Category: Law

  • Man bags life sentence for defiling six-year old girl

    Man bags life sentence for defiling six-year old girl

    • By Olamide Olakanse

    A 53-year-old man, Olumuyiwa Ajoto, has been in sentenced to life imprisonment for defiling a six year old girl.

    The prosecution team comprised of Inumidun Sholarin, I.E. Balogun, and B.E. Okeowo had charged Ajoto before Justice Rahman Oshodi of an Ikeja Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence Court.

    The victim, who was on holiday with the family, is the grandchild of his second wife’s younger sister.

    The convict was arraigned on a three-count charge  of defilement of a child,  sexual assault by penetration, and  indecent treatment of a child.

    The convict was represented by his counsel, Philip  Imuetinyan.

    During trial, the convict’s second wife, the IPO, ASP Adeniyi and Dr. Olatunji from the Mirabel Centre testifie for the prosecution.

    The convict testified for himself.

    Before sentencing, Ajoto through his counsel, Imuetinyan, pleaded with the court to temper justice with mercy.

    The prosecution counsel, led by Sholarin, urged the court to apply the maximum punishment for sexual offenders to serve as deterrence for others.

    She also prayed the court to register the name of the convict in the sexual offenders register of Lagos state.

    Justice  Oshodi  sentenced the convict after pronouncing him guilty of two out of a three count charge offence brought against him by the state.

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    Justice Oshodi found the convict guilty on counts one and two and consequently sentenced him to life imprisonment on both counts.

    He was, however, discharged of count three after the prosecuting counsel failed to provide convincing evidence for the charge.

    The sentences are to run concurrently at a maximum custodial centre.

    The judge also ordered that Ajoto’s name be registered in the Lagos State Sexual Offenders Register.

    According to information before the court, the convict on April 22, 2022, at about 1:00 PM in Badagry, Lagos, defiled the 6-year-old  child said to be the grandchild of his second wife’s younger sister.

    The victim was on a holiday visit when the incident happened.

    On the day of the incident, the convict’s second wife, Olayemi had gone to the market, leaving the victim and the defendant at home.

     While the child was doing her homework in the convict wife’s room, Ajoto was said to have entered, pushed her onto the bed, and sexually assaulted her by using his finger and penis to penetrate her.

    The court heard that when the victim shouted, he slapped her and told her to shut up.

    He later cleaned blood from his victim’s private part with a white cloth, bathed, dressed her and told her to go and play outside.

    The crime was discovered later that night when Mrs Olayemi, upon seeing the victim recoil from Ajoto’s touch, asked what was wrong.

    The victim said, “it’s daddy.” Mrs Olayemi examined the child and discovered that she had been deflowered.

    Pretending to go to a church vigil, Mrs Olayemi took the victim to the General Hospital in Badagry where doctors confirmed that her private part had been tampered with and noted other evidence of assault.

    The next day, April 23, 2023, the convict’s wife invited the police, who arrested him.

    The victim was referred to the Mirabel Centre, Ikeja where Dr. Olatunji carried out an medical examination on the victim and discovered she had been defiled and as reported by the Badagry General Hospital.

  • Otu Oka Iwu harps on justice

    Otu Oka Iwu harps on justice

    • SANs, others honoured

    Otu Oka Iwu, an association of legal practitioners of Igbo extraction, has reiterated its commitment to unity, communal upliftment and justice in Nigeria.

    This was restated at the association’s 2025 Annual Dinner and Award Night in Lagos, an event which brought together senior legal luminaries, government officials and leaders of major Igbo socio-cultural organisations.

    The event, which also featured the presentation of awards to a number of distinguished personalities, saw a succession of speakers who highlighted the collective resolve of Ndi Igbo to preserve their heritage, strengthen communal bonds and pursue excellence in the legal profession.

    In his welcome address, the President of Otu Oka Iwu, Mr. Okechukwu Unegbu, said the event was both a celebration of excellence and a recommitment to the association’s core responsibilities.

    His words: “Tonight, we gather to reaffirm our shared commitment to the values that bind us together as custodians of justice, interpreters of the law and ambassadors of the Igbo nation.”

    He praised the awardees for achieving excellence in their respective careers, and pledged continued support for young legal practitioners and defenders of justice.

    In her remarks, the Chair of the Planning Committee, Mrs. Augustina Igbokwe stated that the time had come to reposition the association to enable it serve as a rallying point for Ndi Igbo in Lagos. She noted that the awardees represented those “already building the walls” by defending Igbo interests, mediating disputes and mentoring young professionals.

    The President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Mr Afam Osigwe, SAN, cautioned against public commentaries on ongoing legal matters, particularly those involving prominent Igbo figures.

    His words: “When a man is standing trial,” he said in an apparent reference to the case of former Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu, ”we must respect the judicial process. We cannot be issuing statements.”

    He stressed that while communal solidarity is important, it must not be allowed to undermine the legal process, adding that “We must not imbibe extreme individualism. We keep poverty low in Igbo land because we lift ourselves by lifting others.”

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    Also speaking, the Abia State Deputy-Governor, Engr. Ikechukwu Emetu, who represented Gov. Alex Otti, charged Igbo lawyers to embody justice and integrity. “As a body of lawyers from Eastern Nigeria,” Emetu said, ”you must ensure that the pride of Ndi Igbo is protected in every sphere.”

    On his part, the President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, Dr. Azuta Mbata, celebrated what he described as a global resurgence of “Igboness.”

    According to him, Igbo communities across Nigeria and the diaspora are increasingly embracing their heritage with pride. “Many tried to hide their identity after the Civil War,” he recalled, “but the time is coming for the total emancipation of our land.”

    He described the Igbo personality as ‘the apex of the Nigerian intelligentsia’, while highlighting landmark achievements of Ndigbo in education, commerce and enterprise.

    He however noted that political representation at the highest levels remained a challenge.

    One of the highlights of the day was the presentation of awards to the following dignitaries: Dr. Monday Ubani (SAN), Chris Okeke (SAN), Lady Debbie Obodoukwu (Life Bencher), Chief Paul Obi, (SAN), Emeka Akabogu (SAN),:Ernest Ikeji (SAN), Leslie Njemanze, (SAN), ,George Ukaegbu (SAN), Adizua Chu-Chu Okoroafor, (SAN), Iteshi Fidelis (SAN),

    Kelechi Nwaizu (SAN), Ikechukwu Uwanna (SAN), Mrs. Chinyere  Moneme (SAN), Kingsley Udeh (SAN), Nkwegu Luke (SAN), Edwin Anikwem (SAN), Johnson Odionu (SAN), Udochi  Iheanacho (SAN),

    Matthew Echezona Esonanjor, SAN.

    They also include Boniface  Moore (SAN),  Christopher  Okeke (SAN), Chinasa  Unaegbunam (SAN), Theodore  Ezeobi (SAN), Ekele  Iheanacho (SAN), Ebere Nwosu and Leo  Ekeh.

  • Officer Yerima and the perilous defence of ‘superior orders’

    Officer Yerima and the perilous defence of ‘superior orders’

    • By Ben Ijeoma Adigwe

    The recent public confrontation involving the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and a young Naval officer, Lieutenant A. M. Yerima, has stirred more than momentary outrage or partisan debate. Beneath the headlines lies a deeper, older, and far more troubling question, one that has haunted military institutions, police force, and public service across generations and jurisdictions: what is the fate of an officer who obeys an order that may be unlawful?

    This is not a theoretical puzzle debated only in law classrooms or ethics seminars. It is a live dilemma, often unfolding in real time, under pressure, fear, and hierarchy. For officers like Yerima, the stakes are immediate and personal. Disobey a superior, and you risk court-martial, dismissal, career ruin, or worse. Obey, and you may find yourself standing alone before the law, stripped of institutional protection, asked to answer for actions you did not initiate.

    Lieutenant Yerima’s position, by his own account, was simple and terrifying in equal measure: he was instructed by his superiors to stand his ground. The instruction allegedly placed him in direct confrontation with a serving minister of the Federal Republic.

    In ordinary circumstances, such conduct would raise serious legal and constitutional questions. Ministers are not merely individuals; they are embodiments of executive authority. To resist or obstruct them is not something a junior officer does lightly, nor without consequence.

    Yet refusal, in a rigidly hierarchical military structure, carries its own severe penalties. This is the crucible in which the doctrine of “superior orders” is forged, a doctrine born not of moral comfort, but of institutional necessity.

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    Security personnel and public officers often operate in environments where clarity is a luxury. Orders come quickly, contexts are incomplete, and dissent is rarely welcomed. The culture of obedience is not accidental; it is drilled, reinforced, and rewarded. Militaries do not function on debate. They function on command like the Centurion of Capernaum.

    But the law does not entirely share this logic. While institutions demand obedience, the legal system insists on individual responsibility. This is where the fault line lies. When an officer is ordered to act, the law asks a brutal question: Did you know, or should you have known, that the order was unlawful? If the answer is yes, obedience may become complicity.

    For officers like Yerima, this question is not asked in the calm safety of hindsight. It is faced in the heat of the moment, often without legal counsel, and under the watchful eye of superiors whose power over one’s career is absolute. The law, unfortunately, offers no easy refuge.

