘civilian coup’

    Another controversy that dogged the Senate during the year was its suspension of the Senator representing Bauchi Central, Abdul Ningi, for three months  Ningi who was suspended on March 12, 2024 returned to the chambers after spending 75 out of 90 day duration of the suspension slammed on him. The Senate had suspended Ningi for claiming that the it passed two Appropriation Bills for 2024 and that the budget was padded to the tune of N3.7trillion. However, the Senate denied the allegation that it passed two Appropriation Bills for 2024 and explained that the N3.7trillion referred to by Ningi was meant for statuary transfers to institutions and agencies of government on direct line charge. It thereafter suspended the Bauchi Central Senator for refusing to apologise for the alleged  misinformation. Summing up the actions of Ningi before he was suspended, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, said they arose from misgivings which trailed Akpabio’s emergence as Senate President and that there was a brewing plot to impeach him. “Number one, I stand with due respect to say that what my big brother, Distinguished Senator Abdul Ningi, who I respect so well, planned to do was tantamount to civilian coup, which has failed,” Bamidele said, adding: “In doing this he wanted to use the platform of the Northern Senators’ Forum. God bless those who dissociated themselves from the NSF.

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    The attempt to take the election of the leadership of the Senate beyond June 13, 2023 must stop. Sixty six senators voted for Godswill Akpabio and 46 voted against Godswill Akpabio, the will of the majority.”

    He insisted that that, every day, there have been “a few, just a few” who have not put the election behind them ans that that was why he paid tribute to Tambuwal because he didn’t hide where he stood, but said election was over and called for unity for the progress of Nigeria.

    “A few have refused to do this and that is why it is all about Akpabio, never about the National Assembly, never about the House of Representatives, never about the Office of DG budget. All of passed this budget. Never about the president who signed this budget, but Akpabio. He described the occasion ad a defining moment, saying, “if we must have a stable Senate, let us have one.” He added that people who said they will not give Akpabio up to one year as Senate President were doing everything possible to remove him before the 13th of June, 2024.

    Senate sends prayers to senators’ mailboxes

    Akpabio had also stirred controversy after gaffe revealing payment of senators’ ‘holiday allowance” in August last year. He made the unintended remark with attendant embarrassment of lawmakers during plenary when he mistakenly revealed that money has been sent to senators to ‘enjoy’ their recess. Akpabio, had apparently forgot that the proceedings were being streamed live and began to address his colleagues before adjournment motion was moved at the end of the Senate’s ministerial screening.

    “In order to enable all of us to enjoy our holidays, a token has been sent to our various accounts by the Clerk of the National Assembly,” he said.

    The Senate President was immediately informed by his colleagues that he was speaking on live television. Upon realising the seriousness of his remarks, he quickly announced its withdrawal. “I withdraw that statement,” he said. Continuing, he rephrased the comment, apparently to correct what was considered an embarrassment, saying: “In order to allow you to enjoy your holiday, the Senate President has sent prayers to your mailboxes to assist you to go on a safe journey and return.”

    FAILED BID BY TAMBUWAL TO EMERGE MINORITY LEADER

    Controversy had also trailed the failed bid by former Governor of Sokoto State to become emerge as the Minority leader of the Senate on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party. Tambuwal who was a former speaker of the lost to Senator Simon Mwadkwon from Plateau state who was appointed by majority of PDP senators against the usual practice where the leadership of political parties appoint  who should hold such an office.

    Defending his emergence, the  then Senate Minority Leader,  Mwadkwon, who is no longer a member of the 10th Senate through court pronouncement, said the neglect of the North Central geo-political zones from the current political calculation assisted him to emerge. Mwadkwon stated this  during a chat with ARISE TV a night after his appointment.

    He noted that he respects the former House of Representatives Speaker, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, who was initially tipped for the position. He said he regarded Tambuwal as his political godfather, noting that he emerged as the minority leader mainly because he is from the North Central.

    Mwadkwon said: “Mr Tambuwal is my political godfather. We’ve related very well. He was my speaker in the 7th Assembly and we speak very often. It would interest you to know that I have a soft spot for Tambuwal that I wish he became the minority leader. But I’m from the North Central. And when we saw the arrangements and the political office sharing in the whole country, the North Central was completely exempted.”

    He continued: “So the North Central people met and took a decision and said no, we must also vie for a position in the Senate. We’ve been shortchanged in the House of Representatives. And when it was time for the Senate, we found out that no position had been given to the North Central, and we decided that we must try our best. So, the North Central took a decision. It would interest you to know that all members of the minority parties in the North Central nominated me and decided that I should go and run for this position. And therefore, I accepted the challenge. Therefore, I’ve nothing personal against Tambuwal.

    “I think Tambuwal did the magic even on the floor of the Senate that day, because there were a few persons who were not satisfied with my choice and they approached the Senate President saying that we have to go to the executive session. And the president explained to them and they understood the whole thing. And Tambuwal was the one that stood up and said if Senator Simon has this number of signatures, he wishes to state categorically clear that I should be allowed to hold this position.

    “So the rumours that I defeated Tambuwal are false. They’re not true. I don’t have an issue with Tambuwal. I respect him; he’s a man of honour and he was my leader when I was in the House of Representatives.”

    One major shortcoming of the 10th Senate is that majority of its members came to the National Assembly for the first time and lacking legislative experience. Of the 109 Senators in the 9th Senate only 30 of the 55 serving Senators who sought for re-election emerged victorious. Apart from those who lost at the polls, others had earlier failed primary elections in their political parties, some contested for office of Governors in their states while some left the senate after being appointed to key positions in their political parties prior to the 2023 general elections. The presence of many new lawmakers has no doubt impeded the achievement and progress by the 10th Senate as most have spent a substantial part of their first year learning the ropes of legislative business in the red chamber.

    These controversies highlight the challenges faced by the 10th Senate in its first year and they have to some

    extent undermined its ability to effectively function due to seeming lack of cohesion among its members.

    Way forward

    To overcome its challenges and shortcomings, the 10th Senate must prioritize transparency and accountability in its legislative processes. This can be achieved through the effective implementation of its oversight functions, the promotion of public participation in the legislative process, and the commitment to protecting national interests. Additionally, the Senate must work towards addressing the issue of corruption and ensuring that its members are held accountable for their actions. This can be achieved through the establishment of effective mechanisms for reporting and investigating corruption, as well as the implementation of policies that promote transparency and accountability.

  • Looking back into Abbas Tajudeen’s 10th House of Representatives

    Looking back into Abbas Tajudeen’s 10th House of Representatives

    The current House of Representatives under the leadership of Abbas Tajudeen is the most diverse Assembly since the return to democracy in 1999. With eight different political parties occupying seats in the House, many expected a turbulent House especially when the margin of lead between the leading party in the House, the APC and the oppositions is very slim because the APC only managed to get a simple majority in the House. But one year after their inauguration, the House has been running smoothly. TONY AKOWE report.

    The inauguration of the 10th House of Representatives on June 13, 2023 saw the emergence of Abbas Tajudeen, a traditional title holder from the Zazzau Emirate as Speaker. His emergency was an overwhelming victory over two others who contested the seat, having scored 353 out of 359 votes. Before the inauguration, several lawmakers had indicated their interest in the position, but gradually dropped out of the race. Across the world, the legislature serve as a beacon of democracy, making laws for the good governance of the society. The business of lawmaking serves as the mechanism through which the legislatures translate citizens’ views, opinions, and preferences into policies or laws. That is one of the key elements on which the 10th House is built.

    With about 80 percent new members, the House under Speaker Abbas took off on a rather slow note as many of the legislators were still new to legislative procedures and protocols. But there was a high level. Of determination to learn the rope. Even for the presiding officers, it was a learning process. They had to grapple with the lobby for plum. Committee positions, especially by those who stock out their neck for the Abbas leadership. The divide in the House, the Majority party and the oppositions were to present the list of their leaders so that the leadership will be fully constituted for the proper business of the House to begin. While the opposition had no issue with their leadership, the main party, the APC could not say the same. But the issue in the APC appeared more external than internal. The party leadership failed to come up with a zoning formular for sharing the position in the leadership. So, the members took the bull by the horn by appointing Julius Ihonvbare, a professor of political science from Edo state, south as the House Leader, with Abdullah Halims from Kogi state, North Central as his Deputy. They also elected Hon. Usman Bello Kumo from Home, North East and Hon Oriyomi Onanuga from Ogun, South West as his deputy to balance the power equation among the six geopolitical zones, having elected the Speaker and Deputy Speaker from the North West and South East respectively. But the National leadership of the party disowned those so elected with the then National Chairman, Senator Abdullahi Adams saying the party was not consulted. But the House shook their ground, paving way for the effective take off of legislative business. The next step was the composition of House standing Committee which was increased from 109 in the 9th House to 134 in the first instance and later 140, an exercise that raises lots of questions from followers of legislative business. 

    In his inaugural address on June 13, Abbas assured members that he carry out the task of the House as a joint task and introduce reforms and innovations for the benefit of Nigerians. He said “we shall work closely and inter-dependently with the Executive and Judiciary to give Nigerians the good governance they deserve. We stand at a crucial juncture in our nation’s history, where challenges abound, but so do opportunities. We will champion legislation that will uplift the lives of our fellow citizens, promote social justice, and drive sustainable development. We will focus on strengthening our security apparatus, collaborating with relevant stakeholders to combat insurgency, terrorism, and all forms of criminalities. We aim to help create a safe and secure environment that fosters economic growth and social stability. Through legislation, the 10th House will promote entrepreneurship and support small and medium-scale enterprises. We shall diversify our economy and provide sustainable employment opportunities for our youth. We are aware of the challenges in our education, healthcare, and infrastructure sectors amongst others. We will work in harmony with the executive arm, while upholding principles of checks and balances. Our collaboration will be anchored on the principles of transparency, accountability, and respect for the rule of law”.

    Before the coming on board of the standing committees, the House had set up over 40 ad hoc committees saddled with one investigation or the other with each expected to report back to the House within four weeks. However, one year after those committees were set up, over 70 percent of them have not submitted any report for consideration, while only a few have done so. Even though the Speaker directed the standing community to take over the work of the ad hoc committees when they were constituted, they also have not report from to the House for consideration even though some of the investigation attracted wild spread public interest. Some of the investigations are those that has to do with the non remittances from workers for the National Housing Fund to the Federal Mortgage Bank and job racketeering in Ministries, Department and Agencies of government, failure  by MDAs to comply with the provisions of the Industrial Training Fund, the students’ loan, investigation on disbursement and usage of funds from the Tertiary Education Fund among others. But activities of the some of the adhoc committees was dogged by controversy. For example, an online newspaper published an allegation by some Vice Chancellors that the committee investigating job racketeering demanded bribe from. It was alleged that the money was allegedly paid in hard currency into a certain account. But when confronted with the allegation, the Vice Chancellors denied the report, claiming that the money they paid through the Bureau de change was meant to procure foreign exchange for their members who were going for a training in the United Kingdom. The allegation practically brought the work of the committee to an end. Another allegation was made against the committee that looked into the disbursement and utilization of money from TETfund to the universities. It was alleged that the adhoc committee told the universities not to utilize the money they collected without clearance from them. The committee also denied this. But reports on the investigations by these committees are still pending.

    One area that the 10th Assembly has done greatly well is in the area if capacity building for its members. In collaboration with donor agencies and development partners, the House under Abbas Tajudeen has organised a number of trainings for its members both at committee levels and on a general scale. For the first time in the history of the House, members of the Executive ate bring brought to parliament to discuss their programme of action under the sectoral debate series. Although only two editions of the debate has been  held, the gains from much interactions has been enormous as it has afforded the lawmakers the opportunity to lay bare their thoughts on development in the areas of security and the economy. In addition, the House has organized series of national discourse either at the general House level or at committee level to interact with stakeholders on bills being introduced into the parliament with a view to getting stakeholders input before the such bills come up for second reading. One of such is the bill on development of the solid minerals sector and the one on preservation of wild life in the country. A national discourse was also organized by the House on the desirability of state police and good governance at the local government.

    Reps

    A close study of the performance of the 10th Assembly under in terms of bills showed an unprecedented number of bills which passed first reading in the first one year. As at May 7, 2024, about 1188 bills have been presented for first reading. This is the highest number of bills ever to pass first reading in the House since 1999. 243 of these bills have given through second read and referred to either the relevant standing committees or committee of the whole for consideration. An analysis of the bills processed in the first session of the 10th House shows that the peoples’ House performed exceedingly well in terms of the number and quality of Bills presented, considered, passed and assented to. Table 1 presents the summary of the status of Bills Received and Considered in the First Session of the 10th House of Representatives. As of May 7th 2024, 1, 188 bills were presented on the floor of the House of Representatives, the highest number of bills presented in First Session of the House of Representatives since 1999. Out of this number, 1, 188, representing 100 per cent of the Bills, were read the first time.

