Category: Law

  • ‘Lawyers abattoir’ to ease yuletide burden

    ‘Lawyers abattoir’ to ease yuletide burden

    The Nigerian Bar  Association (NBA), Ado-Ekiti Branch, has launched a welfare initiative tagged “Lawyers’ Christmas Abattoir” as part of efforts to cushion the economic pressure associated with the yuletide season for its members.

    Chairman of the branch, Dr Taiwo Omidoyin, said the initiative was designed to reduce the financial obligations lawyers often face during the festive period.

    Under the scheme, beef and chicken will be sold to members at 50 per cent of the prevailing market price, with live cows butchered and sold per kilogramme, alongside subsidised poultry.

    He explained that the Christmas Abattoir was the fourth edition of the branch’s Lawyers’ Market Initiative, which was introduced to provide economic relief to members amid the prevailing economic challenges.

    Omidoyin recalled that the first edition, held in August 2024 at the peak of food inflation, saw essential food items sold to members at half the market price, while the second edition followed in November 2024 during a nationwide increase in the cost of cooking gas.

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    He added that the third edition, tagged Lawyers’ Fruits Market, was organised during the Lent and Ramadan period in March 2025, when fruits were distributed free of charge to members.

    Omidoyin reiterated the commitment of his administration to members’ welfare, saying that professional excellence must go hand in hand with mutual support and social responsibility.

    He added that his administration would continue to introduce relief programmes to ease financial pressure on members during challenging periods, assuring that the initiatives reflect a commitment to compassion and responsive leadership beyond professional engagements.

    One of the beneficiaries, Mrs  Bolanle Scholastica Ojo, lauded the leadership of the branch for what she described as a timely and thoughtful intervention.

    She said the initiative would significantly reduce household expenses during the festive season, saying: “Buying meat at half the market price makes a big difference.”

    Another beneficiary, Dr. Ifeoluwayimika Bamidele, an associate professor in the College of Law, Afe Babalola University, described the programme as a reflection of pragmatic and responsive leadership.

    “This is not the first time the NBA Ado-Ekiti leadership is coming to the aid of members. From food items to gas and now meat for Christmas, the impact is real and commendable,” he noted.

  • Senator seeks stronger partnership with lawyers

    Senator seeks stronger partnership with lawyers

    • NBA Ilorin honours Mustapha

    Senator Saliu Mustapha has underscored the need for strong collaboration between lawyers and legislators.

    He described such synergy as essential not only to tackling insecurity but also to Nigeria’s overall national development.

    The lawmaker, who represents Kwara Central Senatorial District, spoke in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, during a dinner organised in his honour by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ilorin Branch.

    According to Mr Mustapha, sustainable national development cannot be achieved in an atmosphere of insecurity, weak justice delivery and ineffective laws, stressing that lawmakers and legal practitioners must work together to strengthen the country’s institutions.

    He explained that while legislators are saddled with the responsibility of enacting laws that respond to societal needs and emerging security threats, lawyers play a pivotal role in interpreting and applying those laws to ensure justice, stability and social order.

    “National development goes beyond infrastructure and economic growth. It also includes security, justice and public confidence in the rule of law,” the senator said.

    “The fight against banditry and terrorism is not the responsibility of the military and security agencies alone. It is a collective effort that requires the synergy of lawmakers who make the laws and lawyers who interpret and apply them.”

    Mustapha noted that ineffective prosecutions, prolonged trials and weak legal processes often undermine development efforts by emboldening criminals and discouraging investment.

    “As legislators, our duty is to make clear, robust and responsive laws that address the realities on the ground.

    “However, those laws can only achieve their purpose when members of the Bar interpret them in ways that strengthen justice delivery and ensure swift dispensation of cases,” he added.

    He maintained that a functional criminal justice system would not only deter crime but also create a safer environment for economic activities and national growth.

    “When justice is delayed or compromised, criminals are encouraged, and development suffers. But when laws are clear, and justice is swift, society becomes safer, and progress is guaranteed,” he said.

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    The senator commended the NBA Ilorin Branch for its professionalism, ethical standards and commitment to the rule of law, describing the Ilorin Bar as a model of courage and discipline within the legal profession.

    “The Ilorin Bar has remained consistent in standing for justice, even in difficult times. Your contributions to the growth of our justice system and society are invaluable,” he said.

    Mr Mustapha expressed gratitude to the association for honouring him with induction into the NBA Roll of Honours, describing the recognition as humbling and a call to greater responsibility.

    He said the honour would further motivate him to champion legal reforms, strengthen justice institutions and support initiatives aimed at promoting peace, security and national development.

    “I am deeply honoured to be counted among distinguished Nigerians who have contributed to the growth of our state and country. I assure you of my continued support for causes that promote justice, peace and national cohesion,” he said.

    At the event, Mr Mustapha was formally inducted into the NBA Roll of Honours, joining notable personalities such as former Kwara State Governor Muhammed Lawal, former Senate President Bukola Saraki, and the late General Abdulkareem Adisa.

    Senior members of the legal profession in attendance included Mallam Yusuf Ali (SAN); Mrs Ronke Adeyemi; Mr K. K. Eleja (SAN); Mr AbdulRazak Gold (SAN); and Mr Taiye Oniyide (SAN), among others.

  • Judicial gridlock: implications of prioritising electoral justice above socio-economic justice

    Judicial gridlock: implications of prioritising electoral justice above socio-economic justice

    • By Fidelis Oditah, KC SAN

    In every democracy based upon the rule of law, the judiciary plays a central role as the third organ of the government, resolving a succession of issues between private persons and between individuals and the state. 

    In Nigeria, our courts are an important public resource and a pillar of the rule of law and our democracy, performing a difficult and very visible role with meagre resources. If the role is properly performed, our courts can strengthen our democracy and economic prospects by (i) enforcing contract and property rights, (ii) protecting human and social rights, (iii) ensuring that elected leaders have mandate and legitimacy, (iv) ensuring that the law is respected and enforced in accordance with and well-known procedures, and (v) ensuring political and institutional accountability. In this way, our courts can be a force for good by promoting economic development, good governance, a culture of accountability and respect for law and institutions, social cohesion and national stability. If they fail to perform the role effectively, the converse would be the case – illegitimacy of political leaders, poor governance, impunity and social upheaval.

    The court has a central role to play in the economic development and prosperity of our country. Just as economies are underpinned by trade, so trade is underpinned by the fabric of law and the civil justice system.  The law itself provides the basic structure within which commerce and industry operates.  It safeguards the rights of individuals, regulates their dealings with others. An important aspect of the rule of law is the enforcement of contract and property rights in a timely and effective manner by impartial courts. A steady neglect or decline in the rule of law in many developing countries has been a major reason for the decline in the development prospects of such countries.  If foreign and domestic investors lose faith in the ability of our law and the judicial system to protect their investments and property rights or to adjudicate disputes in a timely and fair manner without undue or improper influences, they would be reluctant to invest.  The result would be a flight of capital out of our country to other countries where these values are given greater primacy.   The extent to which we can attract business to our country depends in part upon investor perception of the quality of our civil and criminal justice system.  If our system of civil and criminal justice is perceived to be inefficient and ineffective, we would lose out to more efficient systems. Nigeria needs a strong, independent and effective civil and criminal justice system to trade itself out of poverty and into prosperity.

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    In order to perform this role, a civil or criminal justice system must possess three qualities: it should be just, fair and effective in resolving disputes. How does our system measure against these three benchmarks?

    We all know that our courts are gridlocked. Cases can stay in court for 20-30 years. Litigants would have died and everyone would have forgotten what the dispute is about, save possibly in land matters.