    The defence of superior orders, sometimes referred to as the “Nuremberg defence”, has always been treated with caution, even suspicion. At its core, the argument is intuitive: how can a subordinate be blamed for carrying out instructions from those legally empowered to command him?

    Yet history has taught the world the danger of accepting this logic too generously. If obedience alone were enough to excuse wrongdoing, atrocities would always find shelter behind hierarchy. The law, therefore, has drawn a hard line: obedience may explain conduct, but it does not automatically justify it.

    The defining moment came after World War II. At the Nuremberg Trials, Nazi officials and military officers repeatedly argued that they were merely following orders. The international tribunal rejected this defence in emphatic terms. It held that individuals remain morally and legally accountable for their actions, even within a chain of command. Obedience could not erase the reality of choice.

    This principle was reaffirmed two decades later in the 1961 trial of Adolf Eichmann in Israel. Eichmann claimed he was a bureaucrat, a cog in a vast machine, carrying out policies designed by others. The Israeli Supreme Court dismantled this argument. It ruled that even within oppressive systems, individuals retain agency. The fact that disobedience is costly does not mean choice is absent.

    From these trials emerged a global consensus: superior orders do not provide a blanket defence. At most, they may mitigate punishment. They do not absolve guilt.

    Nigeria’s legal system aligns with this international outlook, though it expresses it in its own statutory language. The Criminal Code does not expressly label “superior orders” as a defence, but it gestures in that direction with strict limitations.

    Section 32(2) of the Criminal Code recognizes that an act done in obedience to the order of a competent authority may be justified, but only if the order is not manifestly unlawful. That single phrase does enormous legal work. It shifts the inquiry from mere obedience to the nature of the order itself.

    What is “manifestly unlawful”? In simple terms, it refers to an order whose illegality is obvious on its face. An instruction to torture a suspect, to shoot an unarmed civilian, or to assault a person without lawful cause would fall squarely within this category. No amount of hierarchy can sanitize such commands.

    Nigerian courts have repeatedly reinforced this principle. Judges have been clear: public office is not a cloak for illegality. The badge, the uniform, or the letter of appointment does not suspend the rule of law. Where an order crosses into clear illegality, obedience becomes no defence.

    At best, compliance with superior orders may be considered during sentencing. It may explain how an officer found himself in that position. It may soften the punishment. But it does not erase responsibility.

    Over the years, Nigerian courts have encountered numerous cases where public officers attempted to shield themselves behind directives from above. Police officers have cited instructions from commissioners. Civil servants have pointed to ministerial approvals. Military personnel have invoked command structures.

    The judicial response has been remarkably consistent. Courts have insisted that loyalty to the law must trump loyalty to individuals. Public service, the judiciary reminds us, is not blind service. It is a service bound by legality.

    This stance, while principled, places officers in a precarious position. The law demands courage, the courage to refuse unlawful orders.

    Yet institutions often punish such courage swiftly and quietly. Whistleblowers are isolated. Dissenters are labeled insubordinate. Careers stall or end.

    This gap between legal expectation and institutional reality is where injustice thrives.

    It is easy, from a distance, to pronounce moral judgments. It is harder to appreciate the lived fear of a junior officer standing before a superior. The power imbalance is real. Orders are not mere suggestions. They come with the weight of discipline, hierarchy, and tradition.

    Lieutenant Yerima is not a policymaker. He does not design the architecture of power. He operates within it. If he disobeyed, the consequences would have been immediate and personal. If he obeyed, the consequences may now be legal and public.

    This is why cases like his evoke sympathy beyond legal technicalities. They expose the vulnerability of those at the bottom of command structures. They reveal how easily power can insulate itself while responsibility trickles downward.

    There is a familiar pattern in public scandals involving authority. When conflict erupts, accountability often stops at the lowest visible rung. The junior officer becomes the face of an institutional failure. Superiors retreat into silence. Political actors issue statements. Investigations begin and end quietly.

    The danger here is that Yerima may become precisely that: a convenient villain in a story whose true drivers sit far above his rank. If that happens, the law will not merely punish an individual; it will reward the very abuse of hierarchy it claims to resist.

    African wisdom captures this injustice perfectly: when two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. Yerima risks becoming that grass, trampled not because he wielded power, but because he stood in its path.

    This moment demands more than outrage or scapegoating. It calls for institutional honesty. If superiors issued the instructions Yerima claims, they must be scrutinized. Responsibility should move upward, not stop conveniently at the lowest officer in view.

    It also demands clearer protocols. Officers should not be left to guess the legality of politically sensitive orders in moments of tension. Training, legal support, and internal safeguards must be strengthened so that obedience does not become a trap.

    Most importantly, it demands courage from institutions, not just individuals. The law already requires officers to refuse manifestly unlawful orders. Institutions must match that expectation by protecting those who do so.

    Lieutenant A. M. Yerima’s case is not just about one officer and one incident. It is a mirror held up to the uneasy relationship between power and accountability in Nigeria. It asks whether the law will continue to punish the visible while shielding the powerful.

    Superior orders have never been a comfortable defence. History, international law, and Nigerian jurisprudence all agree on that. But neither should obedience become a weapon used by power to sacrifice its own.

    As this matter unfolds, one hopes that justice will look beyond rank and uniform. That it will ask hard questions of those who give orders, not only those who carry them out. And that Lieutenant Yerima will not be crushed under the weight of a system that demands obedience but disowns responsibility.

    This is so because when authority commands unlawfully, and the law punishes only the obedient, the rule of law itself stands on shaky ground.

    •          Adigwe is the Director, Department of Law Research, Review, Reporting and Publication, Ministry of Justice, Asaba.  Read more about him at benadigwe.com

  • Reviewing court jurisdiction challenges and need for, justice reform

    Reviewing court jurisdiction challenges and need for, justice reform

    • By Oseini Bamigbaiye

    The issue of jurisdiction is a very important factor in any justice system. It is the basis upon which the court or tribunal derives its power to hear and determine any matter at all in the first place.  If the Court does not have jurisdiction, whatever decision, no matter how beautiful, fair, well conducted the trial was and how good the decision is, it is a complete nullity. This is hinged on the principle that you cannot place something on nothing and expect it to stand.

    In the Nigerian justice system, jurisdiction is the legal authority of a court to hear and determine a case. It is considered the “lifeblood” of an action; if a court lacks jurisdiction, any proceedings it conducts are a nullity. The landmark principle established in Madukolu v. Nkemdilim remains the standard for determining a court’s competence. A court is only considered to have jurisdiction if:

    1.       It is properly constituted in terms of the number and qualifications of its members.

    2.         The subject matter of the case falls within its constitutional or statutory authority.

    3.         The matter is properly brought before the Court

    The Supreme Court in the 2022 case of MANOMI v. DAKAT   (2022) 15 NWLR Pt. 1853, explained clearly the position of the principles guiding issues of jurisdiction and how and when it can be challenged.

     Justice Nweze JSC on the fundamental nature of issues of jurisdiction held that:

      “The issue of jurisdiction is so radical that it forms the foundation of adjudication, it also lacks the necessary competence to try the case at all. A defect in competence is fatal, for the proceedings are null and void ab initio, however well conducted and well decided they may otherwise be. Due to its fundamental nature, it can never be too late in law to raise the issue of jurisdiction. Indeed, leave of the appellant court is unnecessary since the court can itself raise it suo motu as soon as sufficient facts or materials are available for it to do so.” (Pp. 261 -262)

    His lordship   on the need to determine issue of jurisdiction before determination of substantive matter at paragraphs A-B of page 262 held that further that:

    “The court must first of all be competent, that is has jurisdiction before it can proceed on any adjudication as it is fruitless venture to decide merit of a case without jurisdiction. If a court or tribunal is not competent to entertain matter or claim or suit, it is a waste of valuable time for the court to embark on the hearing and determination of the substantive matter. Therefore, it is an exhibition of wisdom to have the issue of jurisdiction or competence determined before embarking on the hearing and determination of substantive matter“.

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    From the position of the learned honourable Justice of the Apex Court, the following principles on jurisdiction in our justice system stand out:

    1.      The issue of jurisdiction is radical and fundamental and forms the foundation for adjudication.

    2.      If the Court or tribunal lacks jurisdiction, it also lacks the necessary competence to try the case at all.

    3.      A defect in competence is fatal,

    4.      Any proceedings conducted without the necessary competence are null and void ab initio, however well conducted and well decided they may otherwise be.

    5.      Due to its fundamental nature, it can never be too late in law to raise the issue of jurisdiction.

    6.      Leave of the appellant court is not necessary to raise the issue of jurisdiction.

    7.      The court can itself raise the issue of jurisdiction suo motu as soon as sufficient facts or materials are available for it to do so.

    8.      The Court must first of all be competent, that is have jurisdiction before it can proceed on any adjudication.

    9.      It is a fruitless venture to decide the merit of a case without jurisdiction.

    10. If a Court or tribunal is not competent to entertain matter or claim or suit, it is a waste of valuable time for the court to embark on the hearing and determination of the substantive matter.

    11. It is an exhibition of wisdom to have the issue of jurisdiction or competence determined before embarking on the hearing and determination of substantive matter.