     Available information showed that out of the bills currently before the House or those that have been passed, 12 bills are Executive bill while the balance of 1,176 are private member bills. Interestingly, apart from the 7th House, which passed 89 Bills in its First Session, the 10th Assembly stand above all others in terms of bill passage with 82 bills passed by the House as at 7th of May. Even though this figure has changed, it could not readily be confirmed the number of bills that were passed between May 7 and June 6. But one thing that is certain is that out of the bills so far passed by the House, 10 are Executive bills. One thing that is evident is that many of the executive bills presented to the House have been given accelerated passage in view of their seeming importance to the day to day running off the country. One of such is the National Anthem bill which passed through the first, second and third reading in the House in one day.

     Some observers of the working of the House have however argued that the speedy passage of these Executive bills can be attributed to the professional and collaborative approach to executive-legislature relations adopted by the 10th House for effective implementation of the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu. The Leadership of the House has continued to stress it’s committed towards ensuring legislative effectiveness through robust floor debate, critical deliberations by committees and efficient legislative reporting in the lawmaking process. This, they argued is influenced by the need to have quality legislations in response to a plethora of the nation’s challenges. Also, the House has continued to stress its desire to make inclusive legislation by providing opportunities for citizens engagement and participation in the law-making process. As part of the efforts to ensure citizen engagement, the House has organised series not national dialogue on State Policing, National Discourse on Nigerian Security challenges and good governance at the local government level, as well as a 2-day retreat on the effective implementation of the Petroleum Industry Reform Act (PIA) 2021 and tax reform modernization, Stakeholders Dialogue to harness citizens input to the Legislative Agenda of the 10th House; Citizens Townhall on electoral reforms; Citizens Townhall on the 2024 Appropriation Bill, dialogue on Constitution review among others.

     A comparative analysis of legislative performance during the first year of legislative business since 1999 revealed that between 1999 to 2003, 14 bills were presented in the first legislative year, 270 in 2011–2012, 685 in 2015–2016, and 853 in 2019–2020. Some of the bills passed in the first year of legislative business of the 10th Assembly that have been assented to by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu include Electric Power Sector Reform Act (Amendment) Bill, 2023; Nigeria Hunters and Forest Security Service (Establishment) Bill, 2023; Federal Audit Service Bill, 2023; Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons Bill, 2023; Armed Forces Act (Amendment) Bill, 2023; National Assembly Library Trust Fund Act (Amendment) Bill, 2024; Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act (Repeal and Enactment) Bill, 2024; Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances, etc.) Bill, 2024; Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, Etc.) Act (Amendment) Bill, 2024; and Traditional Complementary and Alternative Medicine Council of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill, 2023

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     In addition to the bills already signed by the President include Mandatory Inclusion of Teachings on Breast and Cervical Cancers into the Curriculum of All Senior Secondary Schools in Nigeria Bill, 2023; Mandatory Inclusion of Preventive Measures and Teachings on Sexual Gender-Based Violence into the Curriculum of All Levels of Secondary Schools in Nigeria Bill, 2023; Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission Act (Repeal and Enactment) Bill, 2023; National Assembly Budget and Research Office (NABRO) (Establishment) Bill, 2023; South-East Development Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2023; National Research and Innovation Council (Establishment) Bill, 2023; Agricultural Research Council of Nigeria Act (Amendment) Bill, 2023. These legislative actions reflect the House’s commitment to addressing diverse and critical areas within its agenda.

     A critical review of the bills passed during the First Session of the 10th House of Representatives reveals a strong focus on social sector reform and development, with 37 bills passed in this area, as revealed by Figure 1. This was followed by the passing of 13 bills, each related to good governance and economic growth and development. However, only two bills were passed concerning inclusion and an open parliament. Notably, no bills were passed addressing climate change, environmental sustainability, or influencing Nigerian foreign policy. Therefore, in the upcoming second session, it is imperative that the House priorities passing bills on good governance, economic growth and development, and the other neglected priority areas.

     Also review of the performance of the House further revealed a comprehensive and proactive approach to addressing issues of importance that may never have been heard. These issues have come to the House as motion. In all, almost 700 motions came to the floor of the House during the period under review  pressing matters affecting the nation. Many of these motions which were either referred to adhoc committees or standing committees are receiving the attention of those committees and the relevant government agencies. However, some of the agencies have also failed to attend to the resolutions, while those that have been referred for investigations are still pending before the various committees even though they were given the 4 weeks to submit their report in accordance with the standing rules of the House. One thing that is clear is the fact that these motions have served as a crucial channel for bringing pressing matters affecting the people to the forefront of both the House’s attention and the nation’s awareness. Motions serve as potent tools for highlighting critical issues and advocating for necessary actions, positioning the legislature as the most suitable institution for articulating and addressing the concerns of the populace. 

    The sectoral debates introduced by the parliament provide an opportunity for lawmakers to interact with MDAs and gain a deeper understanding of the specific challenges faced by each sector. The Nation learnt that even though the introduction was in line with the Legislative agenda of the House, the understanding of the leadership of the House is that it is essential for the development of targeted legislative interventions aimed at effectively addressing the challenges facing the sectors. It is also believed that it will contribute to promoting transparency and accountability within the government. In view of the importance attached to security, the inaugural debate involved the Chief of Defence Staff, Service Chiefs and the Inspector General of Police. They were closely followed by those in the economic sector led by the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy.

     One area that the House has not done credibly well in the last one year is the area of oversight. Unlike in the past when committees carry out oversight functions in company of the media, the current standing committees have either not carried out their oversight functions or have done them discreetly out of the prying eyes of the media. Oversight which one of the three critical functions of the legislature is aimed at ensuring that agencies of government comply with legislation and the effective implementation of government policies and the budget. For the 10th Assembly, the Speaker identified the fact that the parliament needed to carry out effective oversight. He however acknowledge the fact that effective oversight will not be possible if agencies of government being monitored had to fund the oversight function. In view of this, the House took crucial decisions to reposition and enhance this vital aspect of its functions, while emphasizing need to build upon the achievements of previous sessions, the 10th House intended to redefine the modus operandi of legislative business. It evolved a policy of adequate funding for the committees in addition to the provision of necessary resources, and capacity building. The only aspect of oversight that has come alive has been through investigative hearings. However, unlike in the past, the agencies appeared to have been responsive to oversight invitations from the parliament than in the past bringing about less threats of sanctions now than before. But the Speaker has continued to assure Nigerians that the House was committed to carrying out a robust legislative oversight, which is essential for ensuring transparency, accountability, and good governance.

     To ensure that the committees carry out their assigned responsibilities, the House established a standing a Committee on Monitoring and Evaluation of House Committees. The Nation learnt that the committee is positioned to provide an additional layer of scrutiny by evaluating the performance of other committees in carrying out their oversight responsibilities. Through these measures, the House seeks to foster a culture of diligence and effectiveness in its oversight functions, ultimately contributing to a more efficient and responsive government.

     A close observation of the working of the parliament revealed by many members of the House have chosen to stay away from the House plenary. Aside when the House was inaugurated and the few periods when members were waiting anxiously for the composition of  standing committees, the House plenary has hardly witnessed two third attendance by members. The excuse has often been that they are either attending committee meetings or out on oversight. But The Nation observed that some members prefer to remain in their office and watch events at plenary on the National Assembly TV. For those who attend the plenary, many of them often leave the chambers before it is time to consider reports, especially reports on bills. By and large, the ability of the leadership to carry every member of the House along in everything they do has created a high level of peace in the parliament in the last one year.

     Deputy Chairman of the House Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Hon. Phillip Agbese attribute this to the proactive nature of the Speaker in conducting the business of legislation. He has exhibited strong leadership qualities that has improved the quality of debates and resolutions. This is what leadership entails. He said “I believe the generality of the members of the House have keyed into his vision for transparency, accountability, and citizen engagement. The focus of the House under the leadership of Rt Hon Tajudeen Abass is centred on legislative reforms, improving the efficiency of the House, strengthening the committee system, and enhancing legislative-executive relationships”. Hon. Agbese argued that a lot has been done to restore public confidence through the entrenchment of transparency and accountability. Issues are placed in proper perspectives. This is a first, and we are proud of this modest achievement in less than a year. He is an epitome of humility. He listens and allows for constructive criticism. His background as an intellectual has come in handy, hence the notable achievements he has recorded so far. He is not the type that lords his opinion on others. Under his leadership, constructive engagement is achieved. Every member of the House of Representatives is allowed to make their opinion known without fear or favour, and that is the order of the day. His leadership style is top-notch. We are glad to have him lead the House of Representatives at this critical point of our existence as a country. He has demonstrated sound leadership, which could not have come better than now”.

  • Where little boys die young

    Where little boys die young

    • Deserted by parents, bruised by the streets, homeless almajirai suffer a raw deal

    • The reduction of a noble Islamic culture to an exploitative venture

    • Three of every six almajirai die in northern Nigeria, 50 percent perish before age 16 – Study

    On Saturday, April 20, 2024, eight boys trooped to Kebbi’s Dukku hills and never came back.

    Muhammad Bawando, Musa Kambaza, Dan-sayyada Kambaza, Abu Takai, Nasir Cheferu, Barmo Babanda, Kalije Bawanda, and Yakubu Aminu, all eight almajirai, went to the mountains to dig for clay.

    Their hands stained with the rich, red earth, each shovel of dirt brought them closer to their goal: the erection of a newly built wall, a sturdy roof, and the warmth of a hut they could call their home.

    But fate had a cruel twist in store. High above, perched precariously on the edge of the quarry, a massive boulder teetered. Unmindful of its portent, the boys dug on, chattering away excitedly into the expanse.

    And then, with a deafening roar, the earth shook as the boulder broke free, hurtling down the steep incline. The boys barely had time to register the impending doom before the boulder crashed down, trapping them 10 metres beneath its weight.

    Dust and debris filled the air as their screams pierced the sandpit, but nobody heard their desperate cries. Trapped under the rock, the boys probably felt for each other, their voices fading in the throttling darkness of their tomb.

    Nobody heard their dying cries. Nobody saw them writhe and resign to their final fate. By the time help arrived, it was too late. The sun hung with a dark pall as the corpses of the eight pupils of the Malam Dan-Umma Qur’anic School at Bayan Science, Badariya, Birnin Kebbi Local Government Area (LGA) of Kebbi State were exhumed from the rubble.

    The proprietor of the school, Malam Dan Umar, said he had assigned the pupils to go on top of the hill near the school to excavate clay and gravel to mend the holes inside their rooms against an expected flood. Sobbing profusely, Umar admitted that in the process, a heavy chunk of the laterite fell on them, leaving seven dead on the spot and one hospitalised until his eventual death.

    “It was sad for me. I was still in the house when someone called to tell me the bad news. I still find it difficult to believe,” said Umar.

    Residents around the area said that apart from using some caved areas of the hill for convenience, the pupils used its mud to build a haven where they occasionally rested.

    Barely one month before the tragedy, the Kebbi State Government disclosed its intention to streamline the almajiri system to conform with the formal system of western education.

    The Commissioner for Religious Affairs, Muhammad Sani-Aliyu, identified the “Almajiri Integrated Education” as a unit under his ministry saddled with regulation and improvement of the almajiri system of education.

    “The unit is carrying out a demography of Islamiyya and Almajiri schools to identify the age and number of pupils, their various origins, parents and their living conditions for appropriate actions,” he said.

    The Kebbi State government’s Almajiri Integrated Education scheme is hardly the first of its kind to be initiated in response to challenges posed by the almajiri system of education.

    In April 2012, the former President Goodluck Jonathan-led Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN), through the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), launched a national education policy initiative known as the Almajiri Integrated Model School (AIMS), to integrate Qur’anic schools into conventional schools with modern curriculums and provide skill-based education to the almajirai.

    The AIMS initiative was also intended to increase educational access, specifically for the about 13.2 million “out of school children” (UNICEF) in northern Nigeria by providing classroom facilities, uniforms, books, and feeding programs. The move was also geared to assist each State of the federation to implement the Education for All (EFA) scheme and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

    Jonathan’s administration reportedly spent N15 billion on the establishment 400 Almajiri model schools with the aim of integrating the traditional system of learning Islamic education with western education. The AIMS initiative also rebuilt about 36 schools, the first batch of which covered the 19 northern states and Edo.

    In spite of these efforts, the enrollment and attendance rates have remained low in these newly reconstructed model schools for various reasons.

    A vice principal at one of the schools in Kaduna State stated that the government even though student enrolment increased at the state government’s introduction of free education as part of the AIMS system, attendance has reduced as parents and their wards exhibit sustained apathy for the initiative.

    Another major impediment to the programme is the lack of adequate support from the states’ governments. Successive administrations have starved AIMS of funding and essential human resources. Eventually, many of the schools fall into disrepair even as its supposed beneficiaries, the almajirai, desert the classrooms to beg for alms on the streets.

    Minors at the mercy of the streets…

    Many almajirai, who were supposed to benefit from the AIMS scheme are left to roam on the streets. One such almajiri is Abdulaziz Abdulhamid. The 12-year-old’s day begins in Minna, Niger State, with a prayer (Fajr) muttered at the break of dawn.

