Category: Law

  • Chief Judge to staff: embrace excellence

    Chief Judge to staff: embrace excellence

    • Outstanding workers rewarded

    Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Kazeem Alogba, has urged staff of the state judiciary to remain committed to excellence, discipline, diligence  and be prepared for the challenges of the new year.

    He spoke during the Judiciary’s end-of-year party held at the Ikeja High Court premises.

    The event provided judicial officers and staff a forum to reflect on last year’s achievements and celebrate outstanding service across cadres of various departments.

    Justice Alogba commended judges, magistrates and non-judicial staff for their dedication to duty despite the pressures associated with justice delivery in a fast-growing меga city like Lagos.

    Read Also: Court grants EFCC’s request for interim forfeiture of N30.7m linked to alleged fraud in NNPC 

    He urged workers to see the New Year as an opportunity to raise professional standards, strengthen integrity and improve service delivery to court users.

    Justice Alogba stressed that the success of the judiciary depends largely on teamwork, commitment and the willingness of every staff member to uphold the core values of fairness, efficiency and accountability.

    As part of the celebration, the Judiciary presented awards of excellence to deserving staff in recognition of their hard work, dedication and outstanding contributions to the system.

    One of the award recipients, Mr. Adejugbagbe Charleston, Personal Assistant to the Chief Judge,  was honoured with an Award of Excellence in Data Processing.

    The award citation recognised his exceptional commitment, technical competence and unwavering dedication in supporting the Chief Judge through efficient data management and administrative coordination within the Lagos State Judiciary.

    The Chief Judge noted that recognising excellence among staff was deliberate, as it serves as motivation and reinforces a culture of merit within the judiciary.

    The event featured goodwill messages, music and moments of camaraderie, providing an opportunity for staff to unwind after a demanding year, while renewing their collective resolve to support the administration of justice in Lagos State in the coming year.

  • Significance of Oyedepo’s appointment as DPP

    Significance of Oyedepo’s appointment as DPP

    • By Kehinde Olamide Ogunwumiju

    The appointment of Mr. Rotimi Iseoluwa Oyedepo (SAN) as Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, represents a significant milestone in Nigeria’s ongoing efforts to strengthen its criminal justice system and entrench the rule of law.

    The decision reflects the administration’s broader objective of building a credible, efficient, and corruption-resistant legal framework by appointing individuals of proven competence, integrity, and professional distinction to strategic public offices.

    A nation’s greatness is inseparably tied to the strength and integrity of its legal system. Nigeria’s post-independence legal evolution has been marked by deliberate attempts to combat corruption, promote accountability, and ensure justice across public and private sectors. Within this context, the appointment of Mr. Oyedepo as DPP is a commendable step toward consolidating these reforms, particularly in criminal prosecution and asset recovery.

    The Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP)

    The Director of Public Prosecutions is the principal officer responsible for conducting public prosecutions on behalf of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF). The constitutional foundation of the office is Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which vests in the AGF the authority to initiate, take over, and discontinue criminal proceedings. These powers may be exercised personally or through delegated officers, chief among whom is the DPP.

    The DPP occupies a critical position within the justice system, ensuring that prosecutorial decisions are professional, evidence-based, and insulated from political interference. The role involves advising the AGF on whether cases should be prosecuted, discontinued, or appealed, while safeguarding fairness, public interest, and constitutional guarantees.

    Key responsibilities of the DPP include:

    1. Instituting Criminal Prosecutions

    The DPP evaluates cases and determines whether criminal charges should be filed. Subject only to the supervision of the AGF, he also authorises or assumes control over prosecutions initiated by agencies such as the EFCC, NPF, and ICPC, ensuring coherence and consistency across the prosecutorial system.

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    2. Supervision and Control of Prosecutors

    The DPP provides guidance on evidence assessment, prosecution strategies, and courtroom conduct, ensuring prosecutions are impartial, diligent, and aligned with the public interest.

    3. Appeals, Advice, and Legal Opinions

    Subject to the AGF’s approval, the DPP authorises appeals in appropriate cases, especially where convictions are overturned, sentences are manifestly lenient, or significant questions of law or public policy arise. The DPP also advises law enforcement agencies and government departments on prosecution-related matters, reinforcing adherence to due process and the rule of law.

    Historical Development of the Office of the DPP

    The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions was formally established following Nigeria’s 1960 Independence Constitution, becoming a distinct entity within the Federal Public Service. Its independence and authority have been consistently reaffirmed in successive constitutions, culminating in Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution.

    The rationale for the Office’s creation was to ensure prosecutorial autonomy, enabling objective decisions on prosecutions and charges on behalf of the Federal Government. The first DPP, Mr. Gilbert Chukwudike Nonyel, QC, served until 1964. The office has since evolved in response to Nigeria’s expanding legal and anti-corruption landscape.

    Professional Profile of Oyedepo

    Mr. Oyedepo was called to the Nigerian Bar in 2008 and subsequently joined the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), where he served for over 15 years. During his tenure, he handled diverse prosecutorial assignments and rose to become Head of the EFCC Monitoring Unit, responsible for overseeing and coordinating major cases.

    In recognition of his exceptional advocacy and prosecutorial expertise, he was conferred with the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) in 2022. His professional strengths lie in prosecuting complex financial crimes, money laundering cases, forfeiture proceedings, and large-scale asset recovery. Beyond the EFCC, his expertise was further acknowledged through his appointment in 2023 as Special Assistant to the President on Financial Crimes and Public Prosecution Compliance.

    Mr. Oyedepo’s career has been distinguished by numerous accolades, including EFCC Outstanding Staff of the Year (2014) and Best Financial Crimes Prosecutor (2019). He is widely regarded as incorruptible, meticulous, and uncompromising in the discharge of his duties.

    Significant Cases Handled by Oyedepo

    Landmark cases handled by Mr. Oyedepo, illustrating his influence on Nigeria’s anti-corruption jurisprudence, include:

    1. Dame Patience Jonathan v. EFCC (2019, SC)

    Mr. Oyedepo led the EFCC’s defence of interim forfeiture orders over funds suspected to be proceeds of unlawful activity. He successfully argued that non-conviction-based forfeiture under Section 17 of the Advance Fee Fraud Act is constitutional, civil in rem, and consistent with fair hearing principles. The Supreme Court upheld his arguments, cementing the legality of civil asset forfeiture in Nigeria.

    2. Dame Patience Jonathan v. FRN (2018, CA)

    The Court of Appeal affirmed the constitutionality of interim forfeiture proceedings and reinforced the EFCC’s power to preserve suspected proceeds of crime without prior conviction. Mr. Oyedepo’s advocacy strengthened Nigeria’s asset recovery framework.

    3. EFCC v. Bello (2025, CA)

    In this case involving a sitting Governor, Mr. Oyedepo successfully argued that constitutional immunity under Section 308 does not apply to civil in rem forfeiture proceedings. The Court of Appeal restored an interim preservation order and clarified the limits of immunity in asset recovery cases.

    4. EFCC v. Kogi State & Ors (2023, CA)

    The Court of Appeal set aside an ex parte injunction restraining the EFCC from investigating alleged financial misconduct. The decision protected the statutory mandate of anti-corruption agencies and curtailed judicial overreach.

    5. Dauda Lawal v. EFCC (2020, CA)

    While the Court set aside a forfeiture order on fair hearing grounds, the case illustrated judicial insistence on procedural compliance and the evidential burden on the prosecution.

    6. P&ID v. Federal Republic of Nigeria

    Mr. Oyedepo played a key role in domestic prosecutions that supported Nigeria’s successful challenge to a $6.6 billion arbitral award in England. The English courts set aside the award on grounds of fraud and corruption, marking a major victory for Nigeria.

    Implications of Oyedepo’s

    Appointment

    Mr. Oyedepo’s appointment as DPP carries far-reaching implications for Nigeria’s criminal justice system. His extensive experience in prosecuting high-profile and politically sensitive cases equips him to strengthen prosecutorial efficiency, coherence, and credibility. His leadership is expected to enhance asset recovery initiatives, reduce reliance on external counsel, and promote consistent prosecution strategies across government agencies.

    The appointment also signals the administration’s commitment to merit-based appointments and specialised expertise, reinforcing public confidence in the justice system and the fight against corruption.

    Conclusion

    The elevation of Mr. Oyedepo to the office of Director of Public Prosecution exemplifies President Tinubu’s commitment to competence, integrity, and institutional reform.

    It marks a significant advancement in Nigeria’s pursuit of effective criminal justice administration and nation-building.

    The appointment underscores the principle that sustainable progress depends on placing the right individuals in critical positions of authority, thereby strengthening the rule of law and public trust in governance.

    • Ogunwumiju, OFR, SAN, writes from Abuja

  • Labour law, unions and national security

    Labour law, unions and national security

    • By Ayomide Koleosho

    The relationship between Labour unions and the Nigerian Government has long been marked by tension and resistance. While Labour unions serve as legitimate machinery for protecting workers’ interests and promoting industrial peace, their influence has extended into the political and security spheres of the nation.

    The legal foundation for union activities rests on the recognition of workers’ rights to freedom of association enshrined in the Constitution. However, the increasing tendency of Labour actions to disrupt essential services and national infrastructure raises an unsettling question about where legitimate industrial agitation ends and a threat to national security begins

    Are Labour unions defenders of workers’ rights or threats to national security? Should a strike for fair wages be met with negotiation or suppression? These questions have haunted Nigeria’s labour landscape for decades. In earlier times, Labour unions were considered as the bedrock of democratic resistance and social justice. As time went on, the resistance characteristics of these unions created tensions with the Government causing them to be portrayed as enemies of stability. From colonial resistance to shutdowns in the modern day, the tension between organised labour and the state has never been far from the headlines. And today, the question is far from settled. The recent standoff between PENGASSAN and the Dangote Refinery has once again reignited debates around the role of unions in Nigeria’s economic and political stability. Are we witnessing the legitimate fight for labour rights or the rebranding of activism as a security threat?

    A deeper understanding of these issues requires an examination of the historical roots of the relations between the Nigerian State and Labour Unions, the legal and political frameworks, and how recent events continue to blur the line between national interest and workers’ rights.

    Read Also: Court grants EFCC’s request for interim forfeiture of N30.7m linked to alleged fraud in NNPC 

    History of labour unions

    The first formal trade union in Nigeria was formed in 1912 during the colonial era. It was called the Civil Service British Workers’ Union. Their activities initially were initially focused on labour conditions. They sought modest improvements in working conditions rather than engaging in collective bargaining or industrial action. However, the growing discontent among Nigerian workers over discriminatory wage structures and poor working conditions gradually fostered a stronger sense of solidarity and activism. This resulted in an anti-colonial agenda.