    The Apex Court also went further to state when a Court is competent to exercise jurisdiction on a matter and that includes :

    a.      When it is properly constituted as regards the number and qualifications of the members of the bench and no member is disqualified for one reason or another

    b.     When the subject matter of the case is within the jurisdiction of the Court and there is no feature in the case which prevents the Court from exercising its jurisdiction.

    c.     When the case comes before the court initiated by due process of law and upon fulfillment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction.

    The jurisdiction of any Court is granted aliunde from without and not from within. Courts are creatures of statutes and it is the statute or law creating the court that determines and defines its jurisdiction.  (Quoting the words of Honourable Justice Nweze JSC).

    The Jurisdictions of the Courts in Nigeria, especially Courts of records are clearly defined in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, especially as regards courts of records.

    A court of law can only have and properly exercise its jurisdiction to hear and to determine a case before it where it is satisfied that:

    a.      The proper parties are before the court

    b.     The court is properly constituted

    c.      The subject matter of the case falls within the subject matter jurisdiction of the Court

    d.      The matter is within the appropriate venue

    e.      The originating proceeding and processes are properly commenced and before the Court both in form and procedure

    f.       Any condition precedent for the institution of the matter before the court are duly complied with

    Challenging jurisdiction of court

    The Court can suo motu address the issue of jurisdiction at any time and confirm or deny jurisdiction or demand that the parties address the courts on jurisdiction.  A Claimant, petitioner, complainant, plaintiff, prosecutor whatever case it may be may at any time withdraw or discontinue the matter before the Court if it find that the Court has no jurisdiction to adjudicate on the matter as it is or as it is constituted.

    Also a Defendant or respondent may at any time challenge the jurisdiction of the court to hear the matter at any time, even for the first time on appeal and even at the Apex Court even on issues as little as failure to sign an originating process.

    The Supreme Court as recently as 2022 held in AYA v. NKANU [1] (2022)11 NWLR  (Pt. 1840 )  page 157 at 184 paras G-A per Justice Abba Aji JSC that:

    “A defect in the competence of a court process is fatal and the proceeding arising there-from is a nullity, no matter how well conducted. It follows, therefore that the present case initiated and commenced by an unsigned writ of summons was not initiated by due process of law and upon fulfilment of all conditions precedents for the exercise of jurisdiction. The issue being one of jurisdiction could be raised at any time, even in the Supreme Court after judgment had been delivered by the Court of first instance .”

    In this case, the Respondents instituted against the Appellant at the trial Court. The Respondents writ of summons was however, not signed at all by either the legal practitioner or any of the parties in accordance with the provisions of the law, though signed by the Registrar.

    The trial Court granted the reliefs of the respondents against the Appellant. On appeal by the Appellant to the Court of Appeal, the judgment of the trial court was upheld and the Appeal of the Appellant was dismissed.  The Appellant was aggrieved and appealed to the Supreme Court.

    In resolving the appeal , the Supreme Court considered the provisions of the High Courts of Cross River State Civil Procedure Rules 2008) and held that the filling was incompetent and dead on arrival and that the trial Court and the Court of Appeal proceeded on that invalid and incompetent writ of summons to adjudicate  on the suit. That the concomitant effect was that the instant appeal must be struck out for incompetence and it was accordingly struck out. The whole proceedings from the onset were a nullity.  Time, money and resources wasted.          

    The suit leading to the Appeal was filed on 31st day of October 2012, litigation in the matter lasted for over 9years from the date of commencement at the trial Court through the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court. This is one of the shortest time lapse of cases of this nature, probably because of the reforms in the justice system over the years and concerted efforts made to decongest the dockets of the Court of appeal and the Supreme Court to ensure speedy trial of cases. Ordinarily, cases can take up to 20 years litigating from the trial Court through the Appeal Court to the trial Court.

    This case is a clear demonstration of time, money and resources wasted and all these losses suffered by the plaintiff for the shortcomings and failure of both the Registrar of the trial Court, the Judge of the Trial Court and the respondents and their Counsels. If the Registrar of the trial Court was meticulous and vigilant enough in the performance of his duties, he would have noticed the incompetence in the writs and would have refused to register it until it is corrected, thereby safe the wasted 9 years of litigation. The Court has the power to suo motu raise the issue of the non-signing of the writ as it is connected to writ not being properly before the court and hence a matter of jurisdiction, in which case he can ask the litigants to address him on it or decide on it suo motu, thereby save a wasted nine years of litigation.  The Respondents and their counsel either did not notice the error or deliberately decided to weaponise it against the claimant and pull it out as an ace at the Supreme Court.

    Like in all similar cases, it is the claimant, petitioner or complainant that suffers the most when issue of jurisdiction is not raised timeously. It is the claimant who suffers the bulk of the wasted time, money and resources and not the Court nor the Defendant., the petitioner or the complainant, who, even after the wasted cost and time still end up with no result at all. The question is, is this justice? Can these be called substantive justice which should be the ultimate objective of the justice system? The answer is definitely no. Can these also be described as justice seen to have been done to the Claimant? The answer definitely is no. It’s not even justice for the court either, because valuable time, resources and energy of the Courts and judges have been expended and wasted.

    It is my humble submission and opinion that the long standing principle under our jurisprudence that the issue of jurisdiction can be raised at any time and even at the Supreme Court for the first time[1][2] is a little bit too harsh, does not truly meet the cause of justice and should be reviewed and restricted only to matters that can occasion miscarriage of justice .

    I think it is largely unfair and unjust to a litigant who run to Court for redress to litigate a matter from the trial Court through the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court, for a long number of years, expending time, money, resources, emotions and faith, and have all those wasted because the Judge who has not just the opportunity to see and identify the issue of jurisdiction but to also have the power to suo motu raise it and decide on it failed or omitted to do so and the defendant missed or deliberately failed to raise it , especially on mundane issues like failure to sign an originating processes.

    This explained the dissenting opinion of AGIM JSC.  in Aya v. Nkanu  at page 196-197 paras H-E  , where his lordship held that:

                “The suit leading to this appeal was filed on 31-10-2012. Litigation in the case has lasted for over 9 years from the date, from the trial court through the Court of appeal to this court. The judgment of the trial court was affirmed by the court of appeal. If the appellant has raised the issue of non –compliance with Order 8 Rule 2(3) of the Cross River State (Civil Procedure) Rules within the time limited by Order II Rule 2(2), it would have been determined in limine before the appellant filed its statement of Defence or at the trial. Without appealing against the holding of the court of that the objection is belatedly made raising it in the court is an abuse of court process. If the objection is upheld it would frustrate the respondent`s 9 years quest for justice in the courts and make a mockery of the courts. It would disrepute the court tio after 9 years of litigating in three courts, to tell the claimant that an originating process they filed 9 years ago is incompetent for non-compliance with Rules of Courts and for that reason all the proceedings and the judgment of the two courts in their favour are nullified. . It is obvious that at this stage the respondents who would have exhausted much of their resources, would have become litigation weary and too exhausted to commence another case. Raising such an issue at this stage smacks of bad faith. To uphold such an objection would elevate technicality over the pursuit of the justice of the case. The appellant should not be allowed to benefit from his failure to comply with Order ii Rule 2(2) in making the objections to the Writ for non –compliance with Order 8 Rule 2(2) of the same Rules.

    Sadly the majority decision is the law and the opinion of Justice Agim JSC as laudable as it is still remains an opinion and does not represent the laws as it is today. Jurisprudence in jurisdiction like the United Kingdom and the United State of America reflect a drift from the position of our laws on the issue of challenges to jurisdiction to reflect the position of Justice Agim JSC .

    The Honourable Justice Agim, tacitly suggested an ideal solution when he went further at page 195 -196 paras F-D and stated that:

    “The issue of non-signing of the originating summons by the Registrar of the trial court or an officer of the Court duly authorised to sign same is mere lapse on the side of the Registrar of the trial Court. It is non-compliance with the court rules of procedure which regulate the exercise of jurisdiction conferred   on a Court by a statute. It has nothing to do with the jurisdiction of that Court. In cases where the filed originating process was not signed by the officer authorized by the rules to sign and issue it, the originating process remains valid and competent. Such failure to sign the originating process is a mere procedural irregularity. A procedural irregularity should not vitiate a suit once it can be shown that no party suffered miscarriage of justice.”

     This position is similar and following in the line of the position of the law in the United Kingdom and the United State of America on the issue where the point at which the   application to challenges the jurisdiction of the Court is restricted only to non-subject matter jurisdiction and not procedural and other forms of jurisdictions which effects do not likely to occasion miscarriage of justice.

    In the United Kingdom , jurisdiction is primarily territorial, meaning courts generally only exercise authority over acts committed within their respective legal systems (England and Wales, Scotland, or Northern Ireland). However, this is supplemented by common law and specific statutes that allow for extra-territorial reach. Jurisdiction is also  includes subject matter jurisdiction, common law baselines for jurisdiction and specific Acts of parliament that create jurisdiction such as the International Criminal Court Act 2001 for genocide.