    I would like to start with the well-known but unfortunate case of OKAFOR v NWEKE – to court room advocates, the case is a 2007 Supreme Court decision that only a legal practitioner  may sign a court document such as a writ of summons, statement of claim, notice of appeal or motion. In that case, it was a motion issued in 2005 seeking “trinity relief” to cross appeal that was signed JHC Okolo SAN & Co. But the case is germane to our topic of judicial gridlock. The case started life at the Onitsha High Court in 1955. Judgment was delivered at first instance in 1998 after 39 years. An appeal to the Court of Appeal was allowed in 2001 and it was concluded fittingly on 17 January 2025 after 70 years of various interlocutory skirmishes on the basis of two technicalities – one, that the notice of further or additional grounds of appeal in the Court of Appeal was signed by JHC Okolo SAN & Co; two, the original notice of appeal was abandoned because the Appellant’s Brief of Argument at the same Court of Appeal was signed by the same JHC Okolo SAN & Co. Both documents were invalid because neither was signed by a legal practitioner with the result that the appeal from the decision of the High Court of Onitsha in 1998 was dismissed.

    The Okafor v Nweke case started in 1955 and 1959 at the Onitsha High Court seeking a declaration of title to land. The 1959 case was eventually tried on the basis of a Further Amended Statement of claim filed on 20 April 1993 – 34 years after the case was filed – and judgment was delivered 9 April 1998 in favour of the plaintiffs – 5 years later and 39 years after the case was filed at the High Court. Costs of N10k were awarded. A notice of appeal was filed on 22 June 1998 containing two grounds of appeal. Further/Additional Grounds of Appeal were filed in Jan 1999 and an appellant’s brief of argument in February 1999. Both were signed “JHC Okolo SAN & Co”. On 25 January 2001, the Court of Appeal allowed the appeal on the ground that the existence of the 1955 proceedings made the 1959 proceedings an abuse of process. An appeal to the Supreme Court was filed on 2 April 2001 and amended on 7 September 2020.  The Supreme Court held that the Additional grounds were incompetent because of the signature, leaving the original grounds which were deemed abandoned because of the incompetent brief of argument. The court stated that a brief of argument was jurisdictional and that an unsigned and incompetent brief was incapable of conferring jurisdiction on the Court of appeal.

    There are numerous other examples.

    Why did I say we should start from here? The case illustrates two fundamental problems with Nigerian civil justice system: first, inordinate delay; second, Nigerian courts’ excessive and self-destructive obsession with matters of form and procedure rather than of substance. Both problems feed off each other: because litigants and their lawyers know that the courts are obsessed with form and procedure, they take every possible formal or procedural objection, wrapping it up in the garb of “jurisdictional” objection, and run it to the Supreme Court. Interlocutory applications are a bane of Nigerian civil justice system and have become veritable instruments in the unending war of attrition as lawyers, both advocates and judges, indulge themselves in matters of form at the expense of justice. In Nigeria, the problem is not access to justice; it is exit from justice. How do you extricate and disentangle yourself from the Nigerian justice system once you have had the misfortune to get entangled?

    Refer to AIHL v Meridien – enforcement of arbitral award since 2011. Challenge enforcement all the way to Supreme Court. As we got bailiff to execute judgment, judgment debtor brought fresh proceedings in 2023 to restrain enforcement. That proceeding has not been argued. Since June 2025 there have been 6 adjournments. I will read out the reasons for the adjournments.

    No system can function like that or serve public interest if it is this ineffective.

    There is a lot of lamentation by judges about spurious and abusive litigation which choke up the court. What have they done about it?

    How did we get here?

    In my view, there are many reasons for the judicial gridlock:

    a. Lack of institutional capacity – understaffing, weak, incompetent, inexperienced and corrupt judicial officers caused by inappropriate recruitment and promotion practices, political influences over judicial appointment and promotion processes, and poor work ethic, outdated and decaying court infrastructure due to decades of neglect and underfunding, chaotic court registries.

    b. Weak case management – judges are unable to manage cases before them and accede to almost every spurious request for adjournment. Often court rooms are over congested and judges accept requests for adjournments with gratitude.

    c. Poor case listing practices – far too many cases are listed daily which do not get a hearing for a variety of reasons; sometimes cases are listed without regard to the availability of counsel due to poor communication between court registries and counsel.

    d. Unclear definition and allocation of jurisdiction between the Federal High Court and the State High Courts based on section 251 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 especially the meaning of “simple contracts”. It is a disgrace that after 52 years of litigation, we still have no clarity regarding the respective jurisdictions of the Federal High Court and State High Court. Section 251(1)(e) allocates jurisdiction to the Federal High Court over disputes “arising from the operation of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) or regulating the operation of companies incorporated under CAMA”. A dispute relating to the removal of a director from office is apparently within section 251(e) , but a claim by a director for wrongful termination of employment contract is said to be a “simple contract” and therefore outside the jurisdiction of the Federal High Court.  In a similar vein, a dispute involving “an Armada of Technical Contracts” concerning oilfields and mining is apparently within section 251(1)(n) , but not dispute relating to the claim for a 1.5% profit interest in an oil block. 

    e.Poor and inefficient administrative practices including the transfer and promotion of judges in the middle of a trial – more problematic in the Federal High Court. All part-heard trials have to commence afresh once the trial judge is promoted, causing avoidable delay and wasted costs.

    i. One solution to the problem is to allow a promoted judge to conclude all part heard cases especially trials: see section 396(7) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 which provides as follows: “Notwithstanding the provision of any other law to the contrary, a Judge of the High Court who has been elevated to the Court of Appeal shall have dispensation to continue to sit as a High Court Judge only for the purpose of concluding any part-heard criminal matter pending before him at the time of elevation and shall conclude the same within a reasonable time.”

    ii. The provision was intended to solve the problem created by the 1979 Supreme Court decision in Ogbunyiya v Okudo (1979) 6-9 SC 32 and the 2009 decision in Our Line Ltd v SCC Nigeria Ltd (2009) 17 NWLR (Pt 1170) 383. In Ogbunyiya v Okudo, Justice Nnaemeka-Agu delivered a judgment in a case that had been pending before him as a Judge of the High Court of Anambra State – notwithstanding that he had been elevated to the Court of Appeal two days earlier. The Supreme Court set aside the judgment on the basis that when he gave the judgment he had ceased to be a Judge of the Anambra State High Court and therefore lacked jurisdiction.

    iii. Unfortunately, in the Orji Uzor Kalu case – Ude Jones Udeogu v Federal Republic of Nigeria (2022) 3 NWLR (Pt 1816) 41, the Nigerian Supreme Court declared section 396(7) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 (‘ACJA’) to be inconsistent with provisions of sections 253 and 290 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 and that it is thus void to the extent of that inconsistency. Section 253 provides that “the Federal High Court shall be duly constituted if it consists of at least one Judge of that Court.” Section 290 provides that a person appointed to any judicial office shall not perform the functions of the office until he has taken the Oath of Allegiance and the Judicial Oath; the section also now includes requirements relating to declaration of assets. The court held that it had interpreted the previous equivalent of this provision (s. 254 of the 1979 Constitution) to mean that a person elevated to a higher court ceases to be a judge of the court from which he was elevated.

    iv. The Supreme Court set aside a conviction on the basis that Justice Idris Mohammed had been promoted to the Court of Appeal even though he had not been sworn in when he concluded Orji Uzor Kalu’s trial. The Supreme Court said that it did not matter that Orji Uzor Kalu’s lawyer had requested for Justice Idris to conclude the trial. As a result, a trial that had commenced in 2007 was set aside without regard for the legislative intent or the public interest or the fact that some of the witnesses might have died and that a fresh trial would be all but impossible. In the UK, for example, promoted judges sit in their former courts to assist with a few cases. High Court Judges sit with Court of Appeal Judges where more hands are required. We are on our own in refusing to give effect to a clear and very desirable statutory provision designed to address the scourge of delay in the administration of civil and criminal justice.