    A significant turning point came with the enactment of the Trade Union Ordinance of 1938, which granted legal recognition to trade unions and introduced a framework for their registration and regulation. Following this milestone, several unions emerged. Examples include the Railway Workers’ Union (RWU), the Post and Telegraph Workers’ Union, and the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT). The growing activities of these unions culminated in the General Strike of 1945. The strike was led by the charismatic labour leader Michael Imoudu. The strike lasted for 45 days and united over 40,000 workers in a coordinated demand for wage increases and cost of living allowances. Beyond its economic motives, the strike became a symbol of national unity and resistance against colonial economic injustice and laid the foundation for the political relevance of the labour movement in Nigeria. The post-strike period saw the emergence of umbrella organizations such as the Federation of Trade Unions of Nigeria (FTUN) in 1949

    The labour movement in Nigeria continued to evolve after independence. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) was formally constituted in 1978 as the sole national federation of trade unions, merging four existing labour centres and restructuring over 1,000 unions into 42 industrial unions. This centralisation was partly engineered by the military government of the time.

    The military era particularly marked periods of intense suppression and control over labour unions. The NLC’s opposition to the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) led to its dissolution in 1988 under General Ibrahim Babangida’s regime. Similarly, General Sani Abacha’s government dissolved the NLC and proscribed unions like the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) in 1994, following their agitation for the restoration of democracy. Labour leaders were frequently arrested and union meetings disrupted during these periods.

    The struggle had during the military regime actually demands more than a cursory mention. Typical of military regimes, there were widespread suppression of the rights of workers and their leaders. In 1985, the Buhari military junta proscribed the Nigerian Medical Association and (NMA) and the National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) for going on strike to demand increase in the salaries of doctors and improvement in public hospitals. Dr. Emmanuel Akpabio and Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, the NMA President and the 1st Vice-President, respectively, were detained in the Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre under the State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree No 2 of 1984. The Alao Aka-Bashorun Chambers challenged their detention in the Lagos State High Court. It was when the case was pending that both detainees were released after they had been in prison custody for six months without trial. The leaders of the NARD fled the country when the junta wanted to arrest and detain them.

    On October 1988, the senior staff union of the defunct National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) went on a three-day strike to protest the inadequate funding of the organisation, lack of safety measures and poor service conditions. Eleven of the striking workers were later arrested and accused of sabotage. They were charged with economic sabotage before a special military tribunal that sat in Jos, Plateau State. They pleaded not guilty to the monstrous charges, but were nonetheless convicted and sentenced them each to life imprisonment. The life sentence was later reduced by the military government to 10 years. As a result of local and international outrage against the criminalisation of the strike, the military president, General Ibrahim Babangida pardoned the convicts before the end of their prison terms. 

    Not even the Legal Profession was spared by the Military. In 1993, the military Government took over the Nigerian Bar Association and handed it over to the Body of Benchers via Decree No 21 of 1993. Unbowed, the  Ikeja branch of the Nigerian Bar Association resolved unanimously to challenge the obnoxious Decree.  The firm of Femi Falana & Co., owned by foremost human rights lawyer, activist and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, was instructed to handle the case on behalf of all members of the branch. The firm successfully dragged the military regime to Court and won a landmark judgment which culminated in the obnoxious Decree being declared illegal and unconstitutional. See the case of Williams v Akintunde (1995) 3 NWLR (Pt 381) 101.

    The military, having been blooded by lawyers in Court, the Sani Abacha military junta promulgated the Legal Practitioners Amendment Decree No 21 of 1994 and thereby withdrew from the affairs of the NBA.  It was the only case that a Decree was successfully challenged during the military rule.

    With the return to democratic rule, some anti-union regulations were abolished in 1999. However, the government continued to seek ways to manage union power. The Trade Union (Amendment) Act of 2005 was enacted. The Act retained the NLC as a central labour union but also allowed other trade unions the freedom to federate and form umbrella unions. It also made union membership voluntary.

    Legal framework

    The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: The Constitution guarantees the right to freedom of association. Section 40 provides that: “every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests.”

    This provision forms the constitutional foundation for trade unionism in Nigeria. However, the right is not absolute. Section 45 allows for restrictions on these rights in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, or public health. It is also subject to limitations under other laws regulating labour relations and public order.

    Trade Disputes Act 2004: This Act outlines the procedure for dispute resolution. It also defines what essential services are and places restrictions on strikes within these sectors.

    Trade Union Act 1990 and Trade Union (Amendment) Act 2005: This Act governs the formation, registration, and operation of trade unions. The 2005 amendment made union membership voluntary and allowed for the formation of multiple central labour organizations. It also sets stringent conditions for unions to meet before calling a strike.

    Concept of threat

    The Nigerian government has frequently invoked the concept of national security to justify interventions in labour disputes, especially when industrial actions disrupt critical sectors. For example, strikes have long been a weapon used by labour unions to make their demands heard and met. However, strikes are often considered a tool that disrupts the flow of economic activities and ultimately a threat to national security.

    Strikes in essential services such as healthcare, oil and gas, and education are often portrayed as direct threats to national security and economic stability. It is often met with fierce resistance. There are several examples of such situations in Nigeria.

    In January 2012, the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC) launched a nationwide strike and mass protest against the government’s sudden removal of fuel subsidies. The move caused fuel prices to more than double overnight, triggering widespread outrage. The government framed the protests and strikes as a threat to national security and economic stability, especially as the shutdown paralysed major cities and halted economic activities across vital sectors.

    In response, the federal government deployed military forces to the streets and banned protests in certain areas like Lagos. The Government warned labour leaders of dire consequences. The strike was eventually suspended after intense negotiations and pressure, although the unrest revealed deep tensions between labour rights and state control under the guise of national interest.

    Similarly, the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) threatened to embark on a nationwide strike over issues related to oil sector reforms, unfair labour practices, and concerns surrounding the implementation of the newly signed Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) in 2021. The union warned that failure to address its demands could lead to the shutdown of oil production and distribution. Given Nigeria’s heavy dependence on oil revenue, the government reacted swiftly. They labelled any disruption to oil supply as a national security risk. Emergency meetings were convened with top officials from the Ministry of Labour and Employment and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The government urged PENGASSAN to shelve the planned strike, emphasising the potential economic and security fallout. Under immense pressure, the union opted for dialogue.

    Recently, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume, described the shutdown of the national grid by the NLC and Trade Union Congress (TUC) during a recent strike in June this year as a treasonable felony and economic sabotage. In turn, the NLC condemned these remarks, asserting that their actions were legitimate and constitutionally protected. Critics often argue that such rhetoric is often hyperbolic. They argue that they are designed to deflect blame from government failures and delegitimize union causes.

    A more recent example is the dispute between Dangote Refinery and PENGASSAN. PENGASSAN accused Dangote Refinery of sacking over 800 of its members for joining the union. The union also claimed these dismissals were because the workers exercised their constitutional and labour law right to join a trade union. PENGASSAN issued a directive to halt crude and gas supplies to Dangote refinery. This resulted in significant production deferments of approximately 283,000 barrels per day of oil and 1.7 billion standard cubic feet per day of gas and impacted over 1,200 MW of power generation. The NNPC quickly highlighted the significant disruptions of this to the energy sector. The government then intervened. The Vice President, Kashim Shettima criticized PENGASSAN for holding the nation to ransom over a minor labour dispute.

    NLC condemned this stance and argued that such stance undermined workers’ rights and portrayed legitimate union activity as sabotage. The NLC asserted that the actions of Dangote Refinery violated workers’ rights.

    Furthermore, the Nigeria Export Processing Zones Authority (NEPZA) issued a caution to PENGASSAN that strikes and lockouts are expressly prohibited within Free Trade Zones, where Dangote Refinery is located, for a period of ten years from the commencement of operations.

    Impact on labour unions and the rights of workers

    The consistent framing of union actions as threats to national security and the subsequent government reactions have had a profound impact on labour unions and the right of workers in Nigeria. Some of the impacts include:

    i.                   Restrictions on Fundamental Rights: The essential services provisions and stringent strike conditions in labour laws restrict the fundamental rights of workers to freedom of expression and association. This could in turn make them susceptible to their employers’ whims.

    ii.                Harassment and Victimization: Labour leaders and members have faced arrests, detention, and other forms of harassment especially during military regimes.

    iii.             Erosion of Public Trust: The tendency of the government to resort to framing union actions as threats rather than addressing legitimate grievances can erode public trust in government institutions and exacerbate tensions.

    iv.             Influence on Policy Reform: Labour unions have historically been effective tools for advocating policy reforms and improving working conditions. Their industrial actions have often forced the government to reconsider or modify policies detrimental to the welfare of workers.

    Essential services and restrictions on strikes

    The Trade Disputes Act 2004 contains provisions related to essential services. It restricts the ability of workers in these sectors to engage in strikes that could endanger public health or safety. Section 41(1) makes it an offense for workers employed in any essential service to cease work without giving their employer at least 15 (fifteen) days’ notice of their intention to do so. The offense is committed if the cessation of work would deprive the community or any part of the community either wholly or to a substantial extent of that or any essential service.

    Additionally, the Trade Disputes (Essential Services) Act in Section 1 empowers the President to proscribe any trade union or association whose members are employed in any essential service if the President is satisfied that such a union is or has been engaged in acts calculated to disrupt the economy or acts calculated to obstruct or disrupt the smooth running of any essential service. Once proscribed, the union ceases to exist. According to the Trade Unions Act, essential services include water supply, electricity, telecommunications, health services etc.

    The Court has also made pronouncements in some cases as to whether certain services are essential services. In ENUGU STATE GOVERNMENT V. NIGERIA UNION OF TEACHERS (NUT) SUIT NO.: NICN/EN/01/2022, the National Industrial Court declared that teachers in Enugu State public primary schools are not in essential services and are therefore not prohibited from striking. Justice Oluwakayode Arowosegbe held that the adverse effects of strikes in the education sector are futuristic and would not immediately portend danger of immediate extremity on public order, morality and safety. The court dismissed the case of the Government, which sought to restrain the teachers from striking, and ordered parties back to the negotiation table.

    Recommendations

    The relationship between Labour unions and national security in Nigeria is a delicate balance between the constitutional rights of workers to associate and embark on industrial action and the perceived need of the government to maintain public order and economic stability. Addressing this requires a careful approach that considers both the fundamental rights of workers and safeguarding the stability of the country. This can be achieved by fostering transparent communication channels between Labour unions, employers, and government agencies to ensure that concerns are identified early and addressed collaboratively rather than through confrontation.