    In the UK justice system, challenging jurisdiction is a formal procedural step where a party disputes the court’s legal authority to hear a case. . For 2025, these challenges are governed primarily by Civil Procedure Rule (CPR) Part 11 and recent legislative updates like the Arbitration Act 2025. The grounds for Challenging Jurisdiction fall into two categories:

    a.       Lack of Substantive Jurisdiction: The argument that the court has no legal power over the defendant or the subject matter (e.g., the defendant has no “minimum contacts” or residency in the UK).

    b.         Forum Non Conveniens: The court has jurisdiction, but another country’s court is “clearly and distinctly” more appropriate for the trial.

    c.         Procedural Irregularity: Challenges based on defective service of the claim form or the expiration of time limits for service.

    d.         Exclusive Jurisdiction Clauses: The parties previously agreed in a contract that a different country’s courts would handle disputes.

    Under the UK, Civil Procedure (CPR Part 11), a defendant wishing to challenge jurisdiction must follow a strict timeline to avoid “submitting” to the court’s authority by default:

    1.      Acknowledgment of Service: The defendant must file an Acknowledgment of Service form and specifically tick the box indicating their intention to contest jurisdiction.

    2.      14-Day Deadline: Within 14 days of filing that acknowledgment, the defendant must make a formal application to the court for a declaration that it lacks jurisdiction.

    The application must be supported by written evidence, usually a witness statement, outlining why the UK is not the proper forum and crucially, the defendant should not file a defence on the merits of the case before this challenge is resolved, as doing so may be treated as accepting the court’s jurisdiction.

    Arbitration Act 2025 Updates: The Arbitration Act 2025, which came into force in August 2025, changed how jurisdictional challenges work for arbitral awards:

    •          Review, Not Rehearing: If an arbitral tribunal has already ruled on its own jurisdiction and a party participated in that process, any subsequent court challenge under Section 67 is now a “review” of the tribunal’s decision rather than a full new hearing (rehearing).

    •          Exceptional Evidence: New evidence or arguments can only be introduced in “exceptional situations” to prevent wasteful repetition of the arbitration proceedings.

    Extradition and “Forum Bar”

    In criminal and extradition contexts, a “forum bar” can be raised. This allows a defendant to argue that they should be prosecuted in the UK rather than extradited, provided a “substantial measure” of the alleged criminal activity occurred in the UK.

    As can be seen above, challenging jurisdiction under the UK justice system is not an open ticket as we have in Nigeria. For the purpose of challenging jurisdiction,  jurisdictions are categorized into territorial jurisdiction, subject matter jurisdiction, common law baseline jurisdiction and jurisdictions created by specific Acts. The mode of challenging these jurisdictions are specifically provided, in ways   which are not open ended and mostly within specific time limit otherwise they are taken to have been waived.

    Like under the Civil Procedure Rule (CPR) Part 11, the defendant must file an Acknowledgment of Service form and specifically tick the box indicating their intention to contest jurisdiction, and this must be done within 14 days, which is a formal application to the court for a declaration that it lacks jurisdiction, supported by a written witness statement as evidence. The defendant must not file a defenec before bringing the application otherwise it will be taken to have been waived.

    The UK Arbitration Act 2025 has an in-built mechanical provision on challenging jurisdiction that restrict the time line for doing so and prevent repetition of Arbitral proceedings, in the sense that a review of a decision on jurisdiction is what is allowed as against a rehearing. In criminal matter , the `Forum Bar ` is a device used to ensure that issue of jurisdiction are discussed and decided once and for all at the beginning of the matter and not left hanging to be raised at any point during the life of the matter .

    In the United States justice system, jurisdiction is the legal power of a court to hear a case and render a binding judgment. To exercise this power, a court must satisfy two primary constitutional requirements: Subject Matter Jurisdiction and Personal Jurisdiction.  Subject Matter Jurisdiction refers to a court’s authority to hear the specific type of legal issue in dispute.

    Federal Courts have Limited Jurisdiction in the sense that they can only hear cases specifically authorised by the U.S. Constitution or federal statutes. These generally fall into two categories, federal question which are cases involving the U.S. Constitution, federal laws, or treaties, and diversity of citizenship, which are Civil disputes between citizens of different states where the amount in controversy exceeds $75,000.

    State Courts have general jurisdiction. State courts handle the vast majority of cases (over 95%), including family law, contracts, and most criminal matters (e.g., murder, theft).  They are presumed to have power over any claim unless federal law grants exclusive jurisdiction to federal courts (e.g., bankruptcy, patents).

    Personal Jurisdiction (The Power Over the Parties) also known as personam jurisdiction. This is the court’s authority over the specific individuals or entities being sued. Personal jurisdiction is typically established if the defendant is a resident of the state, was served with a summons while physically present in the state, or has voluntarily consented to the court’s authority. Under the 14th Amendment, a court cannot bind a defendant unless they have “minimum contacts” with the forum state, ensuring the lawsuit does not offend “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice”.

    Under the dual Sovereignty policy, because the U.S. is a federalist system, both the federal government and state governments are considered independent “sovereigns.” A person can be prosecuted by both a state and the federal government for the same act if it violates both sets of laws, without violating the double jeopardy clause.  Often, both state and federal courts have the authority to hear the same case. In these instances, the plaintiff may choose where to file, though the defendant may sometimes “remove” a state case to federal court. While parties can waive (give up) an objection to personal jurisdiction, they cannot waive subject matter jurisdiction. If a court lacks the authority to hear the type of case, it must dismiss it immediately, even if neither party objects. In other words, in the US the court does not only have the power to suo motu to decide on issue of jurisdiction, it is obligated to, it is a must.

    In the U.S. justice system, challenging jurisdiction is a critical procedural step handled primarily through Rule 12 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure (and equivalent state rules). These challenges focus on the court’s authority over either the legal topic or the parties involved.

    The major provisions of the Rules as regards challenging jurisdiction are:

    1. Core Jurisdictional Defenses (Rule 12(b))

    A defendant can move to dismiss a case at the outset based on several jurisdictional   grounds:

    a.       Lack of Subject Matter Jurisdiction (12(b)(1)): Arguing the court does not have the authority to hear this type of case (e.g., a state law claim filed in federal court without a federal question or diversity of citizenship).

    b.     Lack of Personal Jurisdiction (12(b)(2): Asserting the court has no power over the defendant specifically, often because the defendant lacks “minimum contacts” with the state where the court sits.

    c.       Improper Venue (12(b) (3): Arguing that while the court might have power, it is the wrong geographical location for the trial.

    d.     Insufficiency of Process or Service (12(b)(4)-(5): Challenging the technical form of the summons or the method by which it was delivered

    2. The Principle of Waiver (Rule 12(h)  : One of the most rigid aspects of the U.S.   

    system is the requirement to raise certain defenses immediately or lose them forever:

    •          Waivable Defenses: Objections to personal jurisdiction, venue, and service of process MUST be raised in the very first filing (either a pre-answer motion or the formal answer). If a defendant engages in the merits of the case (like filing a counterclaim) before objecting, these defenses are generally waived.

    •          Non-Waivable Defense: A challenge to subject matter jurisdiction can be raised at any time—even after a trial has ended or during an appeal. If a court discovers it lacks subject matter jurisdiction, it must dismiss the case sua sponte (on its own).

       3. Procedures for 2025

           For cases in 2025, several practical standards apply:

    •          21-Day Deadline: In federal court, a defendant typically has 21 days after service to either file an answer or a Rule 12 motion to dismiss.

    •          Special vs. General Appearances: Modern federal rules have largely abolished the old distinction between “special” and “general” appearances. Simply appearing in court no longer automatically waives jurisdiction, provided the objection is included in the first responsive pleading.

    •          Factual vs. Facial Challenges: Defendants can make a “facial” challenge (arguing the complaint’s allegations don’t support jurisdiction) or a “factual” challenge (introducing outside evidence to prove the court lacks authority).

    In summary, under the US justice system like the UK system,  challenges to jurisdiction is not an open ended ticket that  can be used at will, and any time even for the first time at the apex court. The Courts do not only have the power to suo motu raise and decide issue of jurisdiction, they are under obligation to do so. For the purpose of challenging jurisdiction, defenses are classified into waivable and non waivable defenses. The challenges to personal, venue and service of processes jurisdiction are waivable, they must be raised at the very first filling, otherwise if the defendant engages in any merit of the case without objecting the challenge to jurisdiction is deemed waived

    It is only in cases of challenges to subject matter jurisdiction that the challenge is not waivable and can be raised at any time even after the decision has been given and even at appeal. But unlike in the case of Nigeria, there are still checks to the ticket. For example.  In federal court, a defendant typically has 21 days after service to either file an answer or a Rule 12 motion to dismiss. Also under the modern US Federal law, unless an objection is raised in the first responsive pleading, appearance in court will operate as a waiver of the challenge to jurisdiction. And unlike under the Nigeria justice system, challenges to jurisdiction can be made orally or factually introducing outside evidence.

    It seems obvious and clear that the world has moved away from the strict traditional position where the issue or defence of the court lacking in jurisdiction is been allowed to linger on and hanging from the trial court and allowed to be raised even for the first at the Supreme Court with its attendance miscarriage of justice is no more fashionable, and it is high time we amend our rules and laws to reflect the global trend in the matter.