    In a subdued tenor, Abdulhamid disclosed how his parents handed him over to Mallam Ali Usman, an itinerant Qur’anic teacher who visited their home in Nassarawa, with the promise of securing religious education for him. Alongside three other boys, Abdulhamid embarked on a journey that would lead him into the heart of the almajiri system.

    The system involves sending boys, typically aged 4 to 12, to distant locations for religious study under nomadic Islamic scholars. For families like Abdulhamid’s, who are unable to afford formal schooling, this system seems a lifeline. However, the idyllic vision of pious learning often shatters as these children, instead of being sheltered by their supposed guardians, find themselves thrust into the streets, begging for survival.

    Minna, with its bustling markets and teeming streets, for instance, has replaced Abdulhamid’s classroom. Instead of the Quran, he clutches a bowl; instead of lessons, he memorises the faces of those who might spare him a coin or a morsel of food. Abdulhamid’s existence is a far cry from the educational aspirations his parents had for him. The Qur’anic verses he recites under harsh circumstances are infused with pleas for alms, a sad reality of the intersection of faith and destitution in his newfound world.

    Abdulhamid’s experience is shared by an estimated nine million (of 13.2 million out-of-school kids) almajiri children across northern Nigeria. These boys constitute about 81 percent of the country’s out-of-school children, a statistic that underscores the scope of the crisis. While parents believe they are fulfilling a religious obligation, the children often become collateral in a system that is underfunded and overwhelmed. Many of these children have been forcibly conscripted as child soldiers in the spate of kidnappings, banditry and other terror attacks across the country.

    The Mallams, who are supposed to guide and educate, frequently lack resources themselves, compelling their wards into the streets to beg, the proceeds of which fund their sparse living conditions and educational materials.

    Hussein Muhammed endures a similar fate. A typical day for the 10-year-old begins at 4.00 a.m. with prayers and a Qur’anic recitation, and ends at 10 p.m. with another Qur’anic recitation. In between, he spends seven hours begging on the streets of Damboa in Borno State.

    The 10-year-old steps out at 6 a.m. immediately after Fajr prayer, every day, and returns around 12 noon. He engages in Quranic recitation with 26 other boys under the tutelage of Mallam Kabir, in whose care his parent left him at age seven. They recite the Quran till Zuhr prayer (around 1.30 – 2 p.m.).

    Then they return to the streets, begging for money and food from strangers and familiar faces in the neighbourhood.

    Like Muhammed, Idrisu, eight, was entrusted in care of Mallam Kabir by his parents immediately he clocked seven years of age. But while Muhammed’s parents handed him over to Mallam Kabir in their village in Mahadiya, Yobe, two days after the Eid il Fitri festival of 2021, Idrisu’s parents gave him out via a proxy, his paternal uncle, who happened to be friends with Mallam Kabir.

    “I miss my father. I miss mother. I miss my baby sister, Khadijah. I miss home,” said the 10-year-old, recalling the sad evening, when he was handed out to Mallam Kabir.

    “My mother cried very much. Big mother (first wife) cried too. They begged baba to let me stay till the following Sallah festival but he refused,” said Muhammed.

    Through his recall, the 10-year-old’s mind unfurled like a maze of harrowing realities; sorrow flowered nebulously from its fragile precincts as he relived the parental rejection that rendered him homeless in a strange land, at the mercy of a roving Mallam.

    On his part, Idrisu dreams of returning home before the Sallah celebrations, later this year. “My mother will come for me,” he said, enthusiastically.

    “She will,” affirmed Muhammed, in the tenor of a foster brother, who knows better than to dampen the spirit of his beloved sibling.

    “Denial is a phase that many almajirai go through. First, they are broken and dejected by their sudden departure from home. Most times, they are taken far away from home to prevent them from returning soon after they leave. If they migrate to live elsewhere within the same city or state, they eventually begin to plot their return back home sooner than expected. But if taken far away from home, across state borders, they eventually accept their fate and resign to their new life as almajiri,” said Hajaratu Bello, a social worker and contract staff with UN multilateral agencies.

    Why almajiranci thrives

    Poverty is a major cause of almajiranci. Associate Professor and Dean of the Faculty of Law, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna, Salim Bashir Magashi, argued that, traditionally, African societies cherished large families, considering children assets. The progress of an agrarian family, for instance, depended on its size. A large family seldom required paid labour to work on its farmland. As a duty, every member of the family participated in farm labour and even helped other members of the community as a neighbourly gesture, which is reciprocated.

    For this reason, men married as many wives as was permissible. However, the society became capitalist and individualistic, owing to cultural imperialism by Western civilisation and its attendant traits, the use of money as a medium to get goods and services affected the erstwhile communal and egalitarian societies fostered by traditional African families.

    The size of the family, in time, became a burden to family heads, who must provide the necessaries of life to the entire household. Hence, parents sent their children or wards away to seek knowledge, thus reducing their familial responsibilities.

    Many almajirai emerge from these family divide. On the other hand, children from affluent families rarely left the comfort of their homes for such purpose; whenever they did, the families made proper arrangements for the children’s welfare, said Magashi.

    There is also a lack of political will by the northern elite to address the issue because they fear it might result in a loss of political advantage during national elections.

    “Many of them fear offending the people, who have been known to scoff at organised attempts to promote family planning. We also mustn’t forget that these almajirai are often deployed as political capital by northern politicians during national elections. These are some of the reasons that we can’t resolve our almajiri problem in Northern Nigeria,” said Adamu Aliyu, a Kebbi-based teacher and sociological researcher.

    What Islam prescribes

    Islam prescribes that the primary legal and moral duty of parents is to take care of the welfare of their children, to provide them with food, shelter, security, health, education. Parents are also instructed to instill morals into their wards, to the best of their abilities.

    Thus, memorising the Qur’an, which is largely what an almajiri does, is a desirable (mustahab) act. It is not compulsory for every Muslim, though it is encouraged, but because of bandwagon following (and of course poverty), most parents would rather trade their compulsory duty (wajib) for a desirable one (mustahab).

    The Hausa word almajiri was derived from the Arabic term almuhajir, meaning ‘a migrant.’ In a Nigerian context, it could mean a boarding student of Islamic studies; a student learning the science and truth of the Qur’an, as revealed by Almighty Allah, while committing the text to memory.

    In Hausa, almajiri means ‘child-student’; almajirai is its plural, and almajiranci is the process or practice of learning, traveling, and all things that come with travel.

    The school itself is called makarantar alio or tsangaya in Hausa. Historically, it was rooted in Muslims’ religious obligations to learn the Qur’an and acquire knowledge for this world and the hereafter.

    Types of almajiri

    According to Jimoh Amzat a Professor of Medical Sociology and Social Problems at the Department of Sociology, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, it is pertinent to distinguish three sets of almajirai. The first set of almajirai is sent to the urban centre to live with an Islamic scholar (Mallam) permanently until the completion of their Islamic education. Those almajirai are generally given in trust to a resident mallam but they have to fend for themselves and may not return until they graduate. Another category may return to their parents during the raining season for farming activities. The last category migrates from rural areas with their Islamic scholars during the dry season to the urban centres to return to rural areas for learning and farming in the raining season. However, majority of them, now live on the streets and attend lessons according to their whims.

    The almajirais schools are built differently from orthodox schools, or even modern Islamic schools. Classes are held early in the mornings and late afternoons, giving the boys an opportunity to roam and beg on the street, through noon and late evening. This freedom is exercised without the supervision of their mallam but along the carefree urban streets.

    Mostly, classes are held under trees or in other available open space or in zaure (open space just at the entrance to the compound. At night, a burning hearth becomes their source of light and the pupils sit on the bare floor with wooden slates.

    There is no formal register for checking attendance and the mallam might not know all the students thus it is often possible for a few of them to abscond and play truant.

    The teaching is to some extent coercive, as the mallam is always in possession of a cane which he swings at slight provocation. While some of the boys still attend classes, many others don’t; eventually, they take completely to the streets thus constituting a nuisance to the urban community.

    Past attempts at reform

    Several attempts have been made to modernise the system, ranging from personal efforts to government intervention. For instance, Sunni (Izala) Muslims, who view the practice—the method, not the teaching—as anti-Islamic (bid’a) for dehumanising the child, established Islamiyya schools, which teach both conventional Western education and Islamic education simultaneously. However, these schools are elitist in character, commonly situated in urban areas, and rarely appeal to rural dwellers.

    Again, Islamiyya schools, unlike the almajiri (or tsangaya) or makarantar allo are organised as conventional schools and are mostly day schools. The pupils continue to enjoy the comfort of their daily lives from their homes, as against the almajiri system, which is mainly a boarding and nomadic setup.

    The first attempt to reform the system was made in 1959, when the Kano Native Authority warned parents against abandoning their children in the name of Islamic education and the teachers were directed to refuse any almajiri. This was unsuccessful.

    In 1985, the military government enacted an edict to control Quranic schools. The thrust of the law was to regulate these schools and the movements of the teachers and students to certain urban centres – however, like the previous measure, the law was ineffective, in part, because most of the teachers and the students were unaware of its existence. The law generated criticism as many considered Western standards weak and doomed to fail, because they fostered “individualism, careerism, and materialism.”

    Between 2003 and 2011, the Kano State government tried unsuccessfully to improve the system by providing free food to the students and giving the mallams monthly salaries and cattle for farming. Also, the federal government, under former President Goodluck Jonathan, devised a means to reform the system by integrating the almajiri system with orthodox model schools, but these efforts remain ineffective as the rights of children to education, parental love, care, good health benefits, are often bargained away without legal consequences.

    Prominent northerners, including the deposed Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, have expressed concerns over the menace that has denied so many children in the region their rights to basic education. The former CBN governor said fathers should be arrested for sending out their children to take alms. He argued that fathers who can’t fend for themselves should go out and do the begging themselves instead of sending out their children.

    He said, “Every day, wives are complaining about their husbands who claim their rights but abandon their responsibilities of marriage, women being divorced with their husbands not taking care of the children and those children ending up on the streets, drugs, political thuggery, violent extremism.”

    Minna, Niger-based Islamic scholar, Mallam Ishaq Hussein, said, “Everybody accuses us of maltreating the boys but all we do is impart useful knowledge into them. Many parents are too poor to educate and take care of their children. Most times, they beg us to go with them and we do our best to take care of them. But whenever anything bad happens, we are blamed. Allah knows best.”

    To sanitise almaijiranci

    Good governance is at the heart of the solution. Several measures including firmer enforcement of anti-trafficking laws protective of minors and bio-data tracking have been suggested to curb the menace. Experts urge the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) to track and provide specific data on almajiri children and their parents. Sourcing accurate data can help to forge a partnership between policy makers and the parents of the almajirai who are far away from their family homes.

    While successive governments have been accused of displaying a lacklustre approach to sanitising the almajiri system, Sheikh Ibrahim Adam, an Abuja-based Islamic cleric and scholar, argued that aside from government and other stakeholders including non-governmental organisations, parents must also accept to play their part by having only the number of children they can cater for.

    “It is very wrong and irresponsible of parents to have more children than they can care for. Islam forbids this,” he said.

    On his part, Professor Magashi argued that destitute almajirai can be saved through the instrumentation of the law. He said, “To save destitute almajirai and to educate and care for them with the dignity and respect they deserve, laws already in place need only be enforced. This, however, must be a firm and focused decision, which may require the use of force and diplomacy, as well as provision of the necessary environment to benefit from a reformed, available, affordable, acceptable, and in some cases compulsory system of education.”

    The northern almajirai must, however, stay alive to enjoy the full benefits of such measures. Many of them contend, daily, with dangers lurking in plain sight, like the peking order that empowers senior almajirai to bully younger boys in their informal school setting. A recent video, obtained by The Nation, shows a young almajiri boy displaying grievous wounds comprising lacerations to his body, three gashes on his head and a severe wound that has caused blood to secrete permanently beneath his left eyeball.

    His crime? He failed to go out and get food for his seniors. The latter didn’t care that he had no money to get them a meal, they simply expected him to go on the streets and secure it through begging. His failure to do so earned him a life-threatening thrashing overtime.

    Study proves many almajirai die before age 16

    A recent study revealed that, “half of the boys who go into the almajiri system will die in the long run; 17 percent survive, and the remaining 33 percent get lost, of which some will eventually also die. In other words, at least 50 percent of the boys born into this system die.

    The study was conducted by a team of researchers across four universities including Funom Theophilus Makama, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester, United Kingdom (UK); Esther Funom Makama, Department of Business Administration, University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri, Borno State; Peter Maitalata Waziri, Biochemistry Department, Kaduna State University, Kaduna State; and Attahiru Dan-Ali Mustapha, Resident Public Health Doctor Community Medicine Department, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna State.

    The research team noted that at least three of every six boys involved in the almajiri system die prematurely because they “are exposed to harsh conditions and subjected to begging to fend for themselves, leaving them susceptible to violence, hunger, starvation, infections, child predators, and being used as elements of violence. This decreases their chances of surviving till adulthood as a lot die even before they reach age 16.”

    The research, which was carried out to determine the survival rate of boys enrolled in the almajiri system was conducted in 137 villages across two northern states, Kano and Kaduna, where the practice is endemic.