    f. Widespread misuse of interlocutory appeals and requests for stay of proceedings – partial solution in section 306 of the ACJA 2015.

    g. Excessive and self-destructive obsession with form and procedure at the expense of justice. In Statoil & Texaco v NNPC at the US District Court SDNY in 2020, it was stated that Nigerian courts use “hyper-technicalities” to obscure and miscarry justice. That was a case arising from an arbitration where NNPC was alleged to have overlifted tax oil. 

    h.         Adjudication in Nigeria is formulaic and involves excessive box-ticking which prevents analysis. Take two examples (a) once a statute prescribes a particular way of doing something, no other way is permissible (b) where a statute provides a condition precedent to the commencement of an action, failure to fulfil the condition will deny the court jurisdiction to hear the matter.  We take refuge in box-ticking, formulas and catchphrases instead of analysis. The biggest impetus for this misadventure is the celebrated case of Madukolu v Nkemdilim which set out a three-pronged test for evaluating the competence of a court. It is universal solvent of all competence and procedural issues. Once you tick the boxes nullification follows as surely as night follows day. No analysis of the duty of the court, the purpose of the statute or legal rule in question, considerations of prejudice or lack of it.

    i.          Perhaps the biggest challenge is the so called “jurisdictional” objection. To be clear, the problem is not the existence of useful procedural tools such as the preliminary objection or the trial of a preliminary issue. The problem is a fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of a truly jurisdictional objection. In Nigerian courts, there is a fundamental and unfortunate conflation of “jurisdiction” and “admissibility”, with tragic consequences.

    j.          I’m concerned that Nigerian law is going down a blind alley from which it needs to extricate itself; I cannot see any light at the end of the tunnel. Unless the rampaging misunderstanding of “jurisdiction” is brought under control, the problem of gridlock will get worse:

    i.          A court’s jurisdiction is almost always statutory, ie the authority of a court to decide matters brought before it – does the subject matter fall within the statutory power of the court, eg section 251 of the Constitution, in relation to the Federal High Court, and section 254C in relation to the National Industrial Court? That is substantive or subject matter jurisdiction. There is also personal jurisdiction in the sense that a court could exercise its authority over persons who are present within its territory or have otherwise submitted to its jurisdiction. We are not concerned with that.

    ii.         The procedure for bringing a case before the court and invoking the statutory jurisdiction of the court is another matter. The question of “jurisdiction” concerns the constitutional and statutory powers of the court to hear and determine disputes brought before it. The question of “admissibility”, on the other hand, relates to the claim before the court rather than to the power of the court, and asks whether this is a claim which can be properly brought. Have all the correct pieces of paper been filed? Are the papers correctly signed by a legal practitioner? Has the Claimant paid the court fee? Has the Claimant complied with any pre-condition, contractual or statutory –amicable dispute resolution, eg a meeting of the parties’ representatives; it could be statutory pre-action notice. The important thing is that they are all matters of procedure or admissibility, rather than of jurisdiction.

    iii.        The significance of the distinction for present purposes is that “jurisdiction”, being substantive, cannot be waived , but “admissibility”, which is merely procedural, can be waived. 

    iv.         This distinction was explained by Justice Ayoola in the Supreme Court in 2002 in Mobil Producing (Nig) Ltd v LASEPA  as follows:

    “…an irregularity in the exercise of jurisdiction should not be confused with a lack of jurisdiction which takes cognisance of the general meaning of the word “jurisdiction” as the “the authority which a court has to decide matters that are litigated before it or take cognisance of matters presented in a formal way for its decision”. (See Halsbury’s (op cit) para. 715). Procedure for invoking the jurisdiction of the court should not be confused with the authority of the court to decide matters which on the face of the proceedings have been properly presented in the formal way for its decision and which are within its jurisdiction.

    v.          Sometimes admissibility is referred to confusingly as “procedural” jurisdiction.

    vi.        Many of the issues incorrectly described as “jurisdictional” in Nigeria are analytically matters of “admissibility” as they affect the claim rather than the statutory power of the court. For example, the question whether an originating process can be signed by a law firm rather than a legal practitioner is a question of “admissibility” as it affects the claim sought to be asserted, rather than jurisdictional – the power of the court. If this simple distinction is observed, it would clarify a lot of confusion in Nigerian law and practice.

    vii.       In Solumade v Kuti , in which a writ of summons was signed by M A Bashua & Co, the late Oseji JSC (giving the lead judgment) expressed sadness at the fact that the proceedings which commenced in 1998 to resolve a land dispute, and in which there had been a trial and an appeal to the Court of Appeal should be set aside after 23 years because of “what the law sees as an incompetent originating process” . Take note of the powerful dissent of Agim JSC.

    k.         Perhaps the source of the error which has burdened civil and criminal practice in Nigeria is the often-cited statement by Bairamian FJ in Madukolu v Nkemdilim  that

     “Put briefly, a Court is competent when-

    (1) it is properly constituted as regards numbers and qualifications of the members of the bench, and no member is disqualified for one reason or another; and

    (2) the subject matter of the case is within its jurisdiction, and there is no feature in the case which prevents the Court from exercising its jurisdiction, and

    (3) the case before the Court is initiated by due process of law, and upon fulfilment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction.

    Any defect in competence is fatal. For the proceedings are a nullity however well conducted and decided. The defect is extrinsic to the adjudication. But is it?

    i.          The first requirement is truly jurisdiction. So also the first part of the second requirement. But the third requirement is not in any sense jurisdictional. So also the second part of the second requirement. Both confuse “jurisdiction” or competence of a court properly so called, with “admissibility” of a claim. Issues of jurisdiction go to the existence or otherwise of a court’s statutory power to judge the merits of a dispute; issues of admissibility go to whether the court will exercise that power in relation to the claims submitted to it. For example, “there is no feature in the case which prevents the Court from exercising its jurisdiction”, concerns “admissibility” of a claim rather than the power of the court. Similarly, the claim being “initiated by due process of law, and upon fulfilment of any condition precedent to the exercise of jurisdiction” is about admissibility of the claim rather than the power of the court. The fulfilment of conditions precedent has also been confirmed in the field of arbitration as a matter going to the “admissibility” of a claim rather than the jurisdiction or power of the tribunal.

    ii.         This catchphrase and box-ticking have done untold damage to the administration of civil and criminal justice in Nigeria.

    l.          In many jurisdictions, the distinction between rules that are mandatory and those that are directory has largely fallen into disuse. Compare, for example, the approach of the UK Supreme Court in R v Soneji   involving section 72A(3) of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 with the case of Zakari v Nigerian Army .

    m.        In Soneji, Kamlesh Soneji and David Bullen pleaded guilty and were convicted in April 2000 of conspiracy to convert property and move the proceeds abroad knowing the same to represent the proceeds of criminal conduct. Confiscation orders, which were required to be made within 6 months of conviction, were made in January and February 2002 – more than 18 months after. The convictions were upheld. Lord Steyn said it was not useful to ask whether the rule prescribing a 6-month time limit was mandatory or directory. Instead, the true question to ask was whether parliament intended that a failure to comply with the 6-month timetable should deprive the court of jurisdiction and invalidate all proceedings and orders made thereafter, ie to focus on the consequence of non-compliance with the prescribed time-limit. He held that the intention of parliament was not that non-compliance deprived the court of jurisdiction. He also pointed out that it was in the public interest not to allow a convicted offender to escape confiscation simply because of errors of the judicial process.