    It is my humble submission and suggestion that:

    1.      the rules of court especially courts of first instances, should provide that matters of the jurisdiction of the court must be settled by all  parties before the court and the court must issue a certificate of clearance on it if it is settled and resolved that the court has jurisdiction, and that will and should put to rest the issue of jurisdiction in the matter. This should be a baseline procedure.

    2.      Just like under the US justice system, personal, venue , originating process and service of process based jurisdiction should be waivable and treated as minor procedural irregularities

    3.      The National Judicial Council and the Rules of Courts as well as the laws of courts should not only give judges the powers to suo motu raised the issue of jurisdiction but must also make it obligatory, before they can take any step in the matter . 

    •        Bamigbaiye, Acis. AciArb, is Principal Partner at Corporate Legal Consulting and can be reached at bamigbaiye@yahoo.com

  • Nigeria, a nation that remembers to forget

    Nigeria, a nation that remembers to forget

    • By Adaeze Anah

    January 15, 2026 marked the 56th anniversary of the end of the Nigerian Civil War, a date enshrined as Armed Forces Remembrance Day.

    It is the day in 1970 when General Philip Effiong of the defunct Republic of Biafra handed the instrument of surrender to Nigeria’s General Olusegun Obasanjo, formally ending a thirty-month battle.

    While the Nigerian Government has decided to honour its fallen soldiers on this important day, profound is the unacknowledged pivot in Nigeria’s journey.

    The day also marks the climax of a deep, festering grievance, a wound the state has repeatedly refused to acknowledge. And so to commemorate military sacrifice (like a victory parade), but stay silent on the sacrifice and sufferings of millions of Nigerians, and its consequential significance today reinforces selective memorialisation, a culture at the heart of Nigeria’s tremulous security structure.

    The Nigerian/ Biafran war, which ended on January 15, 1970, was among the most devastating of the 20th century, with casualties estimated at three million, predominantly civilians who died from starvation due to the Federal Government’s war policy of food blockade. Its root lay in the catastrophic failure of the post-independence state to manage its profound ethnic and political divisions, culminating in pogroms against Igbos in the North and a consequent loss of faith in federal protection. This, many argue, made the declaration of war inevitable.

    The war’s end was met with a federal policy of “Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Rehabilitation. (the 3Rs)” However, as scholars have noted, this was a state-imposed “forgiveness” that prioritises a singular narrative over genuine engagement with history. This approach created systemic dimensions of violence against the ‘defeated’ communities, enduring political and developmental marginalisation of the Igbo people and other minorities of the defunct Biafra. The government’s victory was memorialised; the victims’ suffering was relegated to private memory.

    This act of official silence, a deliberate “remembering to forget,” rejects the essential peacebuilding component necessary for sustainable peace, which requires acknowledging historical grievances. Organisations like the Centre for Memories in Enugu continue to advocate for January 15 to be recognised as a National Day of Peace or any nomenclature that reflects as true reconciliation cannot begin without firm, symbolic memorialisation.

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    The trial and life sentence of Nnamdi Kanu represent a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s long-standing failure to reconcile with the grievances of the Igbos of its Southeast. This article will not engage in an analysis of the specific court proceedings.

    Rather, it questions the fundamental choice to deploy the judicial system as the primary instrument to resolve a crisis that is, at its core, political, economic, and historical. This is not an argument in defence of Kanu’s rhetoric or actions but a critique of prosecution as a legal mechanism ill-suited for the task.

    Criminal litigation, by its nature, makes little room for the nuanced political, economic, and social contexts that surround a crime. To prosecute Kanu for separatist agitation while ignoring the decades of state denialism, marginalisation, and unhealed civil war wounds that created the conditions for his rise is not justice. It is a maladjusted use of memory, treating the symptom while systematically ignoring the disease.

    The application of the Terrorism Prevention Act in Nnamdi Kanu’s case presents a complex legal dilemma, one that sits at the intersection of national security, political grievance, and unresolved historical conflict. A legal analysis reveals tensions that arise when counter-terrorism legislation, often crafted for groups engaged in systematic violence, is deployed against a movement whose origins are deeply rooted in decades of unaddressed marginalisation following the civil war.

    This approach raises questions about contextual proportionality. While the state has a legitimate duty to proscribe and prosecute incitement to violence, the narrow legal framing of the case isolated it from the broader political and historical narrative. This narrative includes the documented grievances of the Southeast and the absence of any formal transitional justice process, such as truth-seeking or reparations, to address the wounds of the war.

    Consequently, litigation in this instance risked being perceived not as a neutral administration of justice, but as a continuation of a political conflict through legal means, potentially undermining the law’s legitimacy in the eyes of the affected community.

    The courtroom operated in a historical vacuum. The state’s case focused exclusively on Kanu’s later speeches and the proscription of IPOB, while ignoring the profound, documented grievances of economic neglect, political exclusion, and the unhealed trauma of the war; factors even state security officials have alluded to in other forums are treated as irrelevant to the question of justice.

    This decontextualisation transforms a complex socio-political crisis into a simple criminal matter, guaranteeing that the verdict, however legally sound on its narrow terms, will never address the concerns of the aggrieved communities.

    The Nigerian government’s approach to the separatist agitation in the Southeast suffers from a fundamental contradiction that undermines its own legal and moral standing. This failure was starkly demonstrated in the employment of a legal mechanism that conveniently divorces the history of the crime prosecuted.

    This constitutes a violation of Nigeria’s binding international obligations to provide ‘effective’ remedy for human rights violations under Article 1 and Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and Article 2(3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

    By prosecuting present-day agitators while refusing to acknowledge or address the mass atrocities that created the underlying grievance and the systematic injustices that continue to follow, the Nigerian state actively negates its duty. This litigation-first strategy thus boomerangs: it delegitimises the state’s authority, deepens the perception of systemic injustice, and ultimately reinforces the very cycle of resentment and insecurity it purports to solve.

    This tension is not unique to Nigeria. Comparative international law shows similar challenges where states face separatist or self-determination movements. The critical distinction in international frameworks, such as the guiding principles suggested by UN Security Council Resolution 1566, often hinges on the predominant nature of the acts in question: whether they are essentially political dissent that has turned violent or primarily criminal and terroristic acts aimed at civilians.

    A purely security-focused response, devoid of political and historical context, always fuels the very grievances it seeks to suppress, leading to cycles of impunity, a dynamic observed in several post-conflict regions globally.

    Therefore, a more holistic strategy would consider how legal instruments interact with broader peacebuilding objectives. An exclusive reliance on judicial mechanisms, without parallel methods that address underlying historical and political contexts, offers a short-term judicial solution but fails to provide the long-term foundation for sustainable security and national cohesion.

    So herein lies the crisis of moral standing. A government that has not accounted for its own role in a historical cataclysm that killed millions of its citizens lacks the foundational integrity to demand unquestioning loyalty or to assert that its subsequent use of force is solely in the service of justice. Its authority is comes across as transactional, based on power, not relational, and based on trust and legitimacy.

    This deficit is starkly visible in the Southeast today, where insecurity is mostly met with a purely militarised response. The Nigerian state’s denialism surrounding the Biafran War established a destructive national template: prioritising political order over genuine justice.

    This pattern of denying truths about Human Rights violations is not confined to the Southeast; it replicates itself in the government’s handling of the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast. Reports detailing the severe neglect of survivors, particularly women and children who escape captivity, contradict the information disseminated by official channels.

    This neglect violates Nigeria’s obligations under international law, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and deepens community resentment. By consistently choosing suppression of truth over substantive justice and repair, whether in the Southeast, Northeast, or in communal crises, the state erodes its own legitimacy and ensures that the root causes of violence remain unaddressed, perpetuating a national cycle of conflict.

    The path forward is not a mystery; it is memory. As emphasised at the recent African Union event under the auspices of the African Union Transitional Justice Project, in an expert seminar held in Abuja in June 2025, reparations and acknowledgement are not mere gestures but a “legal and moral imperative” for healing and sustainable peace. Addressing the wounds of the war is not an act of charity or a revision of history.

    It is the discharge of a long-overdue legal and ethical obligation. It involves, at minimum: official acknowledgement of the war’s full history and civilian suffering; symbolic acts of memorialization, a fair and inclusive review of the structural marginalisation that still follows and a commitment to a justice process that sees historical context as evidence, not noise.

    Fifty-six years after the guns fell silent, Nigeria stands at a crossroads. It can continue to prosecute the ghosts of its past as criminals, using laws that cannot contain historical truth. Or, it can choose the harder, more honourable path of courageous introspection and repair. The trial of Nnamdi Kanu will be recorded in law books.

    But the true judgment on Nigeria’s commitment to justice and unity will be written by its willingness or otherwise to finally confront the meaning of January 15, 1970. Until it does so, its claim to moral leadership in Africa and within the global community will remain fundamentally contested, and its pursuit of security will remain elusive. True security is not born from the barrel of a gun, but from the unwavering administration of justice and social justice.