    The study concluded that for every six boys sent away to participate in the almajiri system of seeking knowledge in northern Nigeria, three die, one stays alive and the other two get lost, their whereabouts unknown. This is at least 50 percent of the child mortality of boys born into the almajiri system of northern Nigeria.

    A system that kills three out of every six children and subjects two more to be missing, leaving only one to survive, is not a system to tolerate, no matter its cultural or religious correlation, according to the researchers.

    This is clearly a case to be investigated and urgently resolved by all stakeholders including the parents, civil societies, religious and political leaders.

    Against the backdrop of the conundrum, the sad fate of dead and forgotten almajirai presents a sore note; few people would forget in a hurry, the sad event of July 7, 2023, when three almajirai were burnt to death in a fire ignited by a burning mosquito repellent coil killed, in Yola, Adamawa State. The trio, comprising Ismaila Muhammadu, 12, Yusuf Abubakar, 13, and Mustapha Ahmadu, 17, resided in the premises of their school at Sabon Pegi, a community in Yola South Local Government Area. The owner of the school, Malam Abubakar Usman, confirmed that the pupils died due to the fire from the mosquito repellent which engulfed their room.

    Equally instructive was the sad fate of the Kebbi eight, who were crushed to death in a burrow pit while digging for clay to mend their hut.

    In the wake of their demise, the state governor, Nasir Idris, sent a delegation of State Commissioners and Special Advisers led by the Head of Service (HoS), Safiyanu Garba Bena, to condole with the boys’ families, and donated N20 million naira to the bereaved.

    But can N20 million bring back eight promising boys, teeming with life? Can it revive the boyish chants of Muhammad Bawando, Musa Kambaza, Dan-sayyada Kambaza, Abu Takai, Nasir Cheferu, Barmo Babanda, Kalije Bawanda, and Yakubu Aminu? Can it reignite their heartfelt quest where a sturdy roof and brand new wall are shaped from earth?

    This minute, memories of the eight almajirai haunt Dukku rock and earth, their ghostly presence free from the weight of crushing boulders and the weightier burden of parental neglect.

  • Out in the cold!

    Out in the cold!

    • Harsh, frantic lives of displaced residents of Dolphin Estate Underbridge
    • How shady gang took charge of public facility, rented it to squatters at N250,000 – N400,000 per annum

    The scene at Dolphin underbridge is post-apocalyptic. Untenanted stretches of land unfurl languidly into the distance. Across the expanse, displaced tenants pick up pieces of their lives from the crust of a previous existence. A tossed clothing here, a bucket there, a far-flung mattress in the bush.

    A shabby man reclines on the skeletal frame of what used to be a bench, in the shade of the bridge. A forlorn mother sits nearby, cuddling her child, barely swathed in dog-eared clothing toned earth brown, the colour of dust and infested breeze.

    Few metres into the settlement, kids with sunken eyes, flaky skin and parched lips roam across the tracts. Like other displaced residents of the now deserted shanty, they are destitute and seeking shelter from the street.

    Nothing, however, beats the misery of seeing the Johnson siblings recount their ordeal while staring wistfully at what used to be their home.

    “We arrived here one month ago. Now, we have nowhere else to go,” said 16-year-old Taiwo, an apprentice car painter. According to the twin, he and his siblings relocated with their mother, from their former abode in Imota, Ogun State, to live under the bridge.

     “When we got here, we took refuge at the Dolphin Junior High School but we were chased out of the school and had to borrow money to rent a 10 inch by 10 by 10 inches room under the bridge. We just paid Mopol N50,000 as first instalment for the room,” he said.

    For about one month, Taiwo and his siblings, Kehinde, Idowu and Alaba, lived without much incident, until Monday, May 6, 2024, when the enforcement team the Lagos State Environmental Sanitation Corps comprising operatives of the Kick Against Indiscipline (KAI) and the Monitoring Enforcement and Compliance (MEC) department of the Ministry of Environment and Water Resources, raided the shanty and dislodged the occupants as part of an exercise to remove over 100 shanties on Lagos Island.

    The State Commissioner for Environment and Water Resources, Tokunbo Wahab, justified the eviction, saying it was executed at the expiration of a 48-hour removal notice served on all occupants of the shanties to move with their belongings.

    Sharing videos on his X (Twitter) handle after the exercise, Wahab wrote, “A total number of 86 rooms, partitioned into 10×10 and 12×10, and a container used for different illegal activities were discovered under the Dolphin Estate Bridge.

    A Special Adviser to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu on Environment, Kunle Rotimi-Akodu, subsequently confirmed the eviction of illegal settlers from beneath the bridge towards Dolphin Estate in Ikoyi.

    The squatters “have been paying an annual rent averaging N250,00…These individuals established an unlawful settlement beneath the bridge, endangering vital infrastructure with the potential for imminent deterioration. To date, 23 individuals have been apprehended, and oversight of the location will be ongoing. Justice will be served in accordance with the law,” he said.

    A distressing narrative

    The narrative evokes overwhelming distress. That individuals and families are now compelled to live in deplorable settlements like the Dolphin Estate underbridge shanty highlights the scale of destitution afflicting the state’s unemployed and low-income bracket.

    The existence of such settlements underscores the gravity of the state’s housing conundrum. Most shanty dwellers resort to living in undignifying conditions – often infested with criminals who assert control using strong-arm tactics and extortionate rent instrumentation – due to their inability to afford decent housing in Lagos.

    Idris Okunoye, a resident of Dolphin Estate, commended the state government for evacuating the shanty, stating that for a long while, many residents of Dolphin Estate had lived in dread of being waylaid or attacked by “criminals and other shady characters living under the underbridge.

    “How could anyone raise children in such a situation? It’s irresponsible of the parents and unfair to the kids,” he said, adding that children raised in such settlements eventually imbibe and take to the criminality and other immoralities that they are constantly exposed to.

    On the flipside, Blessing Atunrase, urged Lagos authorities to adopt more humane measures while ridding the state of shanties.

    But while the exercise unfurls as part of the avowed commitment of the incumbent administration of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to reclaim all ungoverned spaces that dot the Lagos landscape, it manifests jarringly in the lives of destitute Lagosians like residents of Dolphin Estate underbridge settlement.

    The prevalence of such unsightly shanties distorts the image of what a smart city, like Lagos should be, according to Wahab.

    More worrisome is the unsanitary conditions of residents in the shanties, they also serve as hiding places for criminals and points for peddling hard drugs and substances which is injurious to the well-being of law-abiding resident, he argued.

    Shanty dwellers like the Johnsons, however, personify fragments of the 108 million Nigerians estimated to be “technically homeless” based on an average family of six people per housing unit; the World Bank projected that Nigeria will require N59.5 trillion to address the deficit.

    The federal government provides less than 100,000 housing units per year as against the 700,000 advised by experts, and the country has a housing deficit of 18 million units, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). These figures include those displaced by natural disasters, violence, and poverty.

    Worried by the situation, the Bureau of Public Service Reform (BPSR) cautioned that urgent attention should be given to housing deficit in the country, describing the country’s annual housing provision as insufficient.

    The issue is particularly exacerbated in Lagos at the backdrop of its quest to become a global commercial hub and assume a mega-city status; over one million people are estimated to have lost their homes in the last 19 years alone.

     Dire fate for Lagos homeless

    How does this manifest on a city like Lagos, with over 26 million people? As a young, destitute woman living under the bridge, Vera Eno feels very vulnerable and exposed. Describing the raid, she said, “In the seven years that I have lived here, such a thing has never happened. At their first visit here, they arrested people including children. They came back to destroy our homes and everything. There are many people in the bushes. People fled into the bush when the taskforce arrived. Many of them are still taking refuge in the bush.

    “The sad thing is that I was sacked on the same day that the government task force came to chase us. I used to stay with my sister. I used to sell fairly used clothes in Obalende, Lagos. But the government came to chase us away from that place too. Afterwards, I secured a job as a cleaner at Dolphin Estate. But I was sacked on the same day that the government raided our place. Many of us are devastated by the incident. Some of us had just paid our rent to Mopol. That money amounts to a waste now,” said Eno.

    Although initial news reports stated that residents of the shanty paid N250,000 as rent to Mopol, The Nation’s findings revealed that some tenants paid higher rent. “Some of us here paid as much as N300,000 to N400,000 to Mopol,” said Eno, arguing that it depends on their bargaining power and how they got there.

    Since she lost her refuge under the bridge, Eno has once again become homeless; asides from her lack of decent shelter, the mother of one is jobless.

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    Like Eno, Emmanuel Adebayo is also jobless. The 25-year-old dropout of the Ansarudeen High School, in Sango Ota, Ogun State, has been living under the bridge since he relocated to Lagos. Adebayo lamented that house rent is prohibitive in Lagos Island. That is why he took residence under the bridge.

    “When I got here (Dolphin underbridge), I secured a room for N70,000 (quarterly rent). I was able to get my room at that rate because of how I got to know Mopol. My family is in Ogun State. It hasn’t been easy living under the bridge. I cook with firewood. There is no electricity. We secure the streetlights and the cables, so hoodlums won’t steal them. We have caught thieves here before,” he said.

    On his part, Aribajo Arikewusola stated that he understood that the government needed to rid Lagos of shanties but urged caution in carrying out the exercise.

    “The people staying here are poor masses working as security men, commercial drivers, LAWMA staff, cleaners, gardeners, mechanics. The government should have mercy on us, the poor masses. Since we are committing no crime here, they should leave us. They should consider the fact that we have been securing the street lights and preventing hoodlums from stealing them,” said Arikewusola.

    He said, “I used to live in the container that was taken away by the task force. It’s because we are living here that armed robbers have been finding it difficult to operate here. Those living in Dolphin Estate are locked up in their estate behind their gates but they fail to understand that it’s our presence under the bridge that prevented criminals from invading their estate. No stealing, cultism, fighting. It is also not permissible for anyone to ogle another man’s wife. There is no language or ethnicity barrier here. We live as one people, one nation.”

    Reacting to the allegations against him and calls for his arrest, the purported landlord and alleged leader of the suspected gang renting out 86 apartments under Dolphin Estate Bridge, Ikoyi, Gbenga Oluwafemi aka Mopol, has refuted claims of receiving N250,000 per annum as rent.

    In a video posted by News Central on its X handle late Sunday, Oluwafemi stated that no estate chairman in Dolphin Estate wouldn’t recognise him.

    Mopol said, “No estate chairman in Dolphin Estate that will say he did not know me. Even there are some people in power here in Lagos State that live there that know me. They knew us very well. The demolished blue container there this morning had been there for about 15 years now.

    “The previous government did it for us there. The person who did the container Festus Keyamo was passing by and asked us what we were doing there and our survival.

    “We said we are security to the street lights here. He also asked how we cope when it is raining. It was then he promised us that he would look into it and that was when the container was constructed.”

    He, however, denied collecting money from anyone as rent contrary to some residents’ claims and the evidence of payments seen.

    “I have never refunded any money to anybody. I don’t think I’ve… If I am collecting N250,000 from anybody I will not be in that place again,” he said.

    The Commander, Kick Against Indiscipline in Lagos State, Major Olaniyi Olatunbosun Cole (retd.), on his part, described the setting up of a shanty colony under the Dolphin Bridge as a sabotage.

    “All the sands put under the bridge for a kind of protection were excavated and they started putting structures. It was about 86 rooms. You can imagine someone removing sand meant for the protection of a facility, or a bridge, and erecting a structure there to collect money from the people. That is sabotage,” Cole said.

    Houses for rent at prohibitive prices

    Against the backdrop of condemnation of the Dolphin underbridge settlement, stakeholders averred that such anomalies would persist due to the high cost of renting an apartment in Lagos.

    The Nation’s findings revealed that prohibitive rents are charged by property developers and house owners in Lagos, and this accentuates the state’s housing challenges. For instance, the annual rent for a four or five-bedroom flat at the Maplewood Estate hovers between N1,800,000 and N3,000,000. At New Oko-Oba, Abule Egba, a two-bedroom flat goes for N800,000 to N1.4 million per annum while a three-bedroom apartment is let out at N1,700,000 to N2.7 million annually. The pricing hovers between N1.2 million to N3.5 million annually in several parts of the mainland to the island.

    In Lekki, a three-bedroom flat at Agungi goes for N2.8 to N3.5 million per annum, while a two-bedroom flat in the same area goes for N1.8 million. In Lekki Phase One, a two-bedroom flat attracts N2.7 million in rent. In Ikoyi, a two-bedroom serviced flat goes for N3.5 million per annum with a service charge of N800,000 per annum. A three-bedroom flat, however, goes for as much as N5m per annum.

    Consequently, those who can’t afford the prohibitive house rent seek alternative shelter. At a popular eatery in Abule-Egba, Lagos, homeless men, women, and children sneak to the premises at midnight, every day. They offer the security guards a fixed fee of N300 to secure bed space till 4.30 am the following day.

    “Oftentimes, you have to book for a spot two days earlier as there is usually limited space,” disclosed Peter Akinsola, a car accessory vendor.