    n.         In Zakari v Nigerian Army, Zakari, who was the chairman of a task force sent to investigate the illegal use of Nitel lines for 419 business by yahoo boys, received a bribe of N40k from the suspect company and he released employees of the company that had been arrested. He was court marshalled and convicted. He challenged his conviction on the basis that the court-marshal had a panel of 4 members one of them was his junior. Sections 129(b) and 133 of the Armed Forces Act required a court martial panel to have three members all of whom should be senior to or at least the same rank as the accused officer. In this case, 3 of the 4 officers were senior or same rank as Zakari. The Supreme Court set aside the conviction, saying that once a member of the panel was disqualified notwithstanding that the officers constituting the quorum were qualified, the entire proceedings would be a nullity. At page 106D, Justice Ngwuta said that the argument that the fourth member was superfluous as the quorum was 3 members was “curious” and self-defeating, because “If a court, properly constituted by way of membership brings in an additional member who is not qualified to sit, it loses its competence to adjudicate because its composition has changed resulting in a change of the number and qualification of membership”, citing the case of Madukolu v Nkemdilim.

    o.         The Zakari case illustrates one of the tragedies of adjudication in Nigeria – which is the recourse to formulas, catchphrases and clichés instead of analysis of legislative intent and public interest. The Supreme Court did not ask whether the legislator intended that the entire proceedings should be nullified if the quorum was present but an additional person sat. It did not matter that the Capt Zakari, the gatekeeper, joined the thieves. It did not matter what the public interest required. All that apparently mattered to the Supreme Court was that a fourth superfluous member of the panel sat. That is a very peculiar and narrow understanding of the judicial function and duty.

    p.         Zakari

    q.         You could add the Orji Uzo Kalu case.

    r.          In Okafor v Nweke No 2, the Supreme Court held that an unsigned brief of argument deprived the court of jurisdiction to hear the appeal. How can that be correct? We are just wasting our time!

    s.          Hyper technicality!

    t.          In Makinde v Adekola (2022) 9 NWLR (Pt 1834) 13 there was an unsuccessful challenge to a brief of argument which was allegedly written in a wrong font said to contravene the Supreme Court Rules!

    u.         In Okafor v Nweke No 2, there was also an unsuccessful challenge to a court document which did not contain the address of the second respondent.

    v.          Fittingly, the Okafor v Nweke case ended after 70 years of fruitless litigation on the basis that the Notice of further/Additional grounds of appeal as well as brief of argument were signed by JHC Okolo SAN and Co!

    w.         In criminal litigation, section 396(2) ACJA 2015 provides that jurisdictional and other objections should be taken with the merits and rules upon when judgment is delivered. Partial solution in civil litigation in proceedings begun by originating summons, now reflected in civil procedure rules eg Order 29 of the Federal High Court Rules 2019 – must be raised within 21 days otherwise will be dealt with at the conclusion of the proceedings.

    14.       Costs in civil litigation

    a.         Role of costs in civil litigation.

    b.         Incentives?

    c.         Basis for assessment – standard or indemnity. In th

    d.         Are costs awards realistic? Unless and until the courts begin to exercise properly the power to award costs, the courts at all levels will remain congested.

    e.         In any rational system of civil procedure, adverse costs orders are the principal deterrent against abuse of litigation.

    f.            In addition, the successful party should recover his costs reasonable (or a substantial proportion thereof) from the unsuccessful party. 

    g.         The threat of adverse costs can induce parties to settle their proceedings either without recourse to the courts or without a trial.

    h.         Unfortunately, although our courts have powers to award costs, surprisingly they have exercised the powers almost without exception in a manner which not only encourages wasteful and irresponsible conduct of litigation, but also appears to penalise the successful party by awarding what can fairly be described as nominal costs. 

    i.          There are many consequences of the derisory cost regime:  (a) encourages frivolous litigation; (b) gridlock; (c) discourages investment and thereby undermines positive policies aimed at improving the investment climate in Nigeria; (d) impoverishes our jurisprudence – no time to think calmly and produce quality judgments; (e) over burdens the judicial infrastructure; (f) damages the health of judicial officers especially judges. 

    j.          See examples from costs in arbitral proceedings – (a) Econet shareholder dispute No 1 against Celtel – £5,701,442, plus US$1,170,738; (b) Econet No 2 against FBC Assets £2,106,404 plus US$711,779; (c) Total v NNPC (2013) – £4,456,424 plus US$1,945,732; (d) Total v NNPC (Nov 2025) – 3 Nigerian arbitrators awarded US$304,406 plus $38,785 ($343k), plus N100m, plus N12m (N112m) where purely local counsel was used. Why aren’t our courts awarding costs at this level?

    k.         Wasted costs orders.

    l.          Sanction erring lawyers especially senior lawyers including imposing wasted costs.

    HOW DID THESE PROBLEMS AFFECT ELECTORAL LITIGATION?

    15.       In some cases, election litigation, both pre and post, went on for several 4 years, eg Dr Fayemi against Mr Oni (Ekiti State), Peter Obi against Andy Uba (Anambra State), Adams Oshiomole v Prof Okunbor (Edo State). Hence those states have off cycle governorship elections. In the case of State and National Assembly litigation, some cases remained in court until after life of the Assembly – assemblies have a fixed 4-year lifespan from the date of inauguration.

    16.       That’s why our selfish lawmakers decided to give themselves and their electoral litigation priority over all other litigation, both civil and criminal.

    17.       Against the backdrop of judicial gridlock – case backlogs, procedural delays and institutional inefficiencies that collectively obstruct the timely delivery of justice – Nigerian legislators decided to (a) create special tribunals to hear post election disputes, and (b) give priority to electoral litigation affecting politicians alone. They did so constitutionally in section 285 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 – timelines for filing pre and post election disputes (14 and 21 days respectively) and for disposing of such disputes (180 days for first instance: court or tribunal) and 60 days for appeals. To cut out interlocutory appeals, section 285(8) provides that ruling on any preliminary issue or interlocutory issue affecting the jurisdiction of the court or tribunal shall be made at the time of the final judgment. 

    18.       Non-electoral political litigation also enjoy disproportionate priority even without a statutory provision. For example, the Rivers State political crisis pitting the Governor against the House of Assembly, the originating summons was filed on 15 July 2024 and the judgment of the Supreme Court was handed down on 28 February 2025 – a mere 7 months: a Federal High Court judgment was delivered in favour of the defected lawmakers on 30 October 2024, and the Court of Appeal delivered its judgment on December 13, 2024. The Supreme Court, on the 28th of February delivered its judgment on the matter on February 28.

    19.       In contrast, in the case instituted at the Supreme Court by some governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) challenging the suspension of Rivers State’s democratically elected officials under an emergency rule. The matter could not be slated for hearing at the Supreme Court until the end of the 6-month emergency Rule. The matter was only recently heard at the Supreme Court on November 28, 2025 and judgment delivered on 15 December 2025 striking out the proceedings for want of locus by PDP Governors.

    20.       There may be perfectly good reasons for that, but in the court of public opinion and public perception, the reality is different.

    21.       Thus electoral and other political cases receive expedited hearing schedules, specialised tribunals, and heightened judicial scrutiny compared to ordinary civil and criminal socioeconomic cases. This preferential treatment creates a two-tier justice system where politically connected litigants can access swift resolution while ordinary citizens face interminable delay.

    22.       To meet the demand for prioritised justice, a huge amount of judicial resources is diverted to electoral and political cases at the expense of socio-economic litigation involving land and property rights, commercial disputes, human rights, etc, further exacerbating the gridlock problem. According to the research carried out by the Kimpact Development Initiative, there were 1,893 pre-election cases after the conclusion of party primaries in June 2022. With only 77 Federal High Court judges in Nigeria available to decide these 1,893 pre-election cases, as prescribed by the Electoral Act , of which 815 were appealed and more than 400 reached the Supreme Court.  The sheer number made is created a logjam that forced the suspension of regular proceedings, leaving thousands of other litigants in limbo as they struggled to meet the 180-day deadline.