    •          Anah, a lawyer, social justice Advocate and writer, can be reached at adaezeanah@yahoo.com

  • Drop Fubara’s impeachment or face lawsuit – Lawyers threaten Rivers CJ

    Drop Fubara’s impeachment or face lawsuit – Lawyers threaten Rivers CJ

    The Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners (ALDRAP) has called on the Chief Judge of the High Court of Rivers State, Hon. Justice Simeon Chibuzor Amadi, to immediately recuse himself from any impeachment proceedings or risk being reported to the National Judicial Council (NJC).

    In an open letter dated January 18, 2026, and shared with The Nation, ALDRAP warned that should the Chief Judge entertain any impeachment notice from the Rivers State House of Assembly, the association would pursue legal action and file a formal petition before the NJC.

    The Abuja-based legal body cited a March 2025 petition sent by the Rivers Assembly to the Department of State Security Services (DSS), alleging age falsification by the Chief Judge, as a potential source of bias.

    Titled “Recuse Yourself Immediately From Considering Any Letter Of Notice Of Impeachment Submitted By The Rivers State House Of Assembly Or Face The National Judicial Council (NJC),” the letter was signed by Dr. Tonye Clinton Jaja, former Chairman of the Governing Board of the Nigerian Copyright Commission and Executive Director of the Nigerian Law Society.

    He stated, “Your Lordship, Chief Judge of the High Court of Rivers State, Sir, I do not need any introduction because you already know me personally.

    “Also, our Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners-ALDRAP does not require any introduction because you already know the work that we did for the Rivers State Judiciary in the year 2021 when we installed the JURISCRIPTA software for the judges of the Rivers State Customary Court of Appeal.

    “You spoke about this during the ceremony for the opening of the 2022 legal year of the Rivers State Judiciary.

    “We write this letter to respectfully inform you of our Association-ALDRAP’s firm resolve to commence both a lawsuit and a petition against you, if you consider any letter of impeachment submitted by the Rivers State House of Assembly.

    “The major reason is that you are in a position of conflict of interest, and there is a strong likelihood of bias if you are to consider any letter of impeachment by this particular 10th Assembly of the Rivers State House of Assembly.

    “The reason is that in March 2025, this same Rivers State House of Assembly authored and submitted a petition against your good self to the Department of State Security Services (DSS), stating that they have documentary evidence that you engaged in falsification of your age of retirement. This is reported online.

    “In the light of the foregoing, the most noble and legitimate course of action is to recuse yourself and write to the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) to appoint a neutral Chief Judge of another State of Nigeria to overseer the panel to consider any purported letter of impeachment from the Rivers State House of Assembly,” the Association of Legislative Drafting and Advocacy Practitioners (ALDRAP) demanded.

  • Why security outlook is set to improve under Oluyede

    Why security outlook is set to improve under Oluyede

    By Aminu Chikaji

    Nigeria reached a critical inflection point in its protracted security struggle on October 30, 2025 with the appointment of General Olufemi Olatubosun Oluyede as the 19th Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).

    He assumed office at a time when the nation was contending with overlapping and increasingly interconnected threats of terrorism, banditry, communal violence and transnational crime, fuelled by weak policing capacity, porous borders, arms proliferation and deep-seated socio-economic tensions.

    Yet, as Nigeria moves into 2026, there is growing reason for cautious optimism. The country’s defence leadership architecture now reflects coherence, depth of experience, and operational alignment rarely seen in recent years.

    With General Oluyede coordinating the Armed Forces from Defence Headquarters, supported by service chiefs forged in years of active combat command, Nigeria’s military is better positioned to stabilise the security environment and consolidate hard-won gains.

    General Oluyede’s leadership must be understood within this broader context. Born in Ikere, Ekiti State, he joined the Nigerian Defence Academy in 1987 and was commissioned into the Infantry in 1992.

    Over more than three decades of service, he has operated across Nigeria’s most volatile theatres, developing an acute understanding of the persistent disconnect between strategy crafted in Abuja and realities encountered on the battlefield. This experience has shaped him not simply as a senior officer, but as a system-level strategist focused on coordination, sequencing and institutional reform.

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    His operational career in the North-Eastparticularly as Commander of 27 Task Force Brigade and later Sector 2 in Yobe State placed him at the centre of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism campaign against Boko Haram and ISWAP. These were not conventional battles, but prolonged engagements against adaptive insurgent networks.

    From this experience, Oluyede internalised a critical lesson: force alone is insufficient. Intelligence fusion, civil-military cooperation and air-ground integration became central pillars of his operational philosophy. These insights later informed his tenure as Commander of the Infantry Corps in Jaji, where doctrine and training were recalibrated to reflect the realities of counter-insurgency and irregular warfare.

    As Chief of Army Staff, Oluyede reinforced the principle that troop welfare is a combat enabler, not an afterthought. Improvements in ration allowances, accommodation, medical care and troop rotation were implemented at a time when soldiers faced extended deployments under extreme conditions. These measures strengthened morale, discipline and unit cohesion—often overlooked but decisive factors in sustaining long-term operations.

    Under his leadership, the military recorded measurable, though uneven, progress across key theatres. Terrorist mobility in the Northeast was constrained, camps dismantled and attacks on major urban centres reduced.

    In the Northwest, sustained joint operations disrupted bandit enclaves and kidnapping syndicates, allowing partial restoration of state authority in previously inaccessible areas. While these gains fell short of total victory, they decisively shifted the operational balance.

    Crucially, they were achieved through improved jointness and air-ground coordination rather than unsustainable troop surges.

    Now, as Chief of Defence Staff, Oluyede occupies a role where coordination outweighs direct command of any single service. His mandate is to synchronise strategy, operations and resources across the Army, Navy and Air Force, while exercising disciplined oversight of the service chiefs. This is where Nigeria’s security outlook for 2026 becomes particularly promising.

    Central to this structure is Lieutenant General Waheed Shaibu, the current Chief of Army Staff a battle-tested commander and counter-insurgency veteran with extensive experience across Nigeria’s conflict zones.

    Shaibu’s operational pedigree, forged in some of the most demanding theatres of internal security operations, complements Oluyede’s strategic orientation. Their relationship is therefore not merely hierarchical but synergistic: strategy informed by experience, and execution driven by operational realism.

    With Oluyede setting strategic direction and Shaibu driving ground operations, the Nigerian Army is better positioned to sustain pressure on insurgent and criminal networks while adapting tactics to evolving threats.

    This alignment is reinforced by improved inter-service cooperation, clearer command responsibilities and a renewed emphasis on professionalism.

    Beyond kinetic operations, Oluyede has consistently advocated defence modernisation anchored in local capacity. Nigeria’s reliance on foreign suppliers has long exposed the military to delays, political constraints and operational vulnerabilities.

    Strengthening the domestic defence industrial base is therefore not only a military necessity but a strategic imperative. Equally significant is his insistence on police reform. The Armed Forces’ prolonged involvement in internal security is neither desirable nor sustainable; a stronger, better-equipped Nigeria Police Force is essential to allowing the military refocus on strategic defence and deterrence.

    Nigeria’s security challenges, however, extend beyond the battlefield. Violence across parts of the Middle Belt and northern regions in 2025 triggered humanitarian crises and competing narratives around identity and persecution.

    These narratives, amplified internationally, complicated Nigeria’s diplomatic engagements and underscored the growing importance of information warfare.

    Under Oluyede’s leadership, the Defence Headquarters has become increasingly aware that operational success must be matched by disciplined strategic communication.

    As Nigeria progresses through 2026, expectations must remain grounded. There will be no sudden end to insecurity, no dramatic declarations of total victory. But with a seasoned strategist at Defence Headquarters, a battle-hardened Chief of Army Staff leading ground operations, and clearer coordination across the services, Nigeria’s defence posture is stabilising.

    General Olufemi Oluyede’s task is not to promise miracles. It is to impose order on complexity, align leadership across the Armed Forces and steadily improve security outcomes. If sustained, this approach offers Nigeria its most credible path in years toward a safer and more secure future.

    • Chikaji, a public affairs analyst, writes from Damaturu

  • Understanding medical negligence in Nigeria

    Understanding medical negligence in Nigeria

    By Adewale Lawal

    Medical practitioners occupy a vital role in every society, providing care that directly affects human lives.

    The importance of their services became even more evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, like every profession, medical practice in Nigeria is regulated by laws and ethical standards to ensure accountability and safeguard patients’ rights.

    The Medical and Dental Practitioners Act, 2004 is the principal legislation governing medical practice in Nigeria. It establishes the Medical and Dental Practitioners Council of Nigeria (MDCN), the regulatory body empowered to set professional standards and enforce compliance. Pursuant to this Act, the MDCN issues the Code of Medical Ethics in Nigeria, which outlines the rules of professional conduct for doctors and dentists.

    What Constitutes Medical Negligence?

    Medical negligence has become a growing concern in Nigeria. A 2017 study published in the Archives of Medicine and Health Sciences revealed that 42.8% of 145 surveyed practitioners admitted to negligence, most commonly in prescription errors, misdiagnosis, and laboratory/radiological mistakes.