    Homeless people would readily blame the government for their plight even as several displaced or homeless persons arrive in Lagos as immigrants, usually with little support, and dependent on a close or distant relative or contact whose assistance is often short-lived and dependent on his or her economic situation thus aggravating the state’s constraints.

    “Many arrive without means of livelihood or decent shelter and eventually have to live on the streets, under bridges and in shanty colonies. They are the most vulnerable during a pandemic,” argued Tolulope Apesin, a social health worker.

     Lagos Tenancy Law 2011

    The Lagos Tenancy Law, promulgated on August 24, 2011, seeks to regulate the rights and obligations under tenancy agreements and the relationship between the landlord and the tenant including the procedure for the recovery of premises and for connected purposes such as rent revision, service charge management and payment of professional fees among others. The law is applicable to business and residential premises in Lagos State with few exceptions for social residence premises and highbrow residential areas of Apapa, Ikeja GRA, Ikoyi and Victoria Island. The major highlight of the law is to control the rent payable on business and residential premises. The law places restrictions on property owners from taking more than six (6) months and one (1) year of rent from a monthly tenant and a yearly tenant, respectively. However, the reality is different as landlords demand between one and two-year rent or more on their properties thus compounding the housing woes of several Lagosians in the impoverished and low-income bracket.

    As shanties persist…

    An increase in urban poverty has been cited as a major impediment to effective land use practices and control in Lagos and other parts of Nigeria. World Bank estimates aver that worldwide, about 30 per cent of poor people live in urban areas like Lagos.

    Most of the urban poor live in slums and squatter settlements, without adequate access to basic infrastructural facilities such as clean water, healthcare services and a hygienic environment.

    Currently, it is estimated that of the world’s population of eight billion people, half of whom live in urban areas, there are over one billion poor people living in slums and spontaneous settlements.

    The urban poor in developing countries find land in the city to live and build their own houses. If possible, they construct their toilet and drainage system. They tap electricity from an adjacent house through an informal connection and if they are threatened with eviction, they find another place to live. They work in irregular and low-paid jobs and develop and operate micro-enterprises to make a living. They organise their savings and loan groups so that they can make investments in housing or business.

    They produce and sell goods and services to each other in quantities and quality for which there is a demand among the poor. The urban poor, according to a report urban planning report anchored by Lookman Oshodi for Heinrich Böll Stiftung Nigeria, show great ingenuity in finding solutions to their problems and meeting their basic needs. These solutions most often result in environmental problems inform of sub-standard housing, poor waste disposal system, poor environmental sanitation and degradation among others.

    The urban poor also lack information and because they are forced to operate in the informal sector for their housing and micro-business, they are always vulnerable to extortion.

    Due to an increase in population, only few people can find steady jobs with adequate wages in the formal sector of the economy, given the fact that the majority of the urban poor are semi-illiterate and illiterate. The only means of survival is in informal activities, people trade and offer commercial services on the roadside. Small shops are constructed on residential buildings’ setbacks and setbacks of public utilities. As a result, most of the houses developed are occupied by the urban poor who do not conform to building standards; every space available is utilised for commercial purposes. This type of development and activities are noticeable in Agege, Ajegunle, Mushin, Bariga, Ijora-Badia, Isale Eko, Makoko, Oshodi, Ojo, Adeniji Adele, and Orile, to mention a few.

    Addressing the problems of the Lagos Metropolis requires a holistic approach, according to Prof. Ola Aluko of the Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Environmental Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos.

    Prof. Aluko cited procedural delays as a major impediment to the provision of decent housing and public compliance with space standards for urban development. According to him, the complicated procedure for obtaining development permission makes it difficult for developers to quickly respond to demand for affordable Real Estate. In Lagos State, most especially, approval plan requirements are costly depending on the zone, thus constraining access by low-income earners to safe lands in desirable locations, he noted.

    Other hindrances include inappropriate legislation and access to land as land use regulations, planning and building standards constrain low-income groups’ access to land.

    “It should be noted that while these regulations attempt to ensure citizens’ health, safety and welfare by strictly controlling land and building standards, the regulation forces the very group they seek to protect into completely unregulated informal. Most of the Lagos state residential schemes are not accessible to the urban poor, yet the urban poor constitute the majority of Lagos metropolitan population. In other words, space standards fall as houses are developed on marginal land, flood plains, open spaces and watersheds for shelter, utility setbacks, and so on,” said Aluko.

    The weak enforcement of the law and the general lack of dedicated and competent state officials has led to conflicting land uses such as the infiltration of commercial land uses on housing as the case is in Festac Town; complete succession on Allen Avenue, Awolowo roads and Adeniran Ogunsanya amongst others, poor aesthetics and unsightly cityscape, high building density and frequent building collapse in parts of Ebute-Metta and Lagos Island, and the emergence of informal shanties in planned areas as was the case with the recently dislodged homeless people’s colony under the Dolphin Estate bridge, in Ikoyi.

     Growth of informal settlements in Lagos

    Lagos has a documented history of housing provision from the days of the Lagos Executive Development Board (LEDB) in the 1950s. The LEDB was able to deliver 4,502 housing units within 17 years, from 1955 to 1972, when it was dissolved. In 1972, the functions of LEDB were transferred to Lagos State Development and Property Corporation (LSDPC) as the sole agency responsible for the provision of housing in Lagos State.

    The LSDPC has since been saddled with the execution of a gigantic low-cost housing programme of the early eighties which yielded close to 10,000 units under the leadership of Alhaji L. K. Jakande between 1979 and 1983, a period that was described as the golden era of housing in Lagos State with emphasis on low-cost flats to cater for the needs of the low-income earners. The delivery by LSDPC was supported by a mortgage provision from Lagos Building and Investment Company (LBIC). Many civil servants and other residents of Lagos benefited from the programme.

    Expert opinion avers that the deterioration of Nigeria’s urban centres has been a process, not a willful act that may be corrected on command or legislation.

    The reality in the big cities like Lagos, Ibadan, Port Harcourt, Aba and Enugu presents an unwieldy conundrum. These include urban decay, slums, overcrowding and lawlessness which lead to the loss of land and natural resources.

    As a former political and current commercial capital of Nigeria, Lagos with a 25 million estimated population, has experienced swift expansion since the oil boom of the 1970s. With such large population, however, comes challenges that result from what the UN terms “over-urbanisation” – meaning that “the populations are growing much faster than local economies, leading to major social and economic challenges of slum proliferation.”

    The urbanisation process in Lagos has not been accompanied by a corresponding supply of adequate housing, basic infrastructures and amenities. Consequently, this has led to the development of disorganised, overcrowded, declined, dilapidated and blighted areas and then a large proportion of slums within the city.

    As at 1991, the World Bank Urban Renewal Project identified 42 slum communities in Lagos State. The number of slums in Lagos is now estimated to have increased to more than 100 due to the inadequacy of private and public institutions to provide housing to the increasing population.

    Most city authorities in Nigeria are overwhelmed by the rapid development of slums and the spread of informal settlements and their regulatory interventions are either too late or have failed to make any impact.

    Urban planning experts have argued that regular maintenance of old buildings in urban areas can be a major remedy to slum formation. Yet lack of repairs and timely maintenance have been known to often cause rapid decay and deterioration of buildings. This affects the sustainability of the urban environment and consequently leads to slum development. On this note, tenants, landlords and the government have a role to play in repairing and recovering urban slums, according to housing experts.

    In the context of shanty colonies like the one recently evacuated under the Dolphin Estate bridge, a radical issuance of an eviction order and subsequent clearance will not work bearing in mind the magnitude of the impoverishment of affected parties, differences in cultural values and resource availability.

    On this note, Ayinde Muideen, an urban planning expert, recommended a strategy of cooperative leadership both at the governmental and community level.

    “First, the government must aid the relocation of residents to a more befitting area. If this is not done, the shanty dwellers will simply relocate to another location.

    By early 2023, the incumbent administration of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu commissioned 15 housing schemes with about 4000 units of flats, while about 3500 units are still ongoing. The governor also approved the creation of a rent-to-own programme after certain elements of subsidy are imputed.  They are specifically for low-income earners. However, these numbers are far too low for what is needed. Considering its housing deficits, Lagos needs to build at least 10,000 units in the next four years, according to Akinderu Moruf, a former Commissioner of Housing in Lagos.

    “Yet the budget for housing is getting lower year in and year out,” Moruf told a Harvard class, recently, in faraway United States of America (USA). An assessment of the budgetary allocation to the Lagos State Ministry of Physical Planning and

    Urban Development reveals significant gaps. The subvention grew from ₦254 million in 2010 to ₦338 million in 2012 and then fell consistently in 2013 and 2014 until it reached an all-time low of ₦232 million in 2015 (Table 35.5). Personnel costs also fell sharply between 2014 and 2015, indicating a massive lay-off of professional expertise, likely through retirement.

    While the reduction in subvention to the Physical Planning Ministry has far-reaching consequences, Governor Sanwo-Olu is poised to resolve the state’s housing deficits through Lagos’ partnership with the Federal Housing Authority (FHA).

    The partnership seeks to synergise and collaborate to provide affordable housing for Lagos residents and Nigerians in the diaspora.

    Until then, homeless Lagosians like the Johnsons, Eno, Adebayo and co, will pose grievous challenges to housing intervention efforts. For years, they found solace beneath the arched concrete of the Dolphin Bridge, at the mercy of Mopol, a shadowy presence who whispered promises of refuge. Mopol leased out 86 illicit rooms to the homeless, demanding an annual fee of N250,000 – N400,000 per room. In this clandestine marketplace of desperation, these ramshackle rooms, cobbled together from wooden boards, tattered tarpaulins and other salvaged materials became home to the homeless, offering a precarious sanctuary from the harsh realities of the streets.

    In Mopol’s colony, there was a sense of community—a fragile network of shared struggles and silent solidarity. Yet for his hapless tenants, Mopol’s promises proved as transient as Lagos’ shifting skyline.

    As the government dismantled their colony, their fragile illusion of security cracked and shattered like glass. Bulldozers rumbled through their homes, tearing down walls and shattering dreams.

    And in the blink of an eye, the residents of Dolphin underbridge found themselves cast once more into the merciless embrace of the streets.

  • Felony Republic: Inside Lagos’ black market for forged affidavits, marriage certificates, police clearance, others

    Felony Republic: Inside Lagos’ black market for forged affidavits, marriage certificates, police clearance, others

    • Despite previous reports, forgers besiege Lagos Courts, Police Command

    • What we are doing to curtail culprits – Govt, NBA

    At the interchange leading to the once posh Government Reservation Area (GRA), in Ikeja, Lagos, the traffic lights are constantly on the blink. Chaos rattles at the junction as motorists plying Maryland, the GRA and Airport Road jostle to outwit the lights and the eagle-eyed traffic wardens hunting for defaulters.

     Amid the chaos, a group of enterprising Lagosians dart in and out of the traffic: frantic youths and the elderly seeking to eke a living. Ultimately, they engage in a “felony” that few dare to acknowledge openly.

    “Come for your affidavit and police report,” they called out to me at my umpteenth visit. It is their customary chant to engage prospective clients.

     Amid the bustle, a buxom lady approached me. Her name is Blessing, and for a fee, she offered to get me an affidavit, police report, a court seal, or any other “legal” documentation I might need.

    From her perch at the Conoil Petrol Station, opposite the General Hospital, Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), Blessing led me back to her base in the premises of the Lagos State Police Command, Ikeja.

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     Situated directly opposite the Lagos High Court, Ikeja, the Police Command serves as a refuge and operational base to hundreds of hustlers juggling urgent requests for affidavits, police reports and other legal documentation by members of the public.

     Blessing and cohorts claimed to work with certain judicial officers and police personnel to produce a series of fake documentation for unsuspecting public members.

     They are the forgers of integrity, the architects of deceit, and their canvas is the very fabric of the legal system itself. They brazenly operate in front of the Lagos High Court, lining up the sidewalk that leads to the courthouse.

    Despite successive reports of their activities, they persist in reckless abandon. Opposite the courthouse, they loiter and sit in the open, beckoning motorists and pedestrians plying the vicinity to patronise their services.

     Inside the precincts of the Police Command, Blessing led me to an alley where she consulted with me in more explicit terms, offering to make me an affidavit/change of name, on behalf of my wife, at the rates of N3,000 and N5,000. An affidavit that would not be recorded in the court register will cost N3,000 while the one that would be documented with the court will cost N5,000, she said.

     “The signature, stamp and court seal on both documents will be original. But only the one of N5,000 will be registered with the court,” said Blessing, adding that she had produced a lot of such affidavits for clients who needed to use them for bank transactions and processing of migration applications for relocation abroad.

    Eventually, we settled for the N5,000 worth of affidavit, and I asked if we should wait for my wife to appear in person as the law requires the deponent to appear in person before the Commissioner for Oaths but she said that wasn’t necessary. “Just send me her picture. It doesn’t have to be an official passport photograph,” she said.

    Thus I wrote the pseudonym, Morolake Abeni Bisoye, and an imaginary house address.