    23.       As regards post-election litigation, 1,209 petitions were filed, according to Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC)’s 9 April 2025 report , with 840 appeals filed. 21 governorship election appeals went to the Supreme Court.  For example, in the 2023 general elections, 338 judges were deployed to 98 election petition tribunals across Nigeria. These judges were drawn from various courts, including State High Courts, Federal High Courts, and the National Industrial Court. When these judges are assigned to election tribunals, every case pending in their home courts is put on hold.

    24.       According to PLAC:

    The Court of Appeal is responsible for constituting Election Petition Tribunals (EPT) and therefore holds the official records and statistics of the number of petitions filed by parties. According to the Court of Appeal, the official number of petitions filed following the general elections held in February and March 2023 is 1,209, out of which 206 were withdrawn, leaving 1,003. A total number of 840 appeals were filed at the Court of Appeal, 21 appeals were filed at the Supreme Court with respect to the governorship elections, and 2 appeals were filed at the Supreme Court with respect to the presidential election.

    CONSEQUENCES OF THE PRIORITISATION OF ELECTORAL AND POLITICAL CASES

    25.       In IPCO, Tomlinson J (2007) described the delays in Nigeria’s civil justice as “catastrophic” and in the Court of Appeal (2008) the Nigerian proceedings were described as “sclerotic” – pretty strong condemnation. In the Total v NNPC (2020) SDNY, adjudication in Nigerian courts was described “hyper technical”.

    26.       The prioritisation of electoral and political litigation has further exacerbated the problem of gridlock which have catastrophic economic and social consequences.

    27.       Economically, the gridlock harms investment and impedes economic development. Law and dispute resolution are central to investment climate and our national prosperity. An important aspect of the rule of law is the enforcement of contracts and property rights. If disputes are unresolved for decades, it means that a key ingredient of the rule of law is missing. The consequence is flight of investment, loss of revenue, unemployment, etc. The Project Eagle aircraft dispute – has been in court for 10 years and aircraft is unusable. Same for wet lease disputes involving Jimoh Ibrahim’s Virgin Nigeria. For 14 years Meridien has been seeking to enforce ICC arbitral awards obtained in 2011 in respect of a dispute arising from the termination of a hotel management agreement in 2006 – nearly 20 years.

    28.       The gridlock also creates weak and unaccountable institutions which undermine our democracy. Every one of us is familiar with the mantra “Go to Court” – because there is no expectation that justice can be obtained from the courts.

    29.       The World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business rankings consistently place Nigeria among the lowest-ranked countries,  partly due to the difficulties in enforcing contracts and resolving commercial disputes through the judicial system.

    30.       The United States Department for Commerce highlighted Nigeria’s “slow and ineffective judicial system”  and “lack of effective judicial due process”  in its Country Guide for US exporters.

    31.       The commercial implications of judicial delay are particularly severe for small and medium size enterprises, which lack the financial resources to sustain prolonged litigation. For these businesses, legal disputes over contracts, debts, or property rights can become existential threats when resolution takes years rather than months. The resulting economic distortion privileges large corporations with greater litigation capacity while stifling the entrepreneurial activity that drives inclusive growth. The economic costs of judicial gridlock in socio-economic matters thus represent both an immediate business constraint and a long-term development challenge.

    32.       Gridlock also leads to unfair settlements because instead of facing the prospect of interminable litigation, investors opt to cut their losses and move on.

    33.       The gridlock also has harmful social consequences.

    34.       The law and the resolution of disputes are instruments for social engineering, integration and change. Gridlock undermines the social contract between the citizens and those who exercise power in their names. Justice delayed is justice denied and encourages self-help.

    35.       The prioritisation creates a significant disparity in access to justice which disproportionately impacts ordinary Nigerians, whose access to legal remedies for economic and social grievances becomes increasingly theoretical rather than practical.

    36.       The prioritisation of electoral justice at the expense of economic and social justice reinforces inequality and alienation. Law should foster rather than hinder the growth of social life and cohesion in our community, facilitate the recognition of the sanctity of human life, maintain and enhance human dignity. Unfortunately the priority accorded to electoral and political cases prevents the realisation of these ideals and prevents law from addressing fundamental issues of poverty, inequality, and economic rights. This systemic imbalance not only perpetuates institutional dysfunction but also exacerbates socioeconomic disparities, erodes public trust in democratic institutions, and ultimately compromises Nigeria’s developmental progress.

    37.       Thus, beyond its economic effects, the deprioritization of socio-economic justice exacerbates structural inequalities and undermines the protection of fundamental human rights.  When cases involving land rights, labour disputes, consumer protection, and access to essential services face interminable delays, the justice system effectively denies redress to vulnerable and marginalised populations. This justice gap reinforces patterns of exclusion and disadvantage, particularly for those who lack the political connections to expedite their cases.

    38.       This erosion of public trust is particularly damaging in a democracy, where judicial institutions depend on public confidence to effectively fulfil their constitutional role. The institutional consequences of this trust deficit are multifaceted. As citizens lose faith in formal justice mechanisms, they may increasingly resort to other ways of settling scores including self-help, violence or mob justice.

    39.       This withdrawal from state institutions further weakens the social contract and undermines the rule of law.

    WHAT ARE THE SOLUTIONS TO THE GRIDLOCK PROBLEM?

    40.       What’s the way forward from Nigeria’s slow and ineffective judicial system? I would suggest 10 solutions.

    41.       First solution – better funding and resources for the judiciary. Recruit more judges and other court officials, upgrade the court infrastructure and make greater use of information technology.

    42.       Second solution – reduce bribery and corruption in the judiciary because often it is unclear where incompetent ends and corruption begins –  zero tolerance to judicial corruption. Stop giving corrupt judges a smack on the wrist or reinstating dismissed corrupt judges. One-year suspension without pay gives the appearance of tolerance of corruption, as does placing them on a watch list or not being eligible to apply for promotion. In most systems, it would be unthinkable that a judge with a past history of corruption could ever be considered for elevation.

    43.       Third solution – courts should exercise stronger case management powers free from appellate court interference. The aim of a managed system of dispute resolution is to ensure that cases are disposed of fairly and justly and above all that each case is allotted its appropriate share of the court’s resources.  Case management orders will therefore balance the interests of the parties to proceedings and the public interest in ensuring that the parties do not use more than their fair share of a public resource – the courts.  Case management powers underpin and seek to achieve this balance by ensuring that a judge makes procedural orders which are best for the active management of the case.

    44.       Fourth solution – limit interlocutory appeals and their effect on existing proceedings by combining jurisdiction objections with merits hearings, eg section 306 of the ACJA provides that applications for stay of proceedings shall no longer be heard until judgment. Further, such application can longer operate to stall continuation of trial. Section 306 has the potential to curb the misuse of interlocutory appeals to scuttle criminal trials.

    45.       Fifth solution – strengthening prosecution and investigation in criminal litigation– a lot of the cases that are brought to court have been very poorly investigated and the evidence in support is so deficient that one wonders why such cases should be brought to court at all.

    •          Proliferation of charges instead of investigation of 1 to 10 charges and selecting the best.

    •          There should be greater separation and independence between the investigators and the prosecutors.

    •          Better resourcing of investigation and prosecution.

    46.       Sixth solution – sort out the mess arising from the definition and allocation of jurisdiction between the Federal and the State High Courts, which is a major cause of delay in the administration and delivery of civil justice.

    47.       Seventh solution – reform the way cases are listed – by reducing the number of cases listed and the way they are listed so as to reduce multiple bookings for the same lawyer. And create better communication with counsel.

    48.       Eight solution – judicial attitude needs to change –

    •          Many Judges do not sit on time because of indiscipline.