    The Government should be more proactive in addressing concerns of the unions rather than viewing their actions as national threats. Promptly attending to their concerns will prevent prolonged actions that can negatively impact the security and economy of the nation.

    Also, Judicial Intervention should be sought promptly. Seeking court opinions and orders to restrain unions from embarking on or continuing strikes while also mandating the government to consider their requests is an effective way to address the issue. It will help in ensuring that the government’s actions to suspend or proscribe unions must be backed by concrete evidence of threats to public order and not mere allegations

    In NATIONAL UNION OF ROAD TRANSPORT WORKERS (NURTW) V. OYO STATE GOVERNMENT, SUIT NO: CA/IB/263/2022, the Court of Appeal overturned the 2019 suspension of the NURTW in Oyo State and declared the action of the Governor unlawful. The Governor had proscribed the activities of the union citing breaches of peace. However, the Court of Appeal ruled that the Oyo State Government failed to provide evidence of any breach of peace or public order that would justify the suspension of the activities of the union.

    Conclusion

    The relationship between Labour unions and the issue of national security is undeniably complex and demands careful management. While Labour unions are essential defenders of the rights of workers and social justice, it is equally vital to recognize and address potential security risks that could arise from unchecked activities or external influences.

    The right of workers to unionize and embark on industrial action is not a privilege granted by the state, it is a cornerstone of democratic freedom and a vital mechanism for social and economic justice. To label such actions as threats to national security without clear and justified cause is not protection but repression.

    Governments have a duty to safeguard the nation but that duty must not be wielded as a blunt instrument to silence dissent or weaken the collective voice of workers. Strikes and protests may disrupt the status quo but they are not inherently acts of subversion. They are often cries for fairness and accountability. What is needed is a balanced framework where national security is protected through lawful and transparent means and where workers can organise without fear of being branded as enemies of the state.

    •        Koleosho is a legal practitioner and corporate governance expert

  • Egbe Amofin slams NBA President for annulling SPIDEL poll

    Egbe Amofin slams NBA President for annulling SPIDEL poll

    The Egbe Amofin Oodua, an association of lawyers of Yoruba extraction, has condemned the annulment of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Section on Public Interest and Development Law (SPIDEL) election, describing it as a “dangerous signal” for the conduct of the NBA’s 2026 general election.

    In a strongly worded statement jointly signed by the Chairman of its Governing Council, Aare Isiaka Olagunju (SAN), and the Secretary, Adetunji Oso (SAN), the group said it was disturbed by the decision of the NBA President, Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN), to abort the SPIDEL electoral process during the section’s Annual General Conference in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

    Egbe Amofin alleged that the annulment was carried out unilaterally and accused the NBA leadership of undermining democratic norms within the association.

    Osigwe’s response was sought last night via WhatsApp, but he did not respond as of press time.

    The group referred to public allegations made by Dr. Anne Agi, one of the aspirants affected by the annulment, who had narrated events surrounding the aborted SPIDEL election.

    According to Egbe Amofin, the process had progressed to the close of nominations, with some candidates already emerging unopposed, before it was abruptly terminated.

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    “It was an ongoing democratic process initiated to produce democratically elected SPIDEL executive members to run the affairs of the forum for two years,” the statement said, adding that the annulment was allegedly driven by “personal vendetta” rather than any transparent complaint or procedural concern.

    Drawing a parallel with the June 12, 1993, election annulment, the group faulted the NBA President for dissolving the process and appointing a caretaker committee to manage SPIDEL for the next two years.

    It described the move as antithetical to the NBA’s long-standing posture as the conscience of the nation and a leading voice against authoritarianism and abuse of power.

    “It is worrisome that the NBA, which consistently berates dictatorial tendencies in government, would permit its chief spokesperson to engage in acts clearly opposed to democratic values,” the statement read.

    The group warned that such actions were eroding the moral authority of the Bar to challenge undemocratic conduct in the wider society.

    Egbe Amofin Oodua also expressed deep concern over what it termed “Afamgate,” insisting that a president who could annul an internal democratic process for partisan reasons could not be trusted to supervise the 2026 NBA election.

    The association alleged that the NBA President had effectively assumed the role of a campaign director by openly supporting a particular aspirant and deploying the resources of the Bar for that purpose.

    It further alleged that members of the ECNBA 2026 were deliberately selected from among the President’s associates to ensure a “predictable outcome” in the forthcoming election.

    Rejecting what it described as a “feeble rejoinder” issued by the NBA in response to Dr. Agi’s allegations, Egbe Amofin Oodua argued that the response failed to directly address the accusations against the President.

    The group said the allegations were neither denied nor properly explained, but were instead rationalised on the grounds of acting in the interest of SPIDEL and the NBA.

    Flowing from its position, the association called for the immediate dissolution of the current ECNBA 2026, insisting that a committee tainted by partisanship could not deliver a free, fair and credible election.

    It also urged past NBA presidents and trustees to intervene and rein in what it described as the President’s partisan conduct.

    “The year 2026 will be a defining moment in the history of the NBA if the right things are not done,” the statement warned.

    Egbe Amofin Oodua concluded by commending Dr. Anne Agi, Bridget Udokwe and Barbara Tosan Onwubiko for what it described as their courage in standing up for democratic values within the Bar, pledging solidarity with them in what it termed a struggle against tyranny and the truncation of the popular will of NBA members.

  • Judgment won, justice lost: Inside Nigeria’s broken enforcement system

    Judgment won, justice lost: Inside Nigeria’s broken enforcement system

    • Why court victories mean little to many citizens

    Many litigants have had to endure the hidden crisis and the broken chain of judgment enforcement in Nigeria. After going through the torturous journey of court victory, the real frustration begins: the elusive fruit of a favourable judgment. From corruption and bureaucracy to government impunity, JOSEPH JIBUEZE examines why enforcing judgments remains one of the justice system’s weakest links.

    In Nigeria’s justice system, winning a case after many years in court is often the easy part. Enforcing the judgment is the real tough nut.

    Across the country, thousands of court judgments, some against private companies, others against government agencies, sit unenforced, trapped in a legal limbo where victory brings no relief and court orders command no obedience.

    “Court orders are not respected in Nigeria. This is one pain I live with as a legal practitioner in this country,” said activist-lawyer Festus Ogun.

    From commercial disputes to labour cases, from compensation awards to fundamental rights enforcement, litigants routinely discover that the law’s authority ends where enforcement begins.

    Former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo (SAN) captured the frustrations: “Often, judgment creditors will abandon enforcement because of the high cost and low success rate…”

    The consequences are devastating. Families bankrupted by prolonged litigation find that their “victory” cannot pay hospital bills or school fees.

    Businesses that survive years in court collapse while waiting for judgments to be honoured.

    For many, the failure of enforcement is not just a legal problem; it is an economic sentence.

    Lawyers describe the process as a maze deliberately designed to exhaust claimants. Court registries delay the issuance of enforcement documents. Sheriffs demand unofficial fees.

    Police officers refuse to act without “clear directives.” Government agencies invoke bureaucracy, budgetary constraints, or outright silence.

    In some cases, enforcement is treated not as a right flowing from judgment, but as a favour to be negotiated.

    Unpalatable experience

    In 2005, a governor in a Northcentral state sent teachers back to their states of origin.

    The teachers briefed Jibrin Okutepa (SAN) to challenge the action.

    On February 18, 2008, judgment was delivered in favour of the teachers.

    The court ordered that they be reinstated and their salaries and allowances be paid to them.

    Okutepa said: “From 2008 to date, the state government is yet to obey the judgment.

    “Under the law, these people have the right to enforce the judgment. We have been trying to do so on their behalf since, but we have met one legal antics or another, all being employed by lawyers.

    “We have been facing obstacles deliberately put in place by lawyers who have allowed themselves to be used as instruments to obstruct the course of justice.”

    Other lawyers cry out

    Even the outcomes of arbitration, considered a preferred alternative to litigation, are far from certain.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria/Queen’s Counsel, Prof. Fidelis Oditah, has been trying since 2011 to enforce an arbitral award in the case of AIHL vs Meridien.

    The enforcement was challenged all the way to the Supreme Court.

    “As we got a bailiff to execute judgment, the judgment debtor brought fresh proceedings in 2023 to restrain enforcement.

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    “That proceeding has not been argued. Since June 2025, there have been six adjournments.

    “No system can function like that or serve public interest if it is this ineffective,” Oditah regretted.

    A lawyer, Mr Afam Nwokedi, faulted the ugly practice of disobeying judgments by some agencies of government.

    He recalled that he was yet to get the benefits of a judgment his client got against the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited.

    He said NNPC was yet to comply with a 2019 Supreme Court judgment, alleging that a petroleum tanker and other items ordered to be returned to his clients have not only been withheld but have now gone missing.

    Nwokedi was referring to the Supreme Court’s decision in Suit SC/167/12, between the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) and Jamiu Adeniyi & five others, delivered on February 21, 2019.

    The case arose from the prosecution of the defendants for alleged vandalisation of an NNPC pipeline and illegal procurement of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS).

    Five of the six defendants were initially convicted by the Federal High Court, Ilorin Division.

    Following the conviction, the trial court ordered that a Mac tanker with registration number XC 338 JJT, N3.35 million, and 17,000 litres of petrol tendered as exhibits be deposited at the Ilorin Depot of the NNPC and held in the custody of the Federal Government.

    However, the Court of Appeal later set aside the conviction, discharged and acquitted the defendants, and ordered the NNPC to return all seized items to them.

    Dissatisfied, the Federal Government appealed to the Supreme Court, but the apex court unanimously dismissed the appeal, affirming the Court of Appeal’s judgment and again directing NNPC to release the properties.

    Nwokedi said: “Despite the clear and unambiguous order of the Supreme Court, NNPC has refused to comply since 2019.”

    Several formal requests by his firm, Stillwaters Law Firm, have been ignored, he lamented.

    He further alleged that investigations revealed the brand-new tanker had disappeared from the Ilorin depot, accusing the oil company of deliberately frustrating the enforcement of the judgment.

    “NNPC has chosen to play the ostrich game, hoping the demand for compliance will simply fade away,” he said.

    According to Nwokedi, the affected clients have now instructed their lawyers to initiate a fresh action for damages and commence contempt proceedings against the leadership of NNPC Ltd, the Nigerian Pipelines and Storage Company (NPSC), and other relevant affiliates.