     Forgers operating in the law’s precinct

    Immediately after I paid her fee, Blessing led me to a shop – built like a makeshift business centre within the Lagos State Police Command. There, she instructed a typist to input my so-called wife’s details in an affidavit template stored on a computer in the shop.

     With the details entered, Blessing printed the document on an A4 paper and told me she needed to go inside the Lagos High Court, to secure the signature, stamp and seal of the Commissioner for Oaths.

    She refused to let me accompany her to the latter’s office.

     Nonetheless I tailed her until she disappeared inside a backstreet in the Police Command.

     About 20 minutes later, she returned with the affidavit bearing what looked like an official stamp and seal. With the transaction over, she urged me to patronise her and recommend more people to her.

    According to her, she produces other legal documentation including marriage certificates, land titles, and dissolution of marriage certificates.

     Court officers dismiss affidavit as a fake

    To confirm her claims, I took the document to the office of the Acting Chief Registrar (ACR) of the Lagos High Court but even though he wasn’t on seat, officers in his department dismissed the affidavit as a fake one. “Everything about it from the stamp, and signature to the seal is fake,” said a senior officer with the department.

     Likewise, the Chairman of Nigeria Bar Association (NBA), Ikeja chapter, Oluwaseyi Olawumi, declared, at first glimpse, that the affidavit was a fake one.

     While it bears close semblance to three others, all fake, previously produced on March 7, 8 and 12 at the local councils in Amuwo Odofin, Ikotun-Egbeda and around the Lagos State Police Command, Area G Division in Ogba, Agege, respectively. Although they were all produced by touts in these areas, they all bore stamps, signatures and seals showing that the affidavits were produced at the Lagos High Court in Ikeja.

     Interestingly, there are glaring discrepancies in the colour and quality of the court stamps, seals and signatures appended to each affidavit.

     There is no gainsaying, fake affidavits and other legal documentation have become endemic and deeply rooted in our system, argued Olawumi. There are fake affidavits and documents everywhere, mostly at local governments, on the streets, gas stations and business centres. Banks, companies, organisations and even individuals who require affidavits do not know that what they have in their possession are fake affidavits and fake legal documents.

    There are persons in some local governments and local council development areas in Lagos State who make affidavits for deponents where there is no Commissioner for Oaths. What they do once you approach them is to tell you to wait in a corner, and they would charge you even more than what is chargeable at court registries and other judicial designated centres where original affidavits are obtainable. They would now go to a hidden place, produce an affidavit (which unknown to you is fake) and hand over a counterfeit affidavit to you. These deponents would not have appeared to sign before the commissioner for Oaths (because there is no Commissioner for Oath anyway). These deponents also fail to attach their passports and other requirements that need to be met before a proper affidavit is executed.  They just prepare the fake affidavit, apply a fake stamp and seal and give it to the unsuspecting individual(s) and they go and use it for whatever purpose they need it for.

    The pricing often varies across courthouses and local councils in Lagos. It depends on the bargaining prowess of the client as the same tout may do the same affidavit for different clients at different prices.

    Ganiyu, who touts his services around the local council in Festac, Amuwo Odofin, stated that he also produces fake marriage certificates. “If you wish for it to be registered, I will collect N450,000 but if you want an unregistered one, I will collect N230,000 from you,” he said.

     A fake Dissolution of Marriage certificate will cost between N150,000 and N200,000 depending on who recommends you to the tout.

    The true cost of an original affidavit

    Further findings revealed that the cost of a real affidavit is significantly lower than the cost of a counterfeit one obtainable on the street.

     Sulaiman Tella, a Lagos-based lawyer, stated that even though touts hovering around court premises and local councils charge between N3,000 and N7,000 for an affidavit, one can type his affidavit and take it to the office of the Commissioner of Oaths for validation at the meagre cost of N500.

     In most cases when the prospective deponent asks people for directions to the office of the Commissioner for Oaths, they would most likely lie to you so that they can sign the affidavit for you and extort you.

     To get an affidavit isn’t as cumbersome as it’s made up to be. At the Lagos State High Court in Igbosere, for instance, the prospective deponent may approach through the Tafawa Balawa Square (TBS)/Kings College route and go straight to the Commissioner of Oaths’ office in the courthouse. There, the document will be initialised, after which the deponent can take his affidavit to the cash office, where a flat rate of N500 will be charged. At payment, the court seal will be appended to the affidavit, which will then be taken back to the office of the Commissioner of Oaths who will sign and stamp the document.

    What the law says

    The relevant section of Nigeria’s federal 2011 Evidence Act that deals with affidavits (Articles 107-120) is clear about its provisions. In particular, Articles 108-111 of the Act state that: “Before an affidavit is used in the Court for any purpose, the original shall be filed in the court and the original or an office copy shall alone be recognised for any purpose in the court.”

     Legal sources indicate that there are two categories of affidavits: those used in court proceedings and those used in non-court proceedings.

    The most common types of affidavits available in Nigeria include Written Statements “which accompany processes used to initiate court proceedings in court in proof of a party’s case before the court; Affidavits of facts “in support of applications filed in court which by the Rules of the court(s) must accompany all motions;” Affidavits of facts “which are generally filed to bring facts to the attention of a court;”

     Affidavits “verifying the loss of documents or other property;” Affidavits for a change of name; Sworn declaration of age in lieu of a birth certificate; and Affidavits “of good conduct.”

     And pursuant to Article 10 of the Federal Oaths Act, the following persons are authorised to administer oaths and therefore issue affidavits under federal law in Nigeria: The Chief Justice of Nigeria; the Justices of the Supreme Court of Nigeria; the President and Justices of the Court of Appeal; the Judges of the Federal High Court; Notaries Public; and Commissioners for Oaths.

     Commissioners for Oaths are officers of the court designated to administer oaths.

    Verification of affidavits

    According to an Assistant Superintendent with the Police Special Fraud Unit, the Police often rely on the “issuing authority to verify all documents,” including affidavits. Similarly, a Notary Public indicated that for affidavits sworn in the courts, the Assistant Chief Registrar of the court is “usually the authority to confirm the genuineness of any purported affidavit.” For affidavits sworn by notaries, the Notary Public who issued the affidavit can be contacted for confirmation of the genuineness of the document.

     Further findings revealed that it is easy for forgers to replicate security features on an affidavit as it is almost impossible to determine the authenticity of a document via on-the-spot assessment.

    An affidavit will carry the signature of the deponent, the signature of the Commissioner for Oaths/Notary that swore the document, and the seal/stamp of the court/Notary.

     For court-issued affidavits, every court has its own rubber or plastic seal, and the Commissioner for Oaths will affix the seal of the court to the affidavit, and sign his name at the bottom of the affidavit.

     The Notary Public-issued affidavits will carry the stamp of the notary that issued the affidavit and sometimes a seal and the name of the Notary Public. Also, a notary will usually put his seal bearing his name and Supreme Court enrolment number.

     Judicial officers and other court officials are also required to keep a record or copy of affidavits deposed before them, as the authenticity of an affidavit is verified by checking the records of the authority that administered the affidavit.

    Thus genuinely issued affidavits are usually properly documented and can be verified as the Commissioner for Oaths usually keeps a copy with the court registry. The only way that the court can determine the authenticity of an affidavit is to consult their records, according to legal experts.

     In order to determine if an affidavit is genuine, the receipt number is confirmed in the court records, and the signature of the Commissioner of Oaths and the stamp on the receipt are verified.

     There is no gainsaying a significant number of affidavits are procured by proxy, as established by The Nation’s findings at the Lagos High Court and Police Command, both in Ikeja, and across local councils in Amuwo Odofin, Ikotun, Idimu, Egbeda-Akowonjo, Ogba-Agege, to mention a few.

     At all these locations, touts masquerading as court agents commit a series of fraudulent activities by producing fake affidavits, marriage certificates, Police Character Reports and other legal documentation featuring forged court seals, stamps and signatures.

    These touts claim to work for highly influential court officials and police personnel as they charge exorbitant fees for documentation that significantly costs less to procure.

     The court seal, according to lawyers and police personnel, does not establish an affidavit’s authenticity anymore as all fake ones also carry the seal and court staff involved in fraud will pocket a deponent’s money, forge the signatures of the Commissioner for Oaths and return the affidavit with “signatures and seal.

     According to a Deputy Chief Court Registrar in Ogun State, the procedure to obtain an affidavit is as follows:

     The deponent will state his name, in full, in a printed form. He must include his sex, tribe, address, religion and nationality. The applicant will depose to the information that he wants to state, which must be facts and not law. It must be duly signed before the Registrar or Commissioner for Oaths.

     The Commissioner for Oaths must identify and confirm that the person swearing the oath is the actual deponent. The identification of the deponent is very important; it must be ascertained before the affidavit is commissioned.

     The same source explains that the deponent is identified through personal identification documents such as a National Identity Card, National Driver’s License, International Passport, Voters Registration Card, and Passport photographs. Once the deponent is identified by the Registrar or Commissioner for Oaths, he obtains the requisite fees, issues a receipt, stamps the affidavit with the official stamp, he writes the receipt number on the stamp on the affidavit. The deponent is put on Oath and his document is later commissioned. The serial number of the receipt is quoted on the affidavit.

    There is no standard form to be used for a Statement of Facts used in court, but a passport photograph is displayed on this type of affidavit.

     For age declaration, the law stipulates that no declarant under the age of 50 years could swear to an affidavit personally. He or she is required to come along with an older person such as the mother, the father, an uncle or an elder brother, who would inform the commissioner about his knowledge of the time the declarant was born as well as provide other necessary data about such a person.

     This provision of the law is daily circumvented as court commissioners sign declarations without following the stipulated procedure. This is also the case with other documentation in the court such as loss of items and change of name. The consequence of this is that anyone could simply falsify his or her age or any declaration and still get it signed in court.

     But despite what the law stipulates as conditions for the issuance of affidavits, touts and court officials, daily circumvent the stipulations, and brazenly bend the rules, robbing the system of millions of revenues that should go into government coffers.

    The NBA’s attempts to curtail the scourge

     The NBA is doing a lot to curtail the excesses of forgers of court seals, stamps, signatures and other legal documentation, according to Olawumi. He said, “We have such matters in court and we have even arrested some persons in whose possession we found fake documents, court seals and even receipts. We have even arrested some persons parading themselves as lawyers and other impostors issuing fake affidavits and other documents. Their matters are in court.”

    According to him, “You know as Nigerians we like things done the easy way and we like shortcuts. My number one advice is that if you need an affidavit you must go do it yourself, irrespective of your status. You need to appear before a Commissioner for Oaths or a Notary Public to depose to the affidavit yourself. You can’t just send someone to go get an affidavit for you. So many persons have been denied school admissions because of fake affidavits because once the school discovers they are sent out of the school while some have lost their jobs because of fake affidavits and when they come to us at the Secretariat to complain, and we ask them where they got the affidavit, they would say they met the person by the petrol station or outside the Court premises.

     Stop giving your information to people by the roadside. Please note that if you do not appear before a Commissioner for Oaths or a Notary Public, with your passport photograph and append your signature before the affidavit is executed, then it is not a genuine affidavit.”

    Learning the hard way…

     Those who patronise touts eventually learn the hard way.

     Rukayat Shonekan experienced a raw deal in the hands of such shady characters. In February 2024, Shonekan sounded the alarm after the United Kingdom (UK) consulate banned her for 10 years, over alleged forgery of a Police Character Certificate (PCC).

     Shonekan recounted her ordeal at the Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID) annexe, Alagbon, Lagos, lamenting that a cybercafe operator whom she identified as Shina Obafemi, issued the forged certificate to her in Alagbon, very close to the FCID, last year.

     She said, “I was issued the Police Character certificate in a cafe at Alagbon in September 2023. I paid N50, 000. I wasn’t lured; I believed I was in the right place because it was a police environment. I was directed to a person within the police station to assist me with the process.

     “But the embassy said it was fake when I presented it in December 2023 and I was banned from entering the UK for 10 years. I informed the police, and upon investigation, they arrested those involved.”

    The four suspects arrested were subsequently arrested. According to the FCID Public Relations Officer, ASP Mayegun Aminat, upon receiving a complaint by Shonekan bothering on the falsification of the Police Character Certificate, impersonation, forgery of signatures and official stamp and obtaining money under false pretence, the FCID Annex operatives took swift action which led to the arrest of  Osinowo Obafemi, 35; Sebastine Olamide, 21; Shittu Babatunde, 25; and Bilal Yekeen, 25.

     The investigating team searched 267, Igbosere Road, off Obalende Area Lagos Island, Lagos State and uncovered a plethora of fraudulent documents which included fake Police character certificates, seven medical reports issued from the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, LASUTH belonging to several individuals, 65  fake international driving permits,18 international driving license permit forms with different pictures belonging to different persons, one pack of both booklets of the traffic foreign vehicle regulation license among others.

     “Further investigation confirmed the suspects’ involvement in the criminal racket involving the issuance of the fake police character certificate that led to the 10-year ban of Mrs Shonekan by the UK. They also admitted to issuing forged documents to several individuals,” said ASP Mayegun.