    •          Many fail to sit in pursuit of personal business – parties, school runs, attendances at seminars and conferences.

    •          Resistance to use of modern technology.

    •          A lot of wasted time because of failure to inform counsel that Judge will be absent.

    •          Cynical attitude of the courts – if a party fails to take a procedural step on time, he is sanctioned, eg default fees, strike out or dismissal for want of diligent prosecution.

    •          But there is no sanction where a Judge misses time limits

    •          Inability to give Bench Rulings, which means that every point, however small or immaterial, will be adjourned for a Ruling.

    •          No evidence that the adjournment for Ruling gives rise to well considered Ruling. Instead, in the vast majority of cases, counsel is kept waiting in court while the Judge belatedly writes a Ruling on a matter that had been adjourned for a Ruling for several months.

    49.       Ninth solution –cure the defective system for the appointment and promotion of Judges and reduce political influence on the appointment and promotion of judges. Excessive lobbying for appointment to the Bench has meant that merit has been largely surrendered to patronage.

    •          The new trend of judges and politicians seeking to appoint their children, relatives and mistresses as judges.

    •          Serving Judges lobby politicians for promotion to the higher Bench, which is shocking.

    •          Judges nurture unnecessary social relationships because they believe they need such relationships to progress on the Bench.

    •          Senior Judges ask lower court Judges to throw cases as favour

    •          These make it all but impossible for the Judges to be independent or impartial.

    •          What is required is a merit based and rigorous selection process.

    50.       Tenth solution – impose proper costs and sanction erring lawyers especially senior lawyers including imposing wasted costs and professional discipline. As regards professional discipline, the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) is shamefully non-functional. Professional misconduct complaints lodged in 2020 are yet to be investigated.

    FINAL THOUGHTS

    51.       No system of civil or criminal justice administration is or can be perfect. Ours has been described as “catastrophic”, “sclerotic” (rigid, unresponsive, losing the ability to respond, hard and insular) and “hyper technical”. Is our judiciary incapable of adapting?

    52.       Credible civil and criminal justice systems do not fall from trees and are not delivered by angels such as the biblical Angel Gabriel. They are the result of deliberate choices made and implemented. Such credible justice systems, like other great things, do not occur by fiat or impulse, but are the products of deliberate choices made and achieved by bringing “small things” together. It is those “small things” that coalesce and guarantee fair hearing and inspire public confidence in our justice system.

    53.       For example, English law and adjudication are exported worldwide. London is the number centre of international commercial and investment arbitration. In more than 70% of cases in the English commercial court, neither party is English. English law and English courts have been chosen because of the confidence in English law and adjudication by the courts. This has enabled many small English law firms to become global firms. The value added by lawyers alone is more than US$50 billion annually. You can only imagine the direct and indirect consequences.

    54.       Our judiciary can play a very important role in making Nigeria a good destination by solving at least the judge-made problems which cause gridlock. A lot of the gridlock is due to judge made rules which are outdated and unfit for purpose. There are at least four reforms which are low hanging fruits that can be plucked quickly and effectively: (a) redefining truly jurisdictional questions and keeping them separate from admissibility questions – could invite amicus briefs, could involve a presentation to senior judges, or host civil justice summit; (b) make court rules combining jurisdictional objection with merits hearings as is done in originating summons proceedings and election litigation (section 285(8) of the Constitution); (c) reforming the award of costs – costs must be assessed, not just announced. Reasonable costs must be awarded. We do it in arbitrations in Nigeria. Why can’t the courts do the same? (d) improved work ethic and attitudinal change – CPR works in England but not in Nigeria. Case management conferences work in England but not in Nigeria. Fast track works in England but in Nigeria? Why? No civil or criminal procedure rule is self-executing. Human beings must implement.

    55.       Unless these issues are addressed, no amount of funding can ease the gridlock.

  • Man seeks justice over late father’s will

    Man seeks justice over late father’s will

    Kolawole Adesina’s struggle to have his late father’s will read by the Lagos State High Court has exposed a bitter family feud and allegations of fraud that threaten to unravel a longstanding legacy of wealth and trust.

    The son of the late Prince Emmanuel Olanipekun Adesina, a former senior UBA manager, Kolawole embarked on a mission to recover his father’s missing investments, which he alleges were misappropriated by some family members during his father’s declining health and after his death in 2006.

    His quest to uncover the truth has nearly cost him his life and resulted in legal battles that further deepened the family rift.

    Prince Adesina was married to the late Mrs. Frances Omorolaun Adesina, with whom he had two children: Kolawole and Adenike Oluwabunmi Adesina-Kupolati. With their children living abroad for decades, the couple took in a nephew, Franklin Erinle, who later became central to the controversy.

    After the father’s death, the family estate was administered by Mrs. Adesina and the children under Letters of Administration issued by the High Court in 2009. Properties including buildings in Ikeja and Iwaya were divided among the family. However, Kolawole noted that for 15 years after his father’s passing, he was excluded from accessing his father’s belongings or clarifying matters with his mother, causing rising tensions.

    The turning point came in January 2022 when Mrs. Adesina fell ill with kidney failure and dementia, prompting Kolawole to stay back in Nigeria and take care of her. Upon entering his late father’s locked room for the first time in 15 years, Kolawole discovered boxes and bags containing critical documents revealing widespread forgery, theft, and disappearance of family assets, including evidence suggesting his father had been impersonated to unlawfully sell properties.

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    Following Mrs. Adesina’s death in April 2022, Kolawole learned from the reading of her will that many assets previously under Letters of Administration reappeared in her will. More concerning was the fact that Franklin Erinle, who was never an administrator for the father’s estate, was named an administrator in the mother’s will, raising serious doubts about the estate’s management.

    A major breakthrough came when a longtime family caregiver, Aminat Ibrahim Sherima, delivered a sealed letter from Prince Adesina dated 2002, indicating the existence of a last will and testament lodged at UBA Bank for safekeeping. Subsequent lawyer inquiries confirmed the bank was holding a formal will lodged since January 2006, contradicting prior claims that the late banker died intestate.

    Questions now surround the role of the family’s law firm that facilitated Letters of Administration for the estate while allegedly holding knowledge of the will that was never executed—adding to suspicions of estate mismanagement.

    Kolawole’s pursuit of justice has come with significant personal cost. In February 2023, he was attacked with acid by unknown assailants following a peace meeting with Erinle. He has also faced charges of threat to life, malicious damage, and conduct likely to cause breach of peace, resulting in a week’s detention at Kirikiri prisons before the court dismissed the cases for lack of diligent prosecution.

    Meanwhile, the Probate Registrar’s attempts to read the original will have stalled amid legal objections from Adenike’s lawyers, Afe Babalola & Co,  who argue the will is “highly suspicious” and subject to ongoing police investigations.

  • Family alleges 20-year land dispute, killing in Ibeju-Lekki

    Family alleges 20-year land dispute, killing in Ibeju-Lekki

    Members of the Musediku family have alleged that a prolonged land dispute in Okegaade community, Ibeju-Lekki Local Council Development Area of Lagos State, has resulted in multiple killings, enforced displacement, destruction of property and alleged police complicity spanning more than two decades.

    In an interview with The Nation, Baale of Okunlaibo Okegaade town, Adesanya Musediku, said the crisis began in 2003 following the death of their father, Musediku, a descendant of the Tuyole chieftaincy family and custodian of vast ancestral land in the area.

    According to him, trouble started when extended family members moved to partition the land and allegedly sought to exclude female descendants from inheritance.

    “After our father died in 2003, family members began coming to our house for meetings. They said the land he left behind should be shared. They brought surveyors and said the land should be divided among the roots of the family  That was how the issue started.