    “The rule of law demands obedience to court judgments. No institution is above the law,” he said.

    According to him, the government itself has benefited from Supreme Court judgments, so it is wrong for its agencies not to comply with decisions of the highest court in the land.

    How judgment enforcement is frustrated

    A legal expert, Dr Emmanuel Sani, who has been involved in many judgment enforcement actions, identified deep-seated legal, institutional, and political obstacles that undermine the process.

    He warned that many litigants still end up with “paper victories” long after securing favourable rulings from the courts.

    Sani said enforcement becomes most problematic once the judgment debtor is a government body, particularly agencies under the executive arm.

    “The most difficult aspect of it is where you get judgment against government entities, or a specific arm of government itself,” he said.

    According to him, matters involving the military, police and paramilitary agencies are especially challenging because conventional enforcement mechanisms are largely ineffective against security institutions.

    “When you are dealing with the executive arm of government, specifically the military, the police, or other paramilitary institutions, enforcement becomes almost impossible,” Sani noted.

    He explained that although the law provides several methods for enforcing judgments, including writs of fieri facias (fi fa), writs of possession, and garnishee proceedings, these mechanisms often fail in practice when applied to security agencies.

    Citing a case in which his client obtained a judgment against the Nigerian Navy for breach of fundamental rights, Sani questioned how such judgments could realistically be enforced.

    “How will you go and fi fa the property of the Navy, which are very critical security infrastructures?” he asked.

    He further illustrated the impracticality of deploying enforcement officers to military installations.

    “Will you carry policemen to go to Nigeria Navy headquarters to attach either a tank, a building or stationery?” he queried.

    According to him, court sheriffs lack the independent capacity to enforce judgments and must rely on the police for protection, creating a structural contradiction.

    “The court has no specialised armed guard. You still have to resort to the police,” he said.

    Judgments involving land or property recovery fare no better when government agencies are involved.

    Sani noted that writs of possession, which are ordinarily effective against private individuals, are rarely enforceable against government bodies.

    “The writ of possession is practically impossible when you are dealing with even a government agency,” he stated.

    Secrecy surrounding government accounts

    Garnishee proceedings, regarded as one of the most effective enforcement tools, are also frustrated by secrecy, particularly where government finances are concerned.

    “The challenge is how do you even get the account number or know the banker of a government agency?” Sani asked.

    He said government institutions often operate multiple accounts across different banks, shielded by administrative secrecy.

    “There are multiple accounts and too much secrecy around these things, even in the civil service,” he explained.

    Sani accused some banks of actively frustrating enforcement processes, especially when powerful corporate or government clients are involved.

    “The bank would rather protect its customer, especially if it’s a corporate customer,” he said.

    He alleged that banks sometimes hide accounts with substantial funds while declaring dormant or low-value accounts to the court.

    In some cases, he said, banks even tip off judgment debtors.

    “They even inform the company and say, ‘this is what to do,’” Sani alleged.

    “There is the secrecy of accounts and the paradox of bankers’ duty of confidentiality to their customers and the duty of disclosure imposed by law in a garnishee proceeding.

    “There are instances where a corporate body and a public institution outrightly close all their accounts with their bankers after such disclosure.”

    Attorney-General’s consent as a bottleneck

    Another major obstacle, according to Sani, is the statutory requirement for the consent of the Attorney-General before enforcing judgments against government entities.

    “You need his discretion for consent on whether or not to enforce. Of course, he will not likely give you consent to enforce against the government he represents,” Sani said.

    Although he acknowledged a recent Supreme Court decision that weakened the requirement, Sani said uncertainty remains.

    “It stands as the law, but still, it doesn’t show some degree of clarity,” he noted.

    Citing the case of CBN v Ochofe (2025) LPELR-80220 (SC), Sani said: “The Supreme Court upheld the requirements for the consent of the Attorney-General before funds of a public body can be attached.

    “However, it considers it a mere procedural requirement. In effect, if it is not raised timeously, it may be deemed waived.

    “That was the position of the majority of the panel. However, one of the justices in his minority decision considered the provision of Section 87 of the Sheriff and Civil Process Act – the requirement for prior consent of the A-G – as unconstitutional.”

    TSA and central bank hurdles

    The Treasury Single Account (TSA) policy has added another layer of difficulty.

    Agencies operating under the TSA keep their funds with the Central Bank of Nigeria, rather than commercial banks.

    “You cannot go to a commercial bank because of a single treasury. You will have to go to the Central Bank,” Sani explained.

    He described enforcement through the CBN as a near-impossible task.

    “That is another Herculean task, except you have insiders,” he said.

    Fraud and insider abuse

    Sani also recounted instances of fraudulent enforcement attempts driven by insider information, including efforts to enforce expired judgments.

    Such abuses, he said, further complicate genuine enforcement efforts and undermine trust in the system.

    “Government officials often demand that the judgment debtor part with as much as 50 per cent of the judgment sum to ensure payment, or they will frustrate every voluntary compliance effort,” he said.

    Culture of non-compliance

    Beyond legal and procedural challenges, Sani identified a lack of voluntary compliance as the underlying problem.

    “The bigger problem is compliance – voluntary compliance,” he said.

    While private companies often negotiate once their accounts are frozen, he said, government agencies typically ignore correspondence until enforcement becomes unavoidable.

    “You would write and write and write, nobody answers you,” he lamented.

    Appeals as a bane to judgment enforcement

    Legal practitioner and arbitrator, Bolaji Adeoye, raised concerns about how the appeal process in Nigeria is often abused to frustrate the enforcement of court judgments.

    He said: “The most difficult part of enforcement of court judgments has been the appeal process used as a decoy to frustrate and perpetually keep the judgment creditor from reaping the fruits of the hard-won judgment.”

    Adeoye explained that this abuse is enabled by the constitutional right of appeal, allowing debtors to indefinitely delay payment.

    “I have watched how judgments involving significant sums in commercial disputes continue to lie in the docket of the appellate courts,” he said.

    Even attempts to enforce judgment through garnishee proceedings or other legal mechanisms are often thwarted because debtors can cite “the pendency of an appeal or an application for Stay of Execution or Injunction pending Appeal.”

    He acknowledged reforms such as Order 4 Rule 6 of the Court of Appeal Rules 2021, Order 6 Rule 3(5) of the Supreme Court Rules 2024, and Section 55 of the Arbitration and Mediation Act 2023, which introduce stricter measures for enforcement and arbitral awards.

    However, he noted widespread non-compliance: “Most judgment debtors do not honour this provision,” which requires payment into a court-controlled account or provision of a bond to obtain a stay of execution.

    Adeoye further highlighted that administrative delays exacerbate the problem.

    “Appeals constitute a perfect strategy for frustrating enforcement of judgment in Nigeria because even if there is no formal order of stay of execution in place, a law-abiding judgment creditor will not proceed to enforce judgment in deference to the Court.”

    He also criticised slow prosecution by appellants, stating: “It is not uncommon to find that many judgment creditors dying during appeals,” as courts adjourn matters for procedural reasons, effectively prolonging the process.

    Grim statistics

    There is no centralised national success rate statistic for judgment enforcement in Nigeria, but available data points to relatively low enforcement in practice, especially in international/regional cases.

    Broader legal environment indicators suggest slow, costly enforcement procedures, which generally correlate with lower effective enforcement outcomes.

    For instance, Nigeria has the highest number of unenforced judgments from the ECOWAS Court of Justice in Africa.

    The Court’s Deputy Chief Registrar, Gaye Sowe, who presented enforcement statistics for the region, said many member states have a long record of not complying with court decisions, but Nigeria has the biggest backlog.

    According to Sowe, Nigeria has 125 cases in total. Out of these, 67 were dismissed, 10 have been enforced, and 48 are still not enforced.

    He added that the number of unenforced cases is now about 50.

    Sowe also explained that the Court has delivered 492 judgments across the 12 active ECOWAS member states, and 192 of them were classified as enforceable.

    A rough implication from the ECOWAS context is that if these figures are representative, enforcement might be less than 10 per cent for those specific regional court judgments, though this is not a general domestic enforcement rate.

    The World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business rankings consistently place Nigeria among the lowest-ranked countries, partly due to the difficulties in enforcing contracts and resolving commercial disputes through the judicial system.

    It says the average cost of enforcing a contract is relatively high, close to 39 per cent of the claim’s value, which can be a significant barrier for businesses, especially domestic SMEs.

    Economic implications

    According to Prof Oditah, the commercial implications of judicial delay are particularly severe for small and medium-sized enterprises, which lack the financial resources to sustain prolonged litigation.

    He added: “For these businesses, legal disputes over contracts, debts, or property rights can become existential threats when resolution takes years rather than months.

    “The resulting economic distortion privileges large corporations with greater litigation capacity while stifling the entrepreneurial activity that drives inclusive growth.

    “The economic costs of judicial gridlock in socio-economic matters thus represent both an immediate business constraint and a long-term development challenge.

    “Justice delayed is justice denied and encourages self-help.”

    Prof. Oditah pointed out that economically, the situation harms investment and impedes economic development.

    “If disputes are unresolved for decades, it means that a key ingredient of the rule of law is missing. The consequence is flight of investment, loss of revenue, unemployment, etc

    “The gridlock also creates weak and unaccountable institutions, which undermine our democracy.

    “Every one of us is familiar with the mantra ‘Go to Court’, because there is no expectation that justice can be obtained from the courts,” Oditah said.

    Osinbajo proposes way out

    Prof. Osinbajo believes the problem can be solved.

    He said: “Often, judgment creditors will abandon enforcement because of the high cost and the low success rate of the post-judgment process of identifying and seizing judgment assets. And that’s a problem.

    “What’s the point of going through a whole legal process, an involved legal process? And at the end of the day, you can’t enforce judgment.

    “Government debts, of course, are even more notoriously difficult to enforce, especially with the mandatory requirement of the Attorney-General’s consent before initiating garnishing proceedings to enforce a monetary judgment…

    “I believe that we can do more, generally speaking, to reform the failing system of enforcement of judgments.

    “The first is to remove the obstacles to enforcement. Reduced judicial discretion or automatic or default enforcement mechanisms is perhaps one of the ways that we can do this.

    “For instance, in the U.S., federal and in many states, once a judgment is entered, execution and garnishments are available without further judicial approval in most cases.

    “So, once you have the judgment entered, it’s almost self-executing from there on.

    “In Singapore, once judgment has been given, judgment is the final step. There’s no longer any judicial interference in the process.

    “The Singapore Supreme Court is said to be one of the most efficient in this respect. They have the sheriff of the Supreme Court who controls and supervises all specialised enforcement officers.