     Attempts to get the reaction of the Lagos State Police Command, Ikeja, to the activities of forgers operating within the command proved abortive as SP Benjamin Hundeyin declined The Nation’s call and failed to respond to a written query at press time.

    However, a police officer, pleading anonymity, stressed that the Police can’t be held accountable for the activities of the forgers. Most of them are freelancers who operate in rented shops on the fringes of the Command. Those shops are owned by private tenants who have nothing to do with the Police Command. 

    Offenders risk seven years of imprisonment

     Under the Criminal Law of Lagos state, forgers of government seals are liable to a seven-year imprisonment term. Section 365 (3) states that: “If the thing forged purports to be, or is intended by the offender to be understood to be or to be used as any of the following things — the seal of a Court of record in Nigeria or any other country or the seal used at the Chambers of the Head of a Court or for stamping or sealing summons or orders; the offender commits a felony and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for seven (7) years.”

     According to section 362 of the Criminal Law of Lagos state, a seal is said to be “counterfeit if it is made without lawful authority, and is in such a form as to resemble a genuine seal or mark, or in the case of a seal, in such a form as to be capable of producing impressions resembling those produced by a genuine seal.”

     What has Lagos State done to curb the scourge?

     Raphael John, a Client support officer at Cinfores Limited and the consultant for the Lagos State Court Management Information System (LaCoMiS) deployed to the Magistrate court, argued that LagosCoMiS has helped in mitigating affidavit forgery and other kinds of forgery in the judicial system.

     LaCoMiS is an information management system that enables the State Judiciary and other relevant stakeholders to find a one-stop for all relevant administrative activities as it relates to the judicial arm of government in all the LGAs of the state.

     “So, for affidavit, the system has made it difficult for affidavit forgery – every affidavit done on the platform has a unique Affidavit number and a QR scan code, which has made verifying affidavits very easy and convenient. Individuals or Institutions do not need to go to the court to verify affidavits, they just need to go to the URL (website) https://lagoscomis.lagosjudiciary.gov.ng/verification/  or scan the QR code on the affidavit to verify it.

     If any of the security measures are promised, when it’s been verified, the affidavit won’t display on the portal, or if it’s a case of replacing an authentic affidavit code to a fake affidavit, when verifying it the original affiant affidavit that will display.

     The system also covers the aspect of swearing before the Commissioner for Oaths – when an affidavit is being made online, it goes to the Commissioner for Oaths to vet, and schedule for a virtual swearing (if need be) before commissioning the affidavit,” said John.

    Notwithstanding these measures, itinerant touts circumvent, daily, the rules and procedures of the court, to fleece unsuspecting applicants, by procuring fake affidavits for them. These transactions are conducted openly within the precincts of the Lagos High Court and the Lagos State Police Command in GRA, Ikeja.

     There it is not unusual for persons to obtain affidavits by proxy, without being physically present, while touts claiming to represent judicial and non-judicial officers of the court, arrange and procure affidavits at exorbitant fees – often beyond the statutory charges.

     The majority of deponents, across Lagos, do not always get to see the Commissioner for Oaths as affidavits, marriage certificates, police character certificates, and other legal documentation, are rampantly forged.

    Stressing his organisation’s mission to end the scourge, Adeniyi Quadri, a lawyer and Chairman of the Task Force/Security Agencies Relations Committee (SARC) of the NBA, Ikeja Branch, lamented that aside from Court precincts and local government secretariats, the counterfeiting of court seals, stamps and signatures to produce fake legal documentation is rampant in locations close to end-users like the telecommunications companies and examination bodies including the West African Examination Council (WAEC).

    The anomaly, he argued, strikes at the integrity of Court instruments, proceedings and processes. These activities pose a significant threat to the pursuit of justice and due process while limiting the earnings of legal professionals and making the performance of their duties arduous. In an embarrassing contrast to this, “the touts acting in cahoots with Court officials get preferential attention.  They are availed a pride of place attention-wise at the Registries while legal professionals are subjected to sometimes excruciating delays as a result of touts jumping queues in the provision of these unauthorised “legal services,” said Quadri.

    To remedy the situation the NBA has initiated a sensitisation and awareness campaign to educate unwary members of the public on the proper procedure as it concerns procurement of affidavits/documents from the Court and LaCoMiS has initiated similar sensitisation measures.

     Against the backdrop of these efforts, touts like Blessing and Ganiyu will persist in their schemes thus fuelling a clandestine industry that thrives openly in police and court precincts.

     In their grey market economy, a well-placed signature holds the power to alter destinies and a carefully crafted seal can open doors that were once firmly shut.

     In the shadows of the Lagos State Police Command and High Court, for instance, peddlers of forged documents operate with a precision born of necessity, their actions driven by a primal urge to profit off a diverse clientele comprising criminal masterminds and unsuspecting victims.

     However, the consequences of their actions reverberate far beyond the confines of their underworld. Innocent citizens fall victim to their schemes, facing wrongful accusations, loss of property, and even imprisonment.

     And the judicial system’s integrity stays undermined, as forged documents flood the courts, blurring the lines between truth and fiction.

  • The Chibok girls as stakeholders’ meal ticket – Oriola

    The Chibok girls as stakeholders’ meal ticket – Oriola

    Against the backdrop of their predicament, concerns have risen over the perceived exploitation of the Chibok Girls by their supposed helpers. Temitope Oriola, a Professor of Criminology and Sociology at the University of Alberta, Canada, stated that the Chibok girls have produced various forms of capital for certain claims-makers and miscellaneous ‘stakeholders.’

    According to him, “The exploitation of the Chibok girls is a fraction of a larger economy of graft and miscellaneous criminality in relation to the social impact of Boko Haram.’

    In his extensive treatise on the saga, Prof. Oriola traced how various stakeholders, within and outside government circuits, have exploited the plight of the Chibok girls.

    In his recent treatise, “The Exploitation Of Nigeria’s Chibok Girls And The Creation Of A Social Problem Industry,” Oriola highlighted how different stakeholders exploit the miseries of the Chibok girls.

    The immediate past administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, he said, exploited the girls’ release for symbolic capital and political mileage.

    Analysing how separate parties exploited the first Chibok girl to secure her release, he said, “For instance, a vigilante group found Amina Darsha Nkeki on May 17, 2016. She was the first Chibok girl found. Amina returned from captivity with a young child and her Boko Haram ‘husband.’ Nkeki and her child were flown to Abuja from Maiduguri for a medical check-up and sent for photo ops at the presidential villa 48 hours after they were found.

    “Nkeki’s visit to the presidency was a huge political affair despite her frail health after over two years in captivity. President Buhari, the First Lady, the Governor of Borno state, military chiefs, and several other top government officials received Nkeki and her son. The government was intent on celebrating the moment in the full glare of global television. Nkeki was not in the physical and mental shape for the fanfare as she was limping and severely malnourished when she arrived with her baby.”

     International dispute over alleged exploitation of Chibok girls

    According to Prof. Oriola, 19 of the Chibok girls who escaped from Boko Haram the night they were captured have also been used to serve the agendas of a web of international actors, organisations, and interests. The interplay of political actors, human rights advocates, school administrators, NGOs, and unsuspecting humanitarians in the USA has led to serious concerns, accusations, and counter-accusations about the entities exploiting the Chibok girls.

    The Chibok girls have been used to raise funds at public events in the USA. Thousands of dollars have been raised in both online and inperson campaigns with little accountability. The Nigerian government expressed concerns in 2016 that the girls were ‘used as tools for making money’ by NGOs in the USA.

    Aisha Alhassan, Nigeria’s Minister of Women Affairs, informed parents of the victims that the government had confirmed that the girls were being exploited. Yakubu Nkeki Maiva, a representative of the parents, asked the government to take over the girls’ education. He argued, ‘We were told that they were going there to study and not going on tourism. We want them to return home with certificates and not tourists’ experiences.’

    A Nigerian government report notes that the girls accused their sponsors of using them as money-minting machines. The fraud allegations were investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in 2016 but the FBI despite its suspicion that the stakeholder involved had likely been keeping or misappropriating money raised in the name of the Chibok students, realised that some fraction of the money had also been used to house and transport them thus making it difficult to prosecute the case.

    The series of events organised to raise funds purportedly for the welfare of the Chibok girls necessitated having the girls recount the kidnap ordeal within a few days of arriving in the USA. This further traumatised them. Time and over again, the girls were asked to recount an escape that they wished to put behind them. However, the constant retelling of the stories before well-paying audiences became problematic for the integrity of their experiences.

    It ensnared the girls in lies, deceit, and rhetorical embellishments: ‘In time, the young Nigerians themselves began to doubt each other’s survival stories. The accounts had changed so much in repeat tellings they became dissociated from the actual ordeal.’

    Read Also: Chibok girls: Parents, CAN demand release of 91 left in captivity

    One of the girls revealed that their sponsors often urged them ‘to embellish their accounts… to make the story interesting so that people will like it so much.’

    In addition, the 106 girls who have remained in Nigeria have been at the centre of public relations campaigns. For instance, the Nigerian government announced in November 2017 that it had paid the second-semester school fees (N164.8 million or over US$450,000) to the American University of Nigeria (AUN), Yola, for the 106 Chibok girls. This gave the impression that all 106 girls were undergraduate students at AUN.

    However, only six of the girls were university students. A journalist with access to the girls notes that all but six of the girls ‘are on university premises but studying a special course. Some of them have been taught at nursery school level.

    It was further revealed that some of the girls required at least eight years to proceed to the university level because of the poor education they had before the kidnapping incident. Therefore, about 100 of the girls were enrolled in the New Foundation School, a school within a school on the campus of AUN. Four other Chibok girls enrolled as undergraduates in September 2018. The general reportage of the Chibok matter laid the groundwork for widespread misperception of the true educational level of the girls. The journalist cited earlier argues:

    “When they escaped, people scrambled. People in the US, thinking they were dealing with girls about to go into the university… (T)hey thought that these were girls that were disrupted from being medical doctors and engineers. You know the CNN and BBC thing, which you and I know is a lie. They were not on the way to becoming medical doctors or engineers, not with the quality of education they were getting. But these people saw these things on the media and thought it was real and they scrambled to get these girls to school. So, you take them to a place like the US and find out that they can’t even speak English. So I know it threw a lot of people off balance and for the girls, it was very upsetting.”

    “Some of the girls also appear to struggle with a diminished sense of selfworth by being reduced to one incident on one night of their lives. One of the girls in the USA noted, ‘We hate when they call us Chibok girls…I am Kauna.’ The girls have also experienced chronic instability in their education and residence in the USA. Some of the girls attended five schools within four years due to being constantly relocated because of struggles over control by their handlers.

  • Ten years after…

    Ten years after…

    • Over 90 Chibok school girls unaccounted for

    The infant whose life was beginning wheezed in her sleep. She babbled in a language no school could teach. Her mother, Jinkai Yama, leaned over, her lips pursed as if she meant to kiss the child. There was so much love in her intent gaze. The child probably felt it as she snuggled close to her mother’s belly.

    It’s 10 years since Yama’s abduction by the terrorist group, Boko Haram. Now 26, she is eager to reclaim the decade that was stolen from her life. At 16, Yama was abducted alongside 275 other girls from the Government Girls Secondary School (GGSS), in Chibok, Borno State.

    One year after her abduction, Yama was forcibly married to Usman, a Boko Haram insurgent. But she got separated from him when he joined the Mamman Nur faction of the terrorist sect. Usman relocated to join the new faction leaving Yama behind, pregnant with a child.

    Yama remained with the late Abubakar Shekau splinter group. She was subsequently taken to Dutsen Gava, in Gwoza LGA of Borno State. There, she caught the attention of another insurgent called Abubakar. The latter married her and sired two other children with her.

    One day, in Dutsen Gava, Yama climbed a mountain and saw a military formation nearby. After some careful observation, she discovered that several Boko Haram members and their wives were sneaking out of their stronghold to surrender to the soldiers.

    A few days after her discovery, she grabbed her three children and snuck with a group of fellow captives to surrender to the soldiers. She set out with fellow escapees at 10 am and by 2 pm, they arrived at the nearby military formation of the Joint Task Force (JTF)’s Operation Hadin Kai to give themselves up.

    “My husband, Abubakar, is still Dutsen Gava. I didn’t let him know about my plan to escape. He would have prevented me,” she told The Nation.

    At the time of her surrender, Yama was with her three children and two other abducted Chibok girls: Falmata Lawal and Asabe Ali. Yama, Lawal and Ali were numbered 20, 3, and 12 on the abducted Chibok girls’ list.

    Like Yama, Kauna Luka was abducted from GGSS, in Chibok, in her teens. She was 15 years old at the period. Luka spent about eight years living as a captive bride of Muhammad, a Boko Haram insurgent in Sambisa.

    She said, “I had two children for Muhammad. My first child, a boy, was named after the after but he died quite young while we were in the forest. Then I had a second child for my Muhammad. Her name is Maryam and she is currently two years old.”

    Luka disclosed that although Muhammad showed her kindness, she couldn’t bear to live with him any longer. “He forced me to marry him,” she said.