    “Some people told me that women should not benefit from the land and that they should go to their husbands’ houses. I told them clearly that a female child is still a child and that I could not support anything that excluded them. From that point, there was serious tension,” Adesanya said.

    Adesanya alleged that the dispute escalated into violence after the Baale of Otagiri community, Sulaimon Otagiri, was invited to mediate.

    Thereafter, there was an inter-communal clash between members of Ita-Marun and Otagiri Community which resulted in the death of the Baale of Otagiri Community.

    “The Baale was called to the site to help calm the situation. Later, there was confusion in the community. Some people brought Oro into the town despite our objections because there are many women in the community. During the disturbance, the Baale was struck on the head with a stick. He was bleeding from the nose and mouth and was rushed to the hospital. Three days later, he passed away,” he said.

    He further alleged that although suspects were arrested and reportedly confessed, they were repeatedly released by the police.

    “People were arrested, and we believed the matter would be thoroughly investigated. But after a few days, they were released. When we asked questions, we were told it was based on instructions from higher authorities. Even statements they made were later changed. That left us confused and afraid,” he said.

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    Adesanya also recounted how his son, Shola Dada who was a Civil Engineer, came to spend the night at his place and was just going back to work in the morning, was killed in 2017 at Shade Junction.

    “It had rained heavily on that day, we were at the bus stop together waiting for bus to convey us to our various destinations, when we were suddenly attacked. We tried to run for our lives, Shola fell while running because of the rain, and that was how they caught him and cut him into pieces.

    “I screamed for help but no one could come to our rescue because the attackers had scared everyone away with gunshots. The police did a post-mortem, but those arrested were later released,” Adesanya said.

    Adesanya also alleged that they were also attacked on March 3, 2005, which was the remembrance day of the late Baale. According to him, some persons were killed, some of his brothers were taken away and they have not been or heard of anymore.

    “On our way back to the community to perform burial rites, we were attacked on the road by unknown persons armed with guns and cutlasses. My elder brother, who was driving the vehicle, was killed alongside others during that incident. Some of them were taken away, till today, we have not recovered their bodies,” Adesanya said.

    He also stated that another brother of his was burnt to death alongside his wife and two children.

    Another family member, Kazeem Musediku, narrated his own ordeal, including an alleged abduction and prolonged detention.

    “In August 2004, I went to check our family property to ascertain. All of a sudden, I was captured, tied, stripped naked and put inside the boot of a car. In the boot, I didn’t know where I was being taken to till we got to a spot where I was brought down out from the boot.

    “It was then I discovered that they wanted to throw me into the     Lagoon at Third Mainland Bridge. It was late at night and there was no one to help. Suddenly one of them suggested he had somewhere else to take me as opposed to throwing me into the water. I was later taken to Panti and kept in a cell for four months without knowing the offence I committed,” he said.

    Kazeem stated that his family only became aware of his existence after a preacher helped him locate his family in and notified them that he was alive and in prison. He alleged that his detention ended only after the case against him was struck out in court.

    “They could not even come to court to prove what I did. The judge struck out the case, and that was how I survived,” he said.

    The family further expressed concern that despite an injunction issued by a Lagos State High Court restraining parties from dealing with the disputed land, activities on the land have allegedly continued.

    “The court ordered that no one should do anything on the land until the matter is resolved. But from what we are seeing, the land is still being sold. Because of fear, we cannot return to the community,” Adesanya said.

    Counsel to the family, Toyin Usman Esq. represented by Olawunmi Raji of Gloria Chambers, confirmed receipt of court documents.

    “We were briefed and given copies of the injunction, the ruling of the court and the advice of the Director of Public Prosecutions. As counsel, we will go through the documents thoroughly and take all necessary legal steps to ensure that justice prevails,” he said.

    The family appealed to the Federal and Lagos State governments, as well as human rights organisations, to intervene and order an independent investigation into the alleged killings and police conduct.

    Caption for burnt people’s picture: Kehinde Olowu, his wife and two children who were burnt to death.

  • Tackling the human rights crime of corruption

    Tackling the human rights crime of corruption

    At the NBA Lagos International Human Rights Day conference, speakers argued that corruption is not just about stolen money, but also about the abuse of power in politics, institutions, and daily life. They warned this undermines democracy and basic rights, and called for stronger laws, civic engagement, and institutional reforms to treat corruption as a human rights issue. Udeh Onyebuchi reports.

    Corruption has become an epidemic that continues to erode the fundamental human rights of citizens.

    Its effects are visible everywhere, from rising unemployment to dilapidated roads, overcrowded hospitals without drugs, classrooms without teachers, and police stations where justice is often exchanged for bribes.

    There is no denying that corruption, poor public service delivery and political instability undermine national development.

    These harsh realities formed the backdrop of the International Human Rights Day conference organised by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Lagos Branch, to mark the 77th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    Its theme was: “Corruption and human rights: the hidden cost of bad governance.”

    The event brought together jurists, academics and human rights advocates to reflect on corruption, governance and the protection of human rights.

    It framed corruption not merely as a financial crime, but as a direct assault on human rights.

    From retired Federal High Court judge, Justice Taiwo Taiwo, to other legal practitioners, speakers echoed the same message: corruption is the silent driver of poverty, insecurity and widespread human rights violations in Nigeria.

    The hidden cost of bad governance

    In his keynote address, Justice Taiwo said corruption and systemic human rights abuses are the true cost of bad governance, adding that Nigeria’s democracy has drifted away from its core values.

    He recalled a time when governance was anchored on transparency, with functional tender boards serving as safeguards against corruption.

    According to him, contracts were openly advertised, and public officers were bound by clear procedures.

    “Tender Boards ensured that the process was fair, transparent and compliant with regulations.

    “Their purpose was to prevent corruption and ensure value for money in public procurement,” he said.

    Justice Taiwo lamented that such mechanisms have either disappeared or been reduced to weak institutions that now serve powerful interests rather than the law.

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    He argued that corruption and politics in Nigeria have become inseparable, strangling genuine democracy.

    “Unfortunately, there is a symbiotic link between corruption and politics – an umbilical cord tying the two together,” he said, noting that corruption heavily influences the country’s democratic practice.

    He questioned the sources of campaign funding and accused the political class of shielding corrupt individuals with slogans such as “come and chop” and “your sins are forgiven if you join us.”

    “Our brand of democracy deserves its own case study. It does not align with the democracy that I know,” he added.

    Justice Taiwo traced insecurity, poor infrastructure, economic hardship and lack of basic services directly to corruption.

    He defined corruption broadly to include nepotism and abuse of power, not just theft.

    “Where impunity thrives, there is no other name for it than bad governance,” he said.

    He called for a return to democratic fundamentals such as free and fair elections, the rule of law, separation of powers, and freedoms of expression and assembly.

    He also urged politicians to respect the will of the people.

    “It is better to return to the electorate who voted you into office to seek their consent before decamping or joining the bandwagon,” he said.

    Corruption as a human rights crime

    Human rights lawyer and activist, Prof. Frank Tietie, described corruption as a grave human rights crime and warned Nigerians against silence and complacency.

    He stressed that access to government services is itself a fundamental human right, noting that many rights exist only on paper because they are not enforced.

    “The right to benefit from government services is a human right. Systemic corruption deprives citizens of what they are entitled to,” he said.

    Tietie explained that when funds meant for healthcare and free medical services are diverted, it leads directly to avoidable deaths.

    “When money meant for free drugs and treatment is siphoned and people die unnecessarily, that is corruption impacting human rights,” he stated.

    He blamed poor leadership and entrenched corruption for mass migration, adding that politicians often act with impunity because citizens rarely resist.

    Citing everyday experiences, he said access to public officials is often monetised and basic services are tied to bribes. He recounted an incident at an airport where his luggage was delayed after he refused to offer a tip.