    “This centralised and professionalised system is one reason why domestic judgments in Singapore are considered to be some of the most efficient.

    “I think effective enforcement is a function of executive will. Where executive will is lacking, effective enforcement will also be lacking.

    “The executive branch must see enforcement as a priority. The constitution clearly makes the enforcement of laws, including the judgment of the courts, the responsibility of the executive.

    “I will suggest the establishment by law of a well-trained and armed judgment enforcement corps to replace bailiffs.

    “The law should contain clear operational guidelines, autonomy to act without interference from the police, from security agencies or the military or other armed services, so that this is an enforcement force by itself.

    “See, if you cannot enforce judgments of the court, you can’t really speak of justice.”

    Okutepa: political will needed

    Okutepa reinforced the need for political will.

    He said: “There is an urgent need to address the frustrations in enforcing judgments in Nigeria.

    “The relevant authorities must address the frustrating antics of some lawyers to the enforcement of judgments in Nigeria, particularly lawyers working with the government, and for the government who employ all manner of antics to ensure that judgments of courts are deliberately not enforced.

    “They use all manner of deliberate deception in practice, including filing frivolous applications in the courts to undermine the enforcement of judgments.

    “The Nigerian Bar Association, the Body of Benchers, the General Council of the Bar, the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria and of course the relevant legal and professional bodies need to urgently see to it that judgments creditors in Nigeria enjoy the fruits of their judgments without any further obstacles and obstruction by legalistic antics by lawyers that are not rooted in the best interest of justice.

    “This is my appeal. Nigerians do not get immediate remedies under the current justice system.”

    Whether those who benefit from the system will want a change remains to be seen.

    A former NBA President, Olumide Akpata, expressed such fears, warning that reform would be difficult without strong executive leadership.

    He expressed concern that beneficiaries of a broken system may resist change.

    “We’re in a catch-22 situation,” Akpata said, describing a paradox where reform is needed but blocked by those who benefit from dysfunction.

    A lawmaker’s move to intervene

    A senator representing Lagos West, Dr Idiat Oluranti Adebule, is pushing for a sweeping amendment of Nigeria’s Sheriff and Civil Process Act, describing the 1945 law as grossly outdated and unfit for a modern, digital justice system.

    Adebule said the Act is “manifestly outdated” and “disconnected from present realities,” noting that it was enacted during colonial rule and has remained largely unchanged despite advances in technology and legal practice.

    She highlighted absurd provisions such as a clause prescribing 45 kobo as a monthly allowance for debtor prisoners, calling it a stark symbol of how obsolete the law has become.

    Adebule stressed the need to align the justice system with digital reforms already adopted by courts, including e-filing and electronic service of processes, which currently lack firm statutory backing.

    “This amendment will bridge that gap and align our legislation with the realities of the digital economy,” she said.

    A major focus of her argument was the difficulty of enforcing judgments against government agencies.

    Under the current law, monetary judgments cannot be enforced without the consent of the Attorney-General, a requirement she described as a serious barrier to justice.

    “Judgment creditors find it exceedingly difficult to obtain such consent and often abandon their claims entirely. This defeats the purpose of judicial awards and encourages a culture of disobedience to court orders,” she warned.

    She linked the issue to human rights standards, citing Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and cautioned: “When we create structures that make it nearly impossible to enforce judgments, we violate this right.”

    The bill also proposes reforms to modernise the role and operations of court sheriffs, addressing long-standing complaints of inefficiency and inconsistency.

    According to Adebule, the reform is essential to restoring confidence in the judiciary. “This amendment is not just a legal adjustment; it is part of rebuilding trust in our institutions,” she said.

    Lawmakers broadly backed the proposal, with Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin describing the arguments as compelling and referring the bill to the Judiciary Committee for further consideration.

    Lawyer proffers other solutions

    Legal expert Dr Sani believes one of the major problems that hinders prompt compliance by public institutions of government agencies is the fact that there are no budgetary provisions for such contingencies.

    He suggested: “A repository and registry of judgment should be created and administered by the relevant offices of the Attorney General.

    “The registry should be saddled with the responsibility of creating a system of registration and authentication of valid judgments against government and public institutions, and also create a structured and self-auditing system of compliance in coordination with the relevant ministry of finance for every fiscal year.

    “Payments of judgment debts should then be made within the budgetary provision or framework, having regard to the priority of claims and the limitations period for each judgment.

    “Such an administrative system sanctioned by statute will effectively cure the mischief that the requirement of Attorney-General’s consent under the extant dispensation seeks to prevent.

    “The Sheriff and Civil Process Act should be amended in clear terms by removing the apparent unconstitutional provision for Attorney-General’s consent.

    “The provision should be supplanted with a new provision that creates an Administrative procedure.”

    Fed Govt commits to reform

    Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), acknowledged the challenges, promising that the Federal Government would implement the needed reforms initiated by his ministry.

    “Public trust in the justice system is central to the existence of the legal profession. Without trust, the system cannot function, and the work we do loses meaning,” he admitted.

    Acknowledging the pressures facing the justice system, the Attorney-General identified structural weaknesses, gaps in process, capacity and funding, as well as behavioural.

    “Under the leadership of President Bola Tinubu, the Federal Government has prioritised the strengthening of the justice sector as part of the Renewed Hope Agenda,” Fagbemi said.

    While Fagbemi publicly affirms the importance of enforcing judgments and upholding the rule of law, civil society pressure has highlighted perceived gaps between rhetoric and practice, especially where judgment enforcement implicates government interests.

    Enforcement remains a key litmus test for his role as Chief Law Officer of the Federation.

  • Are criticisms of Supreme Court emergency rule verdict justified?

    Are criticisms of Supreme Court emergency rule verdict justified?

    There is division among lawyers and judicial watchers over whether the Supreme Court’s pronouncements on the merits of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of emergency in Rivers State are binding or mere obiter dicta. Critics argue that the discretion accorded the President is dangerously open-ended, writes Deputy News Editor JOSEPH JIBUEZE.

    When the Supreme Court delivered its split six-to-one judgment on December 15 on the state of emergency declared in Rivers State, it did more than resolve a lawsuit.

    It ignited a national debate on the limits of presidential power.

    At the centre of the storm was President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s March 2025 proclamation of emergency rule in Rivers State, citing threats to public order and looming anarchy.

    The proclamation went further than many Nigerians expected.

    Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and the entire State House of Assembly were suspended for six months.

    Retired naval chief, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd), was appointed as sole administrator.

    Eleven states governed by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), led by Adamawa, approached the Supreme Court.

    They challenged “the extent to which the proclamation can be made to affect the offices of the governor, deputy governor, and the State House of Assembly.”

    What the apex court eventually said, and how it said it, has left analysts sharply divided.

    The Supreme Court struck out the suit. Yet, it spoke at length.

    The lead judgment

    In the lead judgment delivered by Justice Mohammed Baba Idris, the court upheld  preliminary objections raised by the Attorney-General of the Federation and the National Assembly.

    It ruled that the plaintiffs failed to establish any cause of action capable of invoking the Supreme Court’s original jurisdiction under Section 232(1) of the Constitution.

    Justice Idris explained that three strict conditions must be met before the apex court can exercise its original jurisdiction:

    • There must be a dispute between the Federation and a state or states, or between states.

    • The dispute must involve issues of fact or law.

    • The dispute must relate to the existence or extent of a legal right.

    According to the court, the PDP states failed on all counts.

    “The plaintiffs did not show that the state of emergency declared in Rivers State affected them in any way,” Idris held.

    He noted that no emergency was declared in any of the plaintiff states.

    He also faulted them for failing to show that they were authorised by Rivers State to institute the suit on its behalf.

    On that basis alone, the suit ought to have ended there. But it did not.

    Despite striking out the case for want of jurisdiction, the Supreme Court proceeded to determine the constitutional questions raised.

    This move has since become the most contentious aspect of the judgment.

    Section 305, presidential discretion

    At the heart of the dispute is Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which empowers the President to proclaim a state of emergency under specific conditions, including war, natural disaster, or a breakdown of public order threatening the stability of the Federation or any part of it.

    Justice Idris, speaking for the majority, adopted a purposive interpretation of the provision.

    He held: “Section 305 of the Constitution vests the President with the power to declare a state of emergency where there exists imminent danger of invasion or actual breakdown of public order or safety of such gravity as to endanger the stability or continued existence of the Federation or any part thereof.”

    Read Also: SDP hails Supreme Court verdict, says ruling reinforces party autonomy

    The court acknowledged that while Section 305 clearly grants the power to proclaim an emergency, it is silent on the precise content of the “extraordinary measures” that may follow.

    That silence, the court said, was deliberate.

    “This silence is intentional. Emergencies are inherently situational, varying in scope, intensity, and threat.

    “The Constitution therefore entrusts the President with discretion to determine the measures required to restore peace and security, subject always to constitutional limits.”

    To support this view, the court looked to Nigeria’s history.

    During the 2004 and 2006 emergencies in Plateau and Ekiti states, elected institutions were suspended.

    By contrast, during the 2013 emergency in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe States, state institutions continued to function.

    “These contrasting responses underscore that emergency powers are not governed by a rigid formula.

    “The constitutionally permissible response depends on the magnitude of the threat, the functionality of state institutions, and the necessity of intervention to restore constitutional order,” Justice Idris held.

    Limits to emergency powers

    Justice Idris emphasised repeatedly that presidential discretion under Section 305 is not unlimited.

    He held: “Nevertheless, the President’s discretion under Section 305 is not unfettered. Emergency measures must be temporary, corrective, and proportionate.

    “They must be directed towards restoring constitutional governance, not extinguishing it.

    “Any permanent displacement or abrogation of democratically elected institutions would constitute a constitutional aberration.”

    Outside a validly declared state of emergency, the President, the court stressed, “possesses no power whatsoever to interfere with state executive or legislative institutions.”

    On legislative oversight, the court upheld the National Assembly’s approval of the emergency declaration, ruling that lawmakers were entitled to adopt a voice vote rather than a recorded division.

    A lone dissent

    Justice Obande Ogbuinya stood alone.

    While agreeing that the President has the power to declare a state of emergency, he rejected the idea that such power extends to suspending elected state officials.

    In his dissent, Justice Ogbuinya warned that allowing a President to suspend governors and lawmakers strikes at the heart of democratic federalism.

    According to him, emergency powers cannot be interpreted to impliedly repeal express constitutional provisions guaranteeing the tenure of elected officials.

    For critics of the majority decision, Ogbuinya’s dissent represents the conscience of the court.