    Importantly, the law does not expect doctors to be perfect. As Lord Denning famously observed in his book titled  “The Discipline of Law”, a doctor should not be found negligent unless his conduct is one that fellow professionals would regard as a clear mistake. After all, every medical treatment carries inherent risks, and doctors cannot be held liable merely because a procedure fails to achieve the desired result. That said, the Code of Medical Ethics (Rule 28) identifies situations that may amount to negligence, including:

    • Failure to promptly attend to a patient requiring urgent care.

    • Incompetence in assessing a patient’s condition.Incorrect diagnosis.

    • Failure to obtain patient consent before treatment.

    • Mistakes in treatment (e.g., amputating the wrong limb, prescribing the wrong drug).

    • Failure to transfer a patient when necessary.

    • Neglecting to review a patient as often as their condition requires.

    These examples are not exhaustive but serve as a guide in determining when a practitioner has breached their professional duty.

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    Legal Consequences of Medical Negligence

    A negligent doctor may face criminal liability, civil liability, or professional disciplinary action, depending on the circumstances.

    Criminal Liability

    Under Section 343(1)(e) of the Criminal Code, medical negligence is a misdemeanor punishable with up to one year imprisonment. To secure a conviction, the prosecution must prove :

    • That doctor undertook to treat the patient.

    • The treatment was carried out in a rash or negligent manner.

    • The negligence endangered the patient’s life or was likely to cause harm.

    If negligence results in death, the doctor may be charged with manslaughter. A well-known example is the case of Dr. Conrad Murray, Michael Jackson’s physician, who was convicted of involuntary manslaughter in the United States for administering an unsafe dose of propofol without proper monitoring.

    Civil Liability patients may also pursue damages through civil litigation. To succeed in a negligence claim, a patient must establish that:

    • The doctor owed them a duty of care (this is implied in every doctor-patient relationship).

    • The doctor breached that duty.

    • The patient suffered injury or harm as a direct result (e.g., loss of limb, pregnancy, or other complications).

    Successful claims may result in monetary compensation for the patient’s loss. In Nigeria, such actions must generally be filed within three years under the applicable limitation laws.

    Professional Disciplinary Action

    The MDCN also maintains internal disciplinary mechanisms. The Medical and Dental Practitioners Investigating Panel conducts preliminary inquiries, while the Medical and Dental Practitioners Disciplinary Tribunal hears full cases. A doctor found guilty of infamous conduct risks penalties ranging from suspension to outright revocation of license.

    Patient Confidentiality and Data Protection

    In addition to avoiding negligent care, doctors must safeguard patient information. Rule 44 of the Code of Ethics and Sections 26 & 29 of the National Health Act, 2014 mandate the confidentiality of patient records. Hospitals and clinics are required to implement safeguards against unauthorized access. A breach can attract up to two years imprisonment, a fine of N250,000, or both.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, medical negligence remains a critical issue in Nigeria’s healthcare system. While doctors are not expected to achieve perfection, they are required to uphold professional standards of care. Negligence exposes practitioners not only to civil claims for damages but also to criminal sanctions and professional discipline.

  • Ubani denies Malami ties, threatens legal action against defamers

    Ubani denies Malami ties, threatens legal action against defamers

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Dr. Monday Ubani, has denied any connection to the former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami (SAN), describing attempts to associate him with an alleged criminal narrative as reckless, malicious, and contemptuous of the court.

    Ubani, through his solicitor, Nkem Okoro, issued a strong rebuttal to a publication authored by Tonye Clinton Jaja, accusing the writer of deliberately inserting his name into a sensational narrative without providing facts, documents, witnesses, or any identifiable connection to wrongdoing.

    The statement said the publication was not only defamatory but also a direct violation of an existing court order restraining Jaja from making further defamatory or reputation-damaging publications against Ubani.

    It added that the author’s conduct showed open disregard for the authority of the court and the rule of law, especially in light of ongoing civil and criminal proceedings already instituted against him.

    “The casual mention of a person’s name in a criminal narrative without particulars does not amount to evidence or public interest disclosure. It is character assassination and an abuse of media space,” the statement said.

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    Ubani denied having any professional, financial, administrative, or personal dealings with Malami, stressing that no relationship, transaction, or interaction exists that could justify the claims being circulated.

    According to his legal team, the complete absence of factual particulars in the publication further exposes what it described as the emptiness and mischief behind the allegations, warning that reputation should not be sacrificed on the altar of sensationalism.

    Ubani’s lawyers said they had already activated “robust civil and criminal enforcement processes” against Jaja over what they termed serial defamatory publications and persistent contemptuous conduct.

    These processes, they said, are being pursued deliberately and will be carried through to their logical conclusion.

    The statement stressed that if the author or anyone else genuinely possesses credible evidence against Ubani, the proper forum remains the courtroom and not media trials, open letters, or unrestrained use of public platforms to smear reputations.

    It urged members of the public to completely disregard the publication, advising readers to rely on verifiable facts, due judicial process, and the rule of law rather than unsubstantiated narratives.

    The statement made it clear that patience has limits, warning that any further defamatory publications would attract immediate and escalated legal consequences.

    “All further defamatory publications shall attract severe consequences sooner or later,” the statement warned, adding that accountability was inevitable.

    Ubani’s lawyers reiterated their commitment to protecting their client’s integrity and ensuring that the matter is resolved strictly within the bounds of the law, insisting that the era of unchecked media accusations must give way to responsibility and judicial discipline.

  • How judges can push back against judicial corruption, by legal experts

    How judges can push back against judicial corruption, by legal experts

    Nigeria’s judiciary faces persistent corruption allegations, rebutted by leaders demanding evidence, amid occasional disciplinary cases. Rare instances of judges resisting influence spark debate. Recently, Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court warned litigants and lawyers against seeking favours, reigniting discussions on judicial integrity, accountability, and responses to compromise attempts, writes Assistant Editor ERIC IKHILAE.

    Like most human institutions, the Nigerian Judiciary is not immune to criticism.

    Over the years, it has faced sustained allegations of corruption, ethical lapses, and the presence of so-called “bad eggs” accused of engaging in conduct aimed at perverting the course of justice.

    Judicial stakeholders have repeatedly pushed back against these claims, insisting that sweeping accusations often lack evidential support.

    The most recent pushback came from the President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Monica Dongban-Memsem, who publicly challenged critics to substantiate allegations of corruption against judges.

    She said: “We keep hearing of corruption among judges. Please provide evidence. That is what we need.

    “Since no one has come up with evidence that we are corrupt, I know that we are not corrupt. We are doing our best,” she added on December 8, 2025, in Abuja during a special court session marking the official commencement of the Court of Appeal’s 2025/2026 legal year.

    Notwithstanding such defences, there are documented cases where judicial officers have been sanctioned by the National Judicial Council (NJC) for misconduct, abuse of office, or violations of their oath. These cases, though relatively few compared to the size of the judiciary, continue to fuel public distrust.

    Conversely, there are far fewer reported instances where judges publicly resist or reject overtures aimed at compromising the judicial process.

    Analysts say this may be due to two factors: either such overtures are rarely resisted, or judges who resist them are often reluctant to make the matter public.

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    This context may explain the varied reactions triggered by the recent outburst of Justice Emeka Nwite of the Abuja Division of the Federal High Court, who openly complained in court about alleged attempts by parties in a case before him to improperly influence his decision.

    Justice Nwite made the remarks on January 7 while delivering a ruling on bail applications filed by a former Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and two others. He warned parties and counsel against attempting to reach out to him for favours during the pendency of the matter.

    Although the judge did not state whether any specific individual had contacted him, he stressed that no one could influence the outcome of proceedings before his court.

    Justice Nwite said: “Before concluding, I want to admonish and warn counsel and litigants that all judges are not the same.

    “When I am handling any case, please do not approach me. You can get the best lawyers in this country to do your case, but do not attempt to approach me for any help.

    “I am not that type of judge. I know what God has done for me by giving me this job, and I have vowed to do it to the best of my ability.

    “I have sworn before Almighty God and man that I will do my duty without fear or favour.”

    Justice Nwite warned that any attempt to pervert the course of justice would be “vehemently resisted,” advising parties to focus on prosecuting their cases and, where dissatisfied, pursue their remedies through the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court.

    Past example

    In August 2023, the Chairman of the State and House of Representatives election petition tribunal, which sat in Kano, Justice Flora Azinge, raised an alarm of an attempt to obstruct the course of justice with financial inducement.

    Justice Azinge did not disclose the identity of those behind the act, claiming that some senior lawyers arguing their petitions before the tribunal were behind moves to corrupt the system.

    Justice Azinge was reported to have told a packed court how a senior member of the bar offered one of her staff N10 million for onward delivery to the tribunal.

    In her words: “Money is flying, and it’s being rumoured that a staff member was given N10 million as a bribe for the panel.”

    The judge warned that she would no longer tolerate any attempt to bribe judges, saying that attempts to pervert the course of justice through the back door would not be allowed in her court.

    Justice Azinge was said to have, on an earlier occasion, accused a senior lawyer of asking her to provide an account to send a Sallah gift.

    Was Nwite right?

    Since Justice Nwite’s outburst, many, both lawyers and non-lawyers, have continued to comment, with some hailing him, while others think otherwise.

    Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Reverend John Baiyeshea, Abuja-based lawyers Otunba Tunde Falola and Oluwole Adaja commended the judge for speaking out on the issue. But another lawyer, Chidi Odinkalu, argued that Justice Nwite did not do enough.