    Luka, 25, escaped captivity in the company of two other Chibok girls, Ruth Bitrus, 24, and Hannatu Musa, 26. The military received the trio after spending eight years with their abductors who later married them.

    Apart from Hannatu Musa who came out of the bush with two children, Ruth Bitrus and Kauna Luka have a child each.

    Despite the circumstances in which Yama, Luka and others got married and had their children, they cannot bring themselves to hate them. “I love my three children. It doesn’t matter what their fathers did or who they were, my children are a gift from Allah. I love them and I will take care of them,” said Yama.

    Likewise, Luka confessed deep love for her daughter, Maryam, stressing that the two-year-old bears no blame for the circumstances in which she was conceived and birthed to the world.

    “I am happy that I have her. She is a sweet, innocent child,” Luka said.

    Indeed, no child should be born into ugliness. And no parents would pray that their teen girls experience the horror endured by Yama, Luka and others from the point of their abduction to their forced marriages in Boko Haram’s terrorist camp.

    Read Also:106 freed Chibok school girls resume school Sept.

    At their escape, Yama, Luka and a few others underwent medical examinations and purported rehabilitation with their children in the custody of the Nigerian army. They were subsequently handed over to the Borno State government.

    A few months earlier, the Nigerian Army had presented two Chibok schoolgirls rescued by troops of Operation Hadin Kai in Borno. The General Officer Commanding (GOC) 7 Division of the Nigerian Army, Maj. Gen. Shiaibu Waidi disclosed that the troops of Operation Hadin Kai had rescued 11 of the abducted Chibok girls in the previous months.

    Maj. Gen Waidi identified the rescued girls as Yana Pogu who was rescued with four children and Rejoice Penki, who was rescued with two children. The two girls were of serial numbers 19 and 70 on the list of the abducted Chibok schoolgirls, he said.

    Other rescued abductees include Hauwa Joseph, Mary Dauda, Miss Ruth Bitrus, Kauna Luka and Hanatu Musa. Others are Falmata Lawal, Asabe Ali, Jinkai Yama, Yana Pogu and Rejoice Senki, Aisha Grema.

    Most of the girls, who were rescued with their children, were listed as number 18, 46, 41, 58, 7, 11, 3, 12, 20, 19 and 70 respectively (in the order of rescue) in the list of the abducted Chibok Schoolgirls.

    The statistics of the 276 abducted Chibok School girls indicate that 57 girls escaped in 2014, 107 girls were released in 2018, three recovered in 2019, two recovered in 2021 and 11 girls rescued in 2022.

    “This brings to a total 180 Chibok girls out of captivity, remaining 96 girls still unaccounted for,” the GOC said. At the backdrop of the development, the Theatre Commander (TC), Operation Hadin Kai, Maj. Gen Christopher Musa announced the opening of a new camp for hosting repentant Boko Haram members that were surrendering and assured that the new camp was in a safe area where the military could secure it.

     Boko Haram: The scourge

    Boko Haram (literally meaning ‘Western education is forbidden’) emerged as a confessed jihadist group in north-east Nigeria in 2009.  Purportedly incensed by resentment of bad governance, corruption, and the marginalisation of the north, the sect metamorphosed into a terrorist group, killing nearly 350,000 people by 2020 and displacing more than two million others, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

    Established in 2009, Boko Haram terrorised Nigeria’s northeast shutting targeted schools and forcing so many others to shut down for the safety of both students and their teachers. The Government Girls Secondary School for girls in Chibok, however, reopened in April 2014 to enable its students to take their final exams. But around 11 p.m. on April 14, Boko Haram insurgents invaded the school and forced 276 girls from their dormitories onto trucks, and whisked them off into the lawless cover of the Sambisa forest, a nature reserve the jihadist group had taken over to wage a bloody war against the government and the northern populace whose interests they claimed to protect.

     Kidnap was not the plan

    At the risk of rehashing narratives of their abduction from Chibok, it needs to be highlighted that the girls’ abduction from their southern Borno town wasn’t the initial plan of Boko Haram. Findings revealed that Mustapha Chad, the Boko Haram commander who orchestrated it had led an unsuccessful attack on the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) base in Adamawa’s capital, Yola. Smarting from its botched attack on the military formation, Chad ordered the abduction of the girls as an afterthought.

    However, a conflicting account penned by one of the abducted girls, Naomi Adamu, stated that the insurgents who struck on April 14, 2014, had come to steal an “engine block.” It is not clear what piece of machinery they wanted; there had been some construction work at the school a few weeks earlier, so it may have been the machine used for moulding cement blocks, which can also be used for constructing crude weapons, or they may have been after an engine block from a vehicle.

    But when it could not be found, they reportedly argued over what to do with the students they had gathered in groups. After considering several options, they decided to take the girls with them.

    “They started argument in their midst. So, one small boy said that they should burn us all and they said, ‘No let us take them with us to Sambisa.’ Another person said, ‘No let’s not do that. Let’s lead them… to their parent homes.’ As they were in argument, then one of them said, ‘No, I can’t come with empty car and go back with empty car… If we take them to [Abubakar] Shekau [Boko Haram’s leader], he will know what to do.’”

    The news of their abduction soon went viral on the mainstream and new media thus launching the terror group into the limelight. The late Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau, milked the global attention as much as he could. “Just because we kidnapped these young girls, you are making noise?” Shekau had asked in one of several statements, where he’d also threatened to sell the 276 girls as slaves.

    Those who refused to marry his followers were truly used as slaves to break stones, fell trees, build thatch houses, do laundry, and engage in other hard labour. Anyone who tried to run was whipped, tied up, and denied food.

    There is no gainsaying the Chibok abduction sparked global outrage and the #BringBackOurGirls, an international campaign spearheaded by prominent personalities all over the world including the then U.S. First Lady Michelle Obama, Madonna, and the Nobel Peace laureate Malala Yousafzai, among others.

    But the search for the Chibok girls only began a month after the abductions, despite the outrage on social media and immediate offers of military and intelligence support from the US, Britain, France and China to the then president of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan.

    Drones and spy planes scanned the vast Sambisa Forest, but with limited success even as the late leader of Boko Haram, Abubakar Shekau, threatened to sell the girls at a market.

     Ten years after…Life as a social pariah

    Ten years on, many of the Chibok child abductees, now women, have been freed or escaped, but about 96 abductees are allegedly still missing.

    The experiences of Yama, Luka, Hafsatu, among others, certainly contrast with the reality of some former captive wives of Boko Haram in the past. While it may be said that the returnee Chibok girls initially enjoyed some degree of warmth and acceptance from the government and their immediate families, the reality was markedly different for ex-captive wives of Boko Haram and their children abducted outside Chibok.

    Many who returned home, some of whom gave birth while in captivity, have often been viewed as Boko Haram collaborators and shunned by their communities.

    The Nation’s findings revealed that communities are wary of accepting children sired by Boko Haram fighters. They are scared of reintegrating with their teenage mothers and women too – it doesn’t matter that they were abducted, forcefully married and serially raped by members of the terrorist sect. Nobody wants to be seen with offspring and ex-wives of the dreaded terror sect.

    Thus the infant children that some of the Chibok girls had with their Boko Haram husbands face extreme stigmatisation.

    Popular cultural beliefs about ‘bad blood’ and witchcraft, as well as the extent of the violence experienced by people at the hands of the terrorist sect, form the basis of this fear. This general perception has been exacerbated by stories of women and girls returning from captivity and murdering their parents. Such accounts give rise to the fear that “If we accept sons and daughters of Boko Haram, they (the mothers) may come back to kill us.”

    Women and girls who spent time in captivity are often referred to by communities as “Boko Haram wives,” “Sambisa women,” “Boko Haram blood” and “Annoba” (which means epidemics). The description of these girls and women as an ‘epidemic’ reveals fears that their exposure to the terrorist group could spread to others. This infers that these girls and women were radicalised while in captivity, and if allowed to reintegrate into their communities, they might recruit others. However, excluding some cases in IDP camps, communities expressed the belief that over time relations could be rebuilt and that the women and girls could gradually be accepted and trusted by the displaced community.

    However, acute fear and suspicion persist of children born of sexual violence, whose fathers are believed to be Boko Haram fighters. It is unlikely that such fears and suspicion will decrease, according to Dr Abubakar Monguno of the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID). Monguno, working with a team including Dr Yagana Imam, Yagana Bukar and Bilkisu Lawan Gana from UNIMAID, and in collaboration with the International Organisation on Migration (IOM), the Borno State Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development, International Alert and UNICEF, authored a report on the crisis. Findings revealed that hostile perceptions place children conceived of rape and violence in Boko Haram terror camps “at risk of rejection, abandonment, discrimination and potential violence.”

    Just recently, two Chibok girls rescued from Boko Haram terrorists bemoaned the discrimination and stigmatisation they allegedly face from officials and students of the American University of Nigeria (AUN), who label them “government children” and avoid interacting with them.

    The Chibok schoolgirls kidnap survivors, Amina Ali and Jummai Muttah, appeared on Arise TV on Friday morning to describe how they spent the last 10 years enduring humiliation and discrimination from friends and strangers, including employees and students of the American University of Nigeria, who constantly “looked down” on them.

    Kidnapped in 2014, Ali escaped from her captors in 2016. She and other abducted students who regained freedom were awarded scholarships by the Federal Ministry of Women’s Affairs to enrol in the university to continue their studies.

    But her educational journey in AUN had proved more arduous than originally thought, Ali admitted. She explained that her educational background (both primary and secondary schools) in Chibok, where she was taught in the native Hausa language, did not adequately prepare her for the English language standards of AUN, as she was only starting to improve her oral English.

    Due to her challenge in communicating in English and her abduction experience, Ali revealed that she’s constantly picked on and mocked by her peers and even school officials.

    “The way they are used (sic) to look down on us. We also face the issue of discouragement because of how we speak. Back in Chibok, some of our teachers used to teach us in Hausa. We didn’t even know how to speak from JSS1 to SS3. We just started learning to speak English after we came out (of captivity),” Ali said.

    Ali, captured at 17 years, said AUN lecturers often disregarded her class assignments, which she found “discouraging.”

    She said, “So, we are not good at that. So, in our present school, instead of encouraging us that we should not give up, they discourage us and anything we do, they would not appreciate,” she stated.

    Now 27, Ali said the school authority rebuffed her complaints, telling her and other survivors to be grateful for their government scholarship and stop complaining.

    “Sometimes, if we complain to some of the school authorities, they will say that you are government children. Are you the only people that Boko Haram kidnapped? The government spend Nigeria’s money on you, yet you still complain about how people treat you. That’s what they used to tell us,” said Ali.

    Corroborating Ali, Muttah, another survivor and AUN student said, “We are not happy with what is happening.” According to her, even their classmates complain. It has gotten so bad that when they have group assignments, and their classmates “run away” immediately they learn that they were “part of the abducted Chibok girls. “They don’t want to do assignments with us…So, this thing discourages us in school, and it makes us wonder why people hate us so much,” said Muttah.

    Muttah implied that the discrimination she suffers in school has further damaged her self-esteem, given that she is still healing from stigmatisation by her neighbours and townspeople at Chibok, who have also labelled her child —conceived in captivity after being defiled by terrorists— as a “Boko Haram child.”

     ‘Children are like flowers’

    Even at the risk of rejection by their families and communities, some of the returnee Chibok girls who were barely teenagers at the time of their abduction by Boko Haram insurgents, are displaying natural affection for the children they had with their Boko Haram husbands.

    “Children are like flowers. They are like roses. Roses are poisoned with ugliness. The situation in the northeast is too ugly to raise a child. Life here is very ugly. Very, very ugly for the Nigerian child,” lamented Halima Sule, a Borno-based social health worker even as she acknowledged the valour of young mothers duelling both innate grief and external aggression over circumstances beyond their control.

    One such mother Hannatu Ahmedu. At 16, she was abducted and forcibly married to a Boko Haram insurgent. The forced union produced a child.

    “People can think the worst of me, I do not care,” said Ahmedu, “I have this child now and I can only love him and care for him. People want me to dump him. My childhood friend wants me to kill him. If I didn’t abandon him while running in the forest, why should I abandon him now? I can only love him. He’s my destiny,” she said.

    Like Ahmedu, returnee Chibok girls: Yama, Luka, Lawal and Ali among others have equally accepted their children as their “destiny.” They could only love and care of them perhaps all born of rape and sired through forced marriages to insurgents, their mothers would have less cause to worry perhaps or dread the moment they would begin to ask why their neighbours call them ‘bad blood’ and treat them with scorn.

    Yama, for instance, has made peace with her fate. She would return to school and become successful in a trade, in order to give her daughters the best life possible.

    So doing, she hopes she would have no cause to respond in pain to difficult questions from her wards. Yama may have no cause to couch the sordid details of their conception in a clutter of woe and earnest tears.

    Despite her anguish at remembering, she would tell them to ignore hatred and unkind words. She would tell each child that there is a garden in her face where hope blooms. She would never have cause to call them the living proofs of her shame.