    Analytical ramifications

    The legal experts agree that the Supreme Court was consistent with precedent in holding that the PDP states lacked locus standi and that the court’s original jurisdiction could not be invoked.

    They see the majority judgment as affirming wide presidential discretion under Section 305, although with stated limits of temporality, proportionality and purpose.

    Critics, however, argue that this discretion is dangerously open-ended.

    There is deep division over whether the court’s pronouncements on the merits are binding law or mere obiter dicta (an incidental remark). Some believe the judgment should have ended with the determination of the jurisdictional issue.

    While some see the comments on the President’s emergency powers as authoritative guidance from a policy court, others insist they are non-binding remarks made after jurisdiction was declined.

    Ultimately, the judgment has left room for debate due to its open-endedness, over which the Supreme Court has recently been criticised.

    Perhaps, the way forward, as former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Vice President, Dr. Monday Ubani (SAN),  suggested, is for the National Assembly to clearly define the limits of emergency powers through constitutional amendment to douse concerns that a President can remove a governor on a whim.

    Legal experts’ perspectives

    The legal community has been deeply split,  not just on what the Supreme Court decided, but on whether it decided anything at all.

    Femi Falana (SAN) took the position that the court did not endorse the dissolution of democratic structures.

    According to him, media reports overstated the implications of the judgment.

    “Contrary to misleading reports, the Supreme Court did not endorse the dissolution of democratic structures during emergency rule in any state of the Federation,” Falana said.

    He argued that Section 305 does not confer power on the President to dissolve state executive or legislative institutions, and that the court reaffirmed federalism and separation of powers.

    Oba Maduabuchi (SAN) insisted that there was no binding judgment on emergency powers at all.

    He argued: “The Supreme Court first said those who brought the case had no locus. That means there was no suit.

    “Any other thing said after that is merely obiter dicta, which means passing remarks. They are not binding.”

    To Maduabuchi, once the court declined jurisdiction, “out of nothing, nothing can come.”

    Dr. Ubani, while acknowledging the court’s doctrinal consistency on locus standi, expressed concern over access to justice in matters of grave national importance.

    He noted that the majority judgment adopted a pragmatic, security-conscious interpretation of emergency powers but also articulated safeguards in the form of legislative oversight, time limits, and judicial review to prevent abuse.

    Still, he warned that the breadth of discretion affirmed by the court leaves room for executive overreach.

    Ubani said: “The decision also exposes enduring tensions in Nigerian constitutional law, particularly the restrictive approach to standing in matters of overwhelming public importance.

    “Comparative constitutional systems such as India, Kenya, and South Africa have progressively liberalised standing rules, embracing public interest litigation as a mechanism for democratic accountability and constitutional development.

    “For Nigerian jurisprudence to evolve in line with international best practices, a more liberal approach to locus standi, especially in cases of grave national consequence, must be considered.

    “Such an approach would enhance democratic oversight without undermining judicial discipline.”

    Ubani added: “Ultimately, while this decision reaffirms executive emergency powers, it leaves unresolved the danger posed by an unpatriotic or overreaching executive exploiting undefined emergency measures under Section 305 to derail democratic governance.

    “The dissent of Justice Ogbuinya, though appealing to public-interest advocates, does not confront the threshold issues of jurisdiction and standing under current Nigerian jurisprudence.

    “In the absence of judicial re-orientation, legislative intervention through constitutional amendment appears to be the most viable path for those aggrieved by the breadth of executive authority affirmed in this case. A word is enough.”

    Perhaps the most scathing critique came from Professor Chidi Odinkalu, who described the judgment as an exercise in “emergency politics.”

    Odinkalu accused the court of declining jurisdiction but indulging in a far-reaching “discussion” that effectively expanded presidential power without the discipline of a binding decision.

    “It was an odd way to phrase arguably the most cynical and gratuitous expansion of presidential power in the history of the Nigerian Supreme Court,” he wrote.

    According to Odinkalu, the court’s acceptance of voice voting and its tolerance of suspension of elected officials under emergency rule could haunt Nigeria’s democracy for years.

    He added: “The decision of the Supreme Court to become a ‘discussion’ forum on such an issue of extraordinary constitutional significance is guaranteed to roil governance and politics in Nigeria for a long time.

    “As an exercise of judicial power, it is supremely wilful, cynical, and political.”

    Human rights lawyer Inibehe Effiong said while the majority judgment appeared to accommodate the possibility that a state of emergency could interfere with democratic structures, the court avoided a definitive ruling on the constitutionality of the Rivers emergency.

    “The Court found that there was no dispute between the Federation and those states,” he said.

    He emphasised that because the case was struck out, any comments made on the merits do not carry binding legal force.

    “By law, once a suit is struck out, pronouncements made therein do not have the binding and effective weight of a decision made by a court that is clothed with the requisite jurisdiction.”

    He was of the view that the Supreme Court’s observations on the substance of the matter were advisory, made only because of the case’s “grave constitutional significance,” rather than a definitive ruling on the legality of the Rivers emergency rule.

  • Legal giants seek efficient jurisprudence, less technicalities

    Legal giants seek efficient jurisprudence, less technicalities

    • Law School Class of ’85 marks 40th reunion

    Legal giants have advocated far-reaching judicial reforms, efficient jurisprudence and less reliance on technicalities.

    They urged the courts to abandon hyper-technicalities and adopt modern, efficient jurisprudence that can strengthen democracy, boost economic development and restore public confidence in the justice system.

    The call was made in Lagos at the 40th anniversary reunion of the Nigerian Law School Class of 1985, which brought together senior judges, legal scholars, senior advocates, public office holders and policymakers to reflect on four decades of legal practice and national service.

    Prof. Fidelis Oditah (SAN), in the keynote address, described Nigerian courts as a critical public resource and the backbone of the rule of law, warning that persistent delays, technical objections and misuse of jurisdictional arguments were undermining justice and economic growth.

    He said: “Our courts are pillars of democracy and economic prosperity, but only if they perform their roles effectively.

    “Where justice is delayed for 20 years, as we have seen in some cases, access to court is no longer the problem; exit from the courts has become the real crisis.”

    He argued that excessive reliance on technical defects, particularly in court processes and briefs of argument, had created what he described as a “judge-made monster” that encourages frivolous objections, prolongs litigation and clogs the judicial system.

    According to him, Nigerian courts have often confused issues of jurisdiction, leading to avoidable dismissals of cases after decades of trial.

    Oditah cited several cases to illustrate how hyper-technical interpretations of jurisdiction had resulted in grave injustice, insisting that jurisdiction should be confined strictly to constitutional and statutory authority, not procedural errors.

    He also called for urgent reform of the award of costs, noting that nominal costs encourage prolonged litigation and abuse of court processes.

    Chairman of the Council of Legal Education and Chairman of the Class of 1985, Chief Emeka Ngige (SAN), said the anniversary marked the grand finale of activities commemorating 40 years since members were called to the Nigerian Bar in 1985.

    He said the celebrations included reunions in Enugu and Toronto, Canada, and featured the unveiling of plans for an ultra-modern medical centre at the Nigerian Law School, Lagos Campus.

    Ngige paid tribute to the 123 classmates who had passed on since 1985 and highlighted the class’s remarkable footprint in the legal profession, including Supreme Court justices, Court of Appeal justices, chief judges, senior advocates, professors, legislators and senior public servants.

    He also underscored the class’s influence beyond the Bench, pointing to achievements in academia, public service, banking, politics and the private sector.

    “We have professors, vice chancellors, senior advocates, legislators, attorneys-general, permanent secretaries and captains of industry.

    “These are not just personal achievements; they are contributions to nation-building and the strengthening of our institutions,” he added.

    Supreme Court Justice John Okoro, reflecting on the journey of the Class of 1985, described the 40-year milestone as an act of divine grace.

    He urged his colleagues to continue using their legal training to help build Nigeria, despite prevailing challenges.

    “We were trained to help solve problems, not to destroy. Wherever we find ourselves, we must deploy our knowledge to help Nigeria come out of the woods,” Justice Okoro said.

    Attorney-General of the Federation, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), described the reunion as both a celebration of achievement and a reaffirmation of service.

    He noted that members of the class had distinguished themselves across the judiciary, academia, public service, politics and business, contributing significantly to national development.

    He added that the judiciary must continue to stand as a symbol of justice, dignity and independence.

    “Under the leadership of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, the judiciary must remain a refuge not only for the powerful, but for the common man. Justice must continue to be delivered with dignity, independence and fairness,” he said.

    He reaffirmed the class’s sense of responsibility, stating that privilege and opportunity imposed a duty of service and mentorship.

    “As a class, we remain conscious that privilege carries responsibility. Our achievements impose on us a duty to give back to the legal profession, to the younger generation of lawyers and to Nigeria as a whole,” he noted.

    Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, congratulated the class, describing it as one of the most accomplished sets in the history of the Nigerian Law School.

    He pledged government support for the proposed medical centre project and commended the class for giving back to its alma mater.

    Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, also lauded the Class of 1985, calling it one of the most successful cohorts and wishing members many more years of impact.

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    Director-General of the Nigerian Law School, Prof. Isa Hayatu Chiroma, SAN and 26 other class members were honoured at the event, which was held at the prestigious Lagos Oriental Hotel in commemoration of the 40 years of Call to Bar of members of the class.

    Prof. Chiroma was honoured in recognition of his contributions to the growth of legal education in Nigeria.

    Members of the Class who distinguished themselves in various fields of human endeavour were also honoured.

    Among them were three high court judges, one Senior Advocate of Nigeria, one State Attorney-General, three professors of law, an international business mogul and 18 private legal practitioners based in Nigeria and overseas.

    A highlight of the anniversary gala night was the unveiling of the second phase of fundraising for the medical clinic of the Lagos Campus of the Nigerian Law School, under construction by the Class as part of its giving back to their alma mater.

  • Group, NGE to govts: stop harassing journalists, activists, CSOs, bloggers

    Group, NGE to govts: stop harassing journalists, activists, CSOs, bloggers

    Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) and Nigeria Guild of Editors (NGE) have urged the Federal Government to stop  the intimidation and harassment of journalists, activists, bloggers and civil society organisations (CSOs).

    The groups called for an end to the use of some provisions of the Cybercrimes Act, criminal and penal codes those peacefully expressing their views online, and immediately release those arbitrarily detained across the country.

    They said: “Using repressive laws and strategic lawsuit against public participation (SLAPP) lawsuits to intimidate and harass journalists, activists, bloggers and CSOs erodes democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law in Nigeria.”