    Baiyeshea said: “I personally salute the courage of Justice Emeka Nwite for speaking out boldly the way he did to express that, behind the scenes,  so-called powerful are contacting him to influence him.

    “Nigerian corruption has risen to the sky, and it is the only thriving ‘industry’ in Nigeria. The corrupt and thieves of the nation are many, powerful and have formed themselves into a cartel or mafia, who believe that they can buy anyone over with their ill-got wealth.

    “Some other judges, who are less endowed with capacity and determination to resist the poisoned chalice of the corrupt cabal, would have succumbed to them,” he said.

    Baiyeshea added that the best way a judge could ward off “those terribly corrupt people is for the judge to cry out the way he (Justice Nwite) did to send a clear signal that he is not one they can buy with their satanic money.

    “At this stage, the judge did not mention any names (even though one of the parties is crying, moaning, and defending himself when not accused). That itself raises suspicion as to who  the culprit is likely to be,” Baiyeshea said.

    According to Falola, the decision by Justice Nwite to address the issue publicly has symbolic value.

    He added: “The warning delivered by His lordship (Justice Nwite) underscores a recurring challenge in Nigeria’s justice system: attempts to influence judicial outcomes.

    “While public admonitions are necessary, a combination of legal safeguards, strict ethical enforcement, structural reforms, and robust institutional mechanisms offers a more durable defence against attempts to pervert the course of justice.”

    Falola noted that by reinforcing ethical norms, empowering disciplinary bodies like the NJC, and ensuring transparent judicial processes, “Nigeria’s Judiciary can better protect its independence and uphold the rule of law for the betterment of our country.”

    Adaja noted that what Justice Nwite did was to issue a pre-emptive warning or caution to all parties in the suit not to attempt to approach him for any favours with respect to the matter before him.

    He added: “Without doubt, the bold and courageous statement by the judge is commendable.”

    On his part, Odinkalu faulted Justice Nwite for not identifying those behind the act he complained about, but only chose to issue threats.

    He argued that a judge, who finds himself or herself in a position to make the kind of public declamations that Justice Nwite made in court, has two options – to disclose the identity of the perpetrators and subject them to sanction or to recuse himself or herself from further participation in the case.

    Odinkalu added: “In this present case concerning Malami et fils, the judge was unwilling or unable to muster either. Instead, he chose to threaten consequences for a future contingency, whose occurrence, on the evidence of the current one, we are unlikely to ever hear of.

    The only thing the judge managed to accomplish in this case, therefore, was to publicly advertise his availability to be nobbled.”

    What other options exist for judges on Nwite’s shoes?

    Law experts are of the view that, beyond speaking out about attempts to compromise the court, there are other options available to a judge who finds himself in Justice Nwite’s shoes.

    According to Baiyeshea, the Judge has many options should those behind the issue complained about persist, stressing that Justice Nwite could report to security agencies so that they can put the people concerned under surveillance.

    He added: “If they continue, an arrest can be made. Or the judge may, at an appropriate time, mention the name of the culprit openly.

    “The judge will always weigh the options very well before adopting a particular method to oppose those offering him a bribe,” he said.

    Baiyeshea argued that the truth of the matter is that corruption is a hydra-headed monster that can consume anyone, adding that “one funny (may be not so funny) thing about it is that, if a judge accepts a bribe, the same people who bribed the judge will tell some other people.

    “No matter how they keep it secret, it will leak one way or the other, because the sins of those who offer and take bribes, respectively, will find them out. It is as the Bible says in (Numbers 32:23).

    “It will get to the stage where the naming and shaming attitude will have to be adopted. That is the only way that the corrupt will be shamed and disgraced,” he said.

    Falola noted that the Judicial Code of Conduct, which guides the conduct of judicial officers, “explicitly requires judges to avoid, not only actual impropriety, but also its appearance, including avoiding contacts that may lead to speculation of undue influence.”

    He added that where inappropriate contact occurs, a judge may recuse himself/herself to preserve impartiality, while separate judicial mechanisms also exist that allow formal complaints through the internal court administrative channels.

    Falola argued that court’s registries, bailiffs and security personnel have roles to play  in screening those who gain access to judges’ chambers or files under established court administration protocols.

    On whether a judge could penalise anyone involved in acts targeted at influencing the judicial process, Falola said it is possible within the existing legal framework in the country.e said while judges cannot unilaterally impose criminal sanctions in such cases, they can deploy their contempt power or refer anyone to relevant agencies for disciplinary measures.

    Falola added: “A judge has statutory authority to punish for contempt of court, including conduct that directly undermines the administration of justice in court. This can extend to interference aimed at prejudicing proceeding.

    “Litigants and lawyers, who attempt to pervert the course of justice,  for example by seeking to influence a judge, can be referred for disciplinary action.”

    He said while an erring lawyer could be referred to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), under the Rules of Professional Conduct, a litigant in a similar position could be prosecuted under either the Criminal Code or the Penal Code, knowingly engaging in acts to pervert the course of justice, including bribery, influence peddling, or false pretences is a criminal offence.

    On his part, Odinkalu noted that the country’s constitution makes it a human right that all courts must be ‘independent and impartial,’ adding that the Judicial Code of Conduct requires all judges to ‘preserve transparently, the integrity and respect for the independence of the Judiciary.’

    He added that the United Nations Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary provides, among others, that judges “shall decide matters before them impartially, on the basis of facts and in accordance with the law, without any restrictions, improper influences, inducements, pressures, threats or interferences, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason.”

    Odinkalu argued that it amounts to a perversion of the course of justice for anyone to seek to influence a judge in the performance of his or her judicial functions.

    He noted that there are many options for dealing with such cases, one of which is that the affected judge can report the matter to the police or to the Attorney-General for investigation and prosecution.

    “Two, the affected judge is also endowed with powers to punish it summarily as an act of criminal contempt for which the guilty person may be sent to jail.

    “Three, if the perpetrator is a lawyer, a public servant, or other regulated professional, the judge may additionally refer the conduct for disciplinary process before the mechanisms of professional sanction.

    “Four, the judge could use his or her judicial bully pulpit for naming and shaming by inviting the perpetrator to allocute to or admit the facts in open court and simply reprimand thereafter.

    Adaja, who cited relevant provisions of the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, argued that extant laws in the country protect and insulate judicial officers from any attempt to influence their judicial decisions by litigants or legal representatives.

    What other options?

    Baiyeshea said acts of corruption must be punished.

    He said: “It is because the corrupt do not get punished in Nigeria that makes corruption to thrive. Our legal system pampers the thieves. After bail is given to them, the razmataz noise of the case dies down.

    “The thieves become emboldened, they even contest elections, and win. During trial, they apply to travel abroad for medical treatment when their huge stealing caused our health and infrastructural systems to be on/at ground zero. And the courts indulge them.

    “The thieves are celebrated as heroes, and sadly, they become ‘role models’ of wealth and riches that people like them want to copy, and sadly, too, the school of the corrupt in Nigeria has the largest enrollment.

    “Let us tackle corruption like the Japanese, Chinese, and others who see corruption as economic sabotage. Let the culprits get the death sentence or a severe sanction. This is also the case in Singapore.”

    Baiyeshea regretted that, unlike elsewhere, “those who steal our commonwealth turn round to claim protection under the severely abused human rights mantra,” adding that “in Nigeria, corruption is the tragedy of the nation.”

    Falola also identified other measures to further insulate judges from improper influence, which he said require enhanced structural safeguards and ethical discipline.

    He argued that continuous judicial education on ethical conduct, including the avoidance of even the appearance of impropriety, ensures judges are alert to psychological and professional pressures.

    Falola advocated what he described as randomised and formalised case assignment systems, which he said are capable of reducing opportunities for forum-shopping or judge-shopping practices that can signal attempts at undue influence.

    He also suggested the adoption of a digital filing and case management system to reduce personal contact that might facilitate undue influence and enhance transparency of proceedings.

    Falola added: “Both the judiciary and legal profession codes should have clear, publicly known consequences for actions intended to influence judicial decisions, discouraging misconduct through certainty of sanctions.

    “The NJC is central to safeguarding judicial integrity. While sanctioning erring judges, the NJC must protect judicial independence by ensuring disciplinary actions are fair, non-arbitrary, and insulated from political interference. This balance will prevent both corruption and undue pressure,” Falola said.

    Adaja also suggested measures to be adopted, which include the need for better protection and cover from the NJC and law enforcement agencies against the desperate litigants.

    He said the NJC “must rise to the occasion by deploying the necessary machinery to protect Judges from external influence and intimidation.

    “Secondly, the government is urged to create a reliable platform for Judicial Officers to report any attempt by litigants and/or legal representatives to influence their judicial decisions.

    “Thirdly, deliberate and concerted steps should be taken by the government to improve the condition of living of our judicial officers to reduce external influence.

    “Improved welfare for judicial officers will reduce the tendency for interference. Finally, only credible, tested, and responsible individuals with proven track records should be appointed as judges. Persons with corrupt tendencies should not be appointed or promoted to the Bench,” Adaja said.