    The statement followed the press conference and interactive session titled: ‘The Escalating Restrictions on Civic Space, Media Freedom and the Deterioration of Rule of Law in Nigeria’, held today at the Radisson Hotel, Ikeja.

    The event was jointly organized by SERAP and NGE to mark the International Human Rights Day.

     The groups also said: “the use of repressive laws and SLAPP lawsuits to crackdown on peaceful dissent is entirely inconsistent with the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and the country’s international human rights obligations.”

     According to the groups, “Nigerian authorities at all levels should show that they tolerate peaceful dissent and media freedom if the Nigerian people are to have any chance of holding them accountable on their constitutional oath of office, commitments and promises.”

    The statement, read in part: “Criminal defamation and SLAPP lawsuits are neither necessary nor proportionate under the Nigerian Constitution and human rights treaties to which Nigeria is a state party. Such lawsuits generate a chilling effect that inhibits the enjoyment of human rights and circulation of ideas and information.

    “A lawsuit challenging the legality and compatibility of some provisions of the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) (Amendment) Act 2024 with the rights to freedom of expression and information is pending before the ECOWAS Court.

    “As a matter of the rule of law, security and law enforcement agencies cannot and should not use the amended Act to continue to silence peaceful dissent pending the hearing and determination of the lawsuit by the court.

    “We are deeply concerned that Nigerian authorities at all levels and other actors continue to use repressive laws and misuse the judicial processes to normalize repression of the rights of journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, activists, opposition politicians, artists and other Nigerians.

    “Impunity for those who threaten, intimidate and harass journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists contributes to the hostile environment for these defenders of constitutionally and internationally guaranteed human rights in Nigeria.”

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    The group noted that the restrictions on civic space, human rights violations and suppression of the press in recent times take various forms ranging from extrajudicial to unlawful detentions, disappearances, malicious prosecutions and wrongful use of both legislation and law enforcement.

    The group stated that since the amendment of the Cybercrime Act in 2024, Nigerian authorities at all levels have consistently used the provisions of the Cybercrime Act including the provisions of section 24 on “cyberstalking” to harass, intimidate, arbitrarily arrest and detain and unfairly prosecute users of social media, activists, and journalists.

    According to them, Nigerian authorities at all levels increasingly use criminal defamation laws and other repressive laws to crack down on human rights and peaceful dissent, bringing frivolous lawsuits against journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists.

     They expressed concern about the persistence of threats to journalists’ safety, and the potential chilling effect of strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) and harassment, including by security agencies and politicians.

    “We note that journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists play an indispensable role in documenting and reporting on human rights violations.

    “The right to freedom of expression applies to all kinds of information and ideas, including those that may shock, offend or disturb, and irrespective of the truth or falsehood of the content.

     “The provisions of section 24 of the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) (Amendment) Act 2024 are inconsistent with the provisions of section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights to which Nigeria is a state party.

     “Stories published online have been deemed ‘offensive’, ‘obstructive’, ‘insulting’ or ‘annoying’ with actionable consequences under amended provisions of section 24 of the Cybercrime Act 2024, even when the stories are true and factual.

    “Also, stories published through traditional media outlets (print and electronic) that were never sanctioned by the government have been picked on upon being rebroadcast or republished through online platforms.”

    “State governors, security and law enforcement agencies and officials frequently misuse the legal and judicial processes including through the use of SLAPP lawsuits to target journalists, human rights defenders, activists and civil society organizations with impunity.”

     They said that in August 2024 alone, at least fifty-six (56) journalists were assaulted or arrested while covering demonstrations across the country. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Nigeria has dropped 10 spots to 122nd in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index.

    “Internet freedom of expression continues to decline due to an unprecedented pattern of arbitrary arrests and detention of bloggers after the enactment and amendment of the Cybercrime Act in 2024; most of whom are either pending at various police stations or courts of law.”

    “According to the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) Press Attack Tracker, there have been 110 verified attacks in the year 2024. In comparison to the previous year, the press attacks between the first and third quarter of 2024 have surpassed those of the entire year in 2023.

    “According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), at least three journalists in Nigeria have been detained since August on allegations of violating the country’s Cybercrime Act, despite the recent reform of the law, highlighting the continuing use of the law and defamation laws to target and harass journalists, and activists.

    “One journalist, known under the pen name Fejiro Oliver, has been behind bars since mid-September over charges of cyberbullying. On September 18, police detained Oliver, an investigative journalist and publisher of privately owned Secret Reporters news outlet, at his office in the Nigerian capital, Abuja, then flew him to Asaba, the capital of southern Delta State. Oliver’s real name is Tega Gobernadora.”

    “In August, Azuka Francisca Ogujiuba, publisher of the privately owned Media Room Hub news site, was arrested twice in Abuja for publishing a court injunction related to a disputed land sale. The first time, she was held for five hours; the second time, for three days. Police searched and retained her phone for five days.”

    “On August 11, she was released after interventions from friends, taking down the article, and writing an apology.”

    “On September 9, police in Ekiti State detained Sodeeq Atanda, a reporter with the privately owned Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), on allegations of cyberbullying, criminal defamation, conspiracy, blackmail, and malicious misrepresentation.”

    “Atanda was responding to a letter summoning him for questioning, following a complaint by a university vice-chancellor over FIJ’s allegations of sexual harassment. Atanda was reportedly detained for 11 hours, then freed without charge after multiple calls for his release. Police also reportedly invited FIJ founder Fisayo Soyombo for questioning on cyberbullying charges.”

    “According to the CPJ, at least 25 journalists faced prosecution under the Cybercrimes Act before the 2024 reforms. Five journalists have been prosecuted for cybercrime since the reforms. Five were harassed, but not formally charged, between March and May 2024.”

    “Ned Nwoko, senator representing Delta north, has renewed his call for the passage of the social media regulation bill, saying defamation has been weaponized in Nigeria’s online space. The proposed legislation sponsored by Nwoko passed for second reading on March 18 in the senate.”

    “The Federal Government also recently charged Sahara Reporters publisher and activist Omoyele Sowore alongside X and Facebook owners over Mr Sowore’s recent alleged ‘anti-Tinubu’ posts on the social media platforms.”

    “Two of the counts are brought under the Cybercrimes Act while the other three charges of criminal defamation, causing public fear and disturbance are brought under the Criminal Code Act.”

    “The suit dated 16th September,2025, was lodged at the Federal High Court in Abuja after Sowore allegedly refused to delete certain posts allegedly critical of President Tinubu. The charges were brought on behalf of the DSS and the Federal Government by the Director of Public Prosecutions at the Ministry of Justice.”

    “The DSS in May 2025 also filed a SLAPP lawsuit against Professor Pat Utomi, a former presidential candidate, accusing him of attempting to illegally usurp President Bola Tinubu’s executive powers by setting up a shadow government.”

    “In the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/937/2025, filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, the DSS alleged that Utomi’s actions posed a threat to national security and constitutional order.”

    “The 2007 presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress was named as the sole defendant in the suit. DSS operatives in October 2024 also filed a SLAPP lawsuit against SERAP over allegations of an unauthorised office invasion.”

    “These cases illustrate the growing use of SLAPP lawsuits by the DSS and other security and law enforcement agencies in Nigeria to target, harass and intimidate Nigerians for the peaceful exercise of their human rights.”

    “We are concerned that SLAPP lawsuits have a chilling effect on the exercise of the right to freedom of expression and other fundamental human rights protected under the Nigerian Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”

    “These cases illustrate the ongoing harassment, intimidation and misuse of laws and judicial processes in Nigeria to stifle the peaceful activities of journalists, activists, bloggers and CSOs and curtail the exercise of free expression in across the country.

    “These charges and lawsuits appear to be designed to intimidate and harass human rights defenders and constitute an unnecessary and disproportionate interference on the rights to freedom of expression, association, peaceful assembly and access to information.”

    “We therefore call on the Nigerian authorities to immediately release all journalists, activists, bloggers and other Nigerians detained solely for the peaceful exercise of their human rights and withdraw bogus charges against them.

    “Nigerian authorities should withdraw the SLAPP lawsuit brought against journalists, activists, bloggers and civil society organizations including the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP).”

    “To uphold their obligations under the Nigerian Constitution and human rights treaties to which the country is a state party, Nigerian authorities should urgently act to prevent further spurious defamation cases and SLAPP lawsuits being filed by security and law enforcement agencies that target journalists, activists, and CSOs.”

    “Nigerian authorities should decriminalize defamation in Nigerian laws and protect journalists, activists, bloggers and civil society organizations from SLAPP lawsuits and other abusive litigation aimed at curtailing the peaceful exercise of human rights in the country.”

    “Nigerian authorities must ensure that no person is prosecuted or held criminally liable for defamation for activities protected under the Nigerian Constitution and international human rights treaties to which the country is a state party.”

    “Nigerian authorities should enact laws to protect journalists, activists, bloggers, CSOs, critics and other individuals from legal harassment through defamation charges and SLAPP lawsuits.”

    “Nigerian authorities must ensure that defamation cases and SLAPP lawsuits are not used by businesses as a tool to undermine legitimate rights and freedoms of affected rights holders, civil society organizations and human rights defenders.”

    “We urge President Tinubu and his government to publicly call on Nigeria’s state governors, the Nigerian Police Force, the Department of State Services (DSS) to uphold and ensure full respect for the rights of everyone in the country, including journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders and activists.”

    “We call on President Tinubu and his government, the country’s 36 governors and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister to genuinely uphold human rights, press freedom, ensure access to information to all Nigerians, obey court judgments, and respect the rule of law.”

    “We urge the National Assembly to promptly and comprehensively review the Cybercrimes Act and other restrictive legislation, and revise them as appropriate to bring them into line with Nigeria’s international human rights obligations and commitments regarding human rights and media freedom.”

    “We urge the international community to hold Nigerian authorities to account for violations of human rights in the country, including by calling on the authorities at both the Federal and state levels to immediately and unconditionally release anyone detained solely for peacefully exercising their human rights.”

    The press conference was attended by senior members of the media, civil society groups and other stakeholders. The stakeholders and participants made commitments to work together to ensure the full and effective implementation of the recommendations by the Nigerian authorities.

    Those who attended the event included: Eze Anaba, President, NGE and Editor, Vanguard; Onuoha Ukeh, General Secretary, NGE and MD, The Sun; Richard Akinnola, Media Law Centre; Gbenga Adefaye, Provost, Nigerian Institute of Journalism; Dr Iyobosa Uwugiaren, Editor, This Day/NGE; Martins Oloja, former Editor-Chief, Guardian; and Ayo Makinde, Channels TV.

    Others who attended the event included: ⁠ Others included: Korede Ogunbunmi, deputy director, FRCN; James Oluyombo Tokode, Con Editor, Nation; Ikechukwu Amaechi, MD, The Niche; Tony Iyare, Fellow, NGE; Rose Moses, Editor, NGE; Juliet Bumah, Editor, New Telegraph; Ugonma Cokey, Deputy Director, VON; Ronke Raji, Controller News, Channels TV; and Ufuoma Egbamuno, News Manager, Cool/Wazobia/Nig. Info.

    Other stakeholders included: Paulyn Ugbodaga, Editor in Chief/CEO, News Ultra 360; Emeka Madunagu, MD/CEO, Metrostar; Joy Anibgugu, Editor, Daily Independent; Daniel Badru, Senior Correspondent, Guardian; Oluwatosin Odusola, News Editor, Eko FM; Ijeoma Popoola, Deputy Editor in Chief, NAN; and Gabriel Akinadewo, MD, Freedom Online.

    Others who attended the event included: ⁠Charles Kalu, General Manager, Peoples FM; Chima Obinna, Editor, This Day; Steve Nwosu, MD/EIC, Peoples FM/UTV Abuja; and Peter Ekele, Editor in Chief, The Cabal Newspaper; Iheanacho Nwosu, Editor, The Sun; Zebulon Agomuo, Editor, Business Day; Summer Shagari, Director News, Arise TV; Dotun Oladipo, Managing Editor, The Eagle Online; Niyi  Ojemakinde, COO, Peak Radio; and Godwin Ukaa, Deputy Director News, VON.

  • Lawyers hail Agomoh’s choice as NBA-SPIDEL chair

    Lawyers hail Agomoh’s choice as NBA-SPIDEL chair

    Professor of Law Chidi Odinkalu has congratulated leading justice sector reform advocate, Prof. Uju Agomoh, on her election as the Chair of the Nigerian Bar Association Section on Public Interest and Development Law (NBA-SPIDEL).

    In a post on his verified Twitter/X handle, Odinkalu, who is often described by his admirers as the ‘conscience of the nation,’ noted that “#SPIDEL is in excellent hands.”

    His words: “The @nba_spidel has a new Chairperson. Welcome to the job, @DrUjuAgomoh. #SPIDEL is in excellent hands.”

    The post has opened a floodgate of congratulatory messages to the new NBA-SPIDEL Executive Committee which was inaugurated at the recently concluded Annual Conference of the section in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

    Prominent Bar Leader, Mr. Jibrin Okutepa SAN also hailed the new Executive Committee, even as he led the charge in setting agenda for the SPIDEL leadership, urging the team to “engage in so many public interest litigations.” He wrote: “Congratulations @Dr Uju Agomoh my new chair. I am happy for you. Spidel needs to engage in so many public interest litigations.”

    Continuing, he wrote: “For instance is there any relationship between the right to life and the failure of government to provide Nigerians with good roads, security, hospitals and other life-saving social amenities? We need to find out. Congratulations Uju.”

    On his part, Senator Dino Melaye wrote: “Congratulations to all our new excos. More grace. My new chairman and Vice, double twale.” Melaye is a member of NBA-SPIDEL.

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    Adding his voice to the floodgate of solidarity and congratulatory messages, former Nigerian Bar Association, Abuja Branch (Unity Bar) Chairman, Mr. Bulus Atsen wrote: “Congratulations to all the new members of the Executive.”

    He was joined by former NBA Jos Branch Chairman and Chairman of the Media & Publicity Sub-Committee for the NBA-SPIDEL 2025 Annual Conference, Mr. Yakubu Bawa. His words: “Congratulations to the newly elected leaders.”

    It is recalled that Agomoh had emerged as Chairman of the section while Mr. Paul Daudu SAN will serve as the Vice Chairman. NBA Calabar Branch Chairman, Mr. Enome J. Amatey emerged as the new Secretary while Saadatu Abdullahi Mohammed is the Treasurer. Other Executive Committee members include Barbara Tosan Onwubiko (Financial Secretary) and Mojirayo Ogunlana (PRO).

    The NBA-SPIDEL Annual General Meeting (AGM) also ratified the following senior lawyers as Council members, including Prof. Paul Ananaba SAN, Dr. Monday Ubani SAN and Mr. John Aikpokpo-Martins, all former NBA-SPIDEL chairmen; Mr. Ejike Ezenwa SAN, Mr. Ntufam Mba Ukweni SAN, Mr. Andrew Odum SAN, Mr. Kunle Edun SAN, Dr. Princess Frank-Chukwuani, and Mr. Okey Leo Ohagba, among others.

    Agomoh, who anchored the highly successful NBA-SPIDEL 2025 Annual Conference, attended the University of London (Queen Mary) and Westfield College where she obtained a Bachelor of Laws degree. She was later admitted to the Nigerian Bar. She is a Chevening scholar and has a doctoral degree in Criminology & Prison Studies.

    A profile by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) titled “CELEBRATING WOMEN ICON” reads: “Dr. Uju Agomoh @ujuagomoh is the Founder and Executive Director of Prisoners’ Rehabilitation and Welfare Action (PRAWA), a leading NGO focused on security, justice, and development with regional and continental initiatives across Africa. She currently serves as the President of the International Corrections and Prisons Association (ICPA) Africa Chapter.

    “Dr. Agomoh is also the Programme Manager for the Speeding Up Project (Component 4.2) under the Justice for All Programme, a UK DFID-funded initiative in Nigeria. Additionally, she leads the Police and Human Rights Project, funded by the Swiss Embassy in Nigeria.

    “Previously, she was a Research Fellow at the Institute for Development Studies (IDS), University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus (2010–2013). She has also served on the Governing Council of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and is a member of the Steering Committee of the African Security Sector Network (ASSN).

    “Dr. Agomoh has made significant contributions to justice reform, with a focus on increasing access to justice, reducing offending behavior, and preventing violence and torture —particularly in low-income communities. Her work continues to shape policies and interventions for a more effective and humane justice system in Africa.”

  • Court orders status quo over installation of Onisemo of Lagos

    Court orders status quo over installation of Onisemo of Lagos

    The Lagos State High Court has ordered all parties to maintain the status quo in the dispute over the proposed installation of a new Onisemo of Lagos, pending further hearing in a suit challenging the selection process.

    The order was made following an application by members of the Onisemo Chieftaincy Family, who are contesting moves to install Mr. Lookman Bolaji Oluwa, also known as Lookman Noah Fagbayi, as the Onisemo of Lagos.

    The claimants (plaintiffs) in the suit are: Princess Olabiyi Kosoko, Mrs. Hawawu Abiodun Teluwo (suing for themselves and on behalf of the Onisemo Chieftaincy Family of Lagos) and Mr. Olusegun Adebiyi Gbolade.

    The defendants are: the Governor of Lagos State, the Attorney-General, Alayeluwa Oba Rilwan Babatunde Osuolale Aremu Akiolu I (the Oba of Lagos), Executive Chairman, Lagos Island Local Government; Secretary, Chieftaincy Committee, Lagos Island Local Government; Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs; Mr. Sodiq Abosupala and Mr. Lookman Bolaji Oluwa (a.k.a. Lookman Noah Fagbayi).

    At the hearing, Otunba Martins Ogunleye, counsel to the claimants, informed the court that while the first to sixth defendants had been served with the originating processes, service was yet to be effected on the seventh and eighth defendants.

    He moved a motion ex parte dated September 23, 2025, supported by a 22-paragraph affidavit, eight exhibits and a written address, urging the court to grant interim reliefs.

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    No legal representative appeared for the defendants at the session.

    In the substantive application, the claimants sought, among other reliefs, an order of interlocutory injunction restraining the Oba of Lagos, his servants, agents or privies from installing, coronating or performing any installation rites on the eighth defendant as the Onisemo of Lagos, pending the hearing and determination of the suit.

    Ruling, Justice N.O. Ojuromi held that interim injunctions are preservatory in nature and meant to maintain the res pending the determination of a motion on notice.

    The judge noted that the claimants relied heavily on Exhibit F, a letter from the third defendant dated September 13, 2025, allegedly informing the eighth defendant that his selection had been gazetted and that installation would soon follow.

    However, the court observed that the letter predated the service of the originating processes on the third defendant, which occurred on November 19.

    The court further held that the applicants had not sufficiently demonstrated steps allegedly taken by the defendants after service of court processes to justify the grant of an interim injunction without hearing from the other side.

    The court ordered that all parties should maintain the existing situation and adjourned the case to January 9, 2026, for report of service on the seventh and eigth defendants, with a promise of expedited hearing once service is completed.

    In an affidavit in support of the application, Princess Kosoko, the first claimant, deposed that she is the Secretary of the Oshokeji Ruling House of the Onisemo Chieftaincy Family of Lagos.

    She stated that the suit was instituted to challenge the “purported selection” of the eighth defendant as Onisemo of Lagos, insisting that he is not a member of the Onisemo chieftaincy family and does not belong to the Oshokeji Ruling House, which she said is the only ruling house entitled to produce the next Onisemo.

    Princess Kosoko further averred that it is the turn of the Oshokeji Ruling House to present the next Onisemo following the death of the last title holder, Chief Lekan Adamson, in 2019, adding that the third claimant was duly selected by the ruling house as the Onisemo-elect, as evidenced by Exhibit B.

    She alleged that in May 2025, the eighth defendant invaded the Onisemo Palace at 127/129 Enu-Owa Street, Lagos, laid claim to the stool.

    She said the family promptly petitioned the relevant authorities, including the Governor and other defendants, disowning the eighth defendant’s claims, but alleged that the authorities failed to act.

    Princess Kosoko disclosed that a separate court action seeking pre-emptive injunctive reliefs had earlier been filed by family members.

    She added that letters were also written to government officials urging them to maintain the status quo.

    She expressed shock at the emergence of the letter from the third defendant, which allegedly conveyed that the eighth defendant’s selection had been approved and gazetted, noting that the approval was allegedly signed on July 31, 2025, but backdated to April 2025, despite the pendency of court proceedings.

    Princess Kosoko warned that the actions of the defendants were capable of causing unrest within the family and the community, stressing that the stool of Onisemo is a traditional and cultural institution whose desecration could not be compensated with monetary damages.

    She maintained that the eighth defendant would suffer no loss if restrained, as he had not been formally installed, and undertook to indemnify the defendants in damages should the injunction later be found to have been wrongly sought.

    The case continues on January 9, 2026.