    “Corruption is everywhere, and the problem is that we all allow it,” he said.

    Corruption beyond government

    Legal practitioner Wale Ogunade argued that corruption is not limited to government offices but is deeply rooted in everyday abuse of power.

    He said Nigerians are quick to blame government while ignoring their own roles in sustaining corruption.

    According to him, corruption occurs wherever power is abused – In communities, workplaces, associations and informal settings.

    “Governance is not just about government. It is about how we manage any group or community. Once power is abused anywhere, that is corruption,” he said.

    Ogunade cited examples such as misuse of personal data, admission racketeering, fake medical documentation and exploitation of sensitive information by professionals.

    He referenced the 2024 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index, which scored Nigeria 26 out of 100, placing it among the 20 most corrupt countries globally.

    While troubling, he noted it was an improvement from the early 2000s when Nigeria ranked second most corrupt.

    He also cited Afrobarometer findings showing that Nigerians perceive the police as the most corrupt institution, followed by the National Assembly and the presidency.

    According to the survey, 67 per cent of Nigerians who sought police assistance paid bribes, while 53 per cent paid to avoid harassment.

    Ogunade called on lawyers and civil society to lead the fight through public interest litigation, judicial accountability, institutional integrity and reforms such as judicial independence and state policing.

    “Corruption is not just bad governance; it is a state-enabled harm and a direct attack on human rights,” he said.

    Corruption, not lack of resources

    Professor of International Law at the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, Prof. Adebisi Arewa, blamed Nigeria’s persistent poverty on systemic corruption and state failure, despite decades of oil revenue.

    He described a stark contradiction between Nigeria’s resource wealth and the “excruciating poverty” facing its citizens.

    “In spite of massive oil revenues, poverty remains the daily reality. The resources exist, but they are not reaching the people,” he said.

    Arewa stressed that human rights are concrete entitlements, including access to food, shelter, education, healthcare, roads and electricity, not abstract ideals.

    Corporate lawyer Adewale Ajadi called for deep structural and civic reforms, warning that Nigeria risks stagnation if it continues to focus on blame rather than responsibility and participation.

    He said Nigeria could become the world’s third-largest economy by 2075 if it reforms governance and economic structures. He noted that the country’s average age of 17 presents both risks and opportunities.

    “Between 2025 and 2075, we have two generations. China did it in 50 years. Singapore and South Korea did the same. Nigeria can choose a different path,” he said.

    Rights activist Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi warned that corruption and insecurity pose direct threats to the right to life.

    She said corruption affects not only infrastructure but also security, education and social welfare.

    She expressed concern over regional instability, noting that recent coups in West Africa are “too close for comfort.”

    She cited unsafe roads, poorly lit streets, abandoned schools and the growing threat of banditry and insurgency.

    Digital rights lawyer Olumide Babalola said the success of artificial intelligence and digital governance depends more on political will than technology.

    He recalled that despite promises that Remita would enhance transparency, its implementation was flawed.

    “We were told Remita would improve government finances, but some agencies failed to remit funds, and the government later switched providers,” he said.

    A call to action

    NBA Lagos Branch Chairman, Uchenna Ogunedo Akingbade, said lawyers have a unique responsibility in the fight against corruption.

    She noted that their duty goes beyond the courtroom to defending human dignity.

    “Corruption is the hidden tax Nigerians pay with their lives, opportunities and futures,” she said.

    Vice Chairman James Sonde urged lawyers to move from rhetoric to action through advocacy, monitoring, litigation and ethical conduct, reminding participants that human rights are not slogans but everyday necessities.

  • How to restore public trust in judiciary, by Osinbajo, Justice Abiru, others

    How to restore public trust in judiciary, by Osinbajo, Justice Abiru, others

    Senior lawyers, judges and policymakers gathered at a high-level luncheon in Lagos to confront the growing crisis of public trust in Nigeria’s justice system, examining judicial integrity, systemic reforms and the shared responsibilities of the Bar, the Bench and society in restoring confidence in the rule of law. Deputy News Editor JOSEPH JIBUEZE reports.

    At a time when public confidence in Nigeria’s justice system is under intense strain, leading figures in the legal profession converged to confront what many now describe as the most critical challenge facing the judiciary: trust.

    The consensus was clear:  without public trust, the courts lose legitimacy, the rule of law weakens, and justice itself becomes suspect.

    The gathering, a high-level luncheon organised by SPA Ajibade & Co, brought together senior lawyers, judges, policymakers and thought leaders.

    They examined how public confidence in the judiciary can be rebuilt through reform, accountability and collective responsibility.

    Discussions ranged from judicial ethics and court administration to technology, political will and the behaviour of lawyers themselves.

    Setting the tone, Partner at SPA Ajibade & Co, Dr. Kolawole Mayomi, said the luncheon was deliberately designed to spotlight contemporary issues confronting the legal profession and to move beyond rhetoric.

    “The aim is to bring together thought leaders and professionals to discuss, not only discuss, but provide practical solutions to these problems,” he said.

    According to Mayomi, previous editions of the forum had interrogated issues such as globalisation, the challenges of practising law as a business, the future of legal practice, partnership development, the “JAPA” syndrome, and reforms within the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

    He explained that this year’s theme, “Rebuilding Public Trust in the Nigerian Justice System: Responsibilities of the Bar, the Bench, and the Society,” was chosen to address what has become an existential problem for the profession.

    “We have the problems of improperly trained lawyers. We have a problem of a few corrupt judges. We can’t run away from that. We have problems of contradictory judgments of courts,” Mayomi said.

    He added that unenforceable laws and weak implementation mechanisms further complicate justice delivery.

    However, he stressed that the most pressing issue today is perception.

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    “But by far, the most fundamental problem we are grappling with in this profession in 2025 is a problem of the erosion of public trust,” he said. “Many citizens, truth must be told, believe that the justice system is broken or that justice is only available to the highest bidder. That’s a matter of perception.”

    For the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), trust is not an abstract concept but the very foundation upon which the legal system stands.

    “Public trust in the justice system is central to the existence of the legal profession. Without trust, the system cannot function,” he said.

    Fagbemi warned that without confidence in the courts, citizens cannot rely on them for the protection of rights or peaceful resolution of disputes.

    “Without trust, the work we do loses meaning,” he added.

    Acknowledging the pressures facing the justice system, the Attorney-General identified structural weaknesses, gaps in process, capacity and funding, as well as behavioural issues across the Bar, the Bench and society at large.

    “Yet, in all of this, one fact remains: trust is built through conduct. Trust is maintained through fairness, efficiency and transparency. Trust is repaired through action,” he said.

    He assured participants that the Federal Government was committed to rebuilding confidence in the justice sector.

    “Under the leadership of President Bola Tinubu, the Federal Government has prioritised the strengthening of the justice sector as part of the Renewed Hope Agenda,” Fagbemi said.

    He stressed that the rule of law and institutional reform are central to the administration’s vision for national development.

    Delivering the keynote address, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo (SAN) painted a sobering picture of the justice system, calling for an urgent and comprehensive overhaul of how justice is administered in Nigeria.

    He pointed to deep-seated systemic failings and alarming levels of distrust, even within the legal profession itself.

    Citing a survey conducted by SPA Ajibade & Co, Osinbajo noted that at least 73 per cent of practising lawyers believe public trust in the justice system is poor.

    “If 73 per cent of lawyers believe that public trust is low, that really, I think, describes the nature of the problem,” he said.

    Osinbajo warned that public confidence in the fairness and credibility of the justice system is being eroded almost daily.

    “Public confidence in the fairness, relevance and credibility of our justice system is being eroded practically every day,” he said.

    Describing the justice system as a public resource, he emphasised that it belongs to society, not just judges and lawyers.

    “The justice system is a public trust. It is a public resource funded by the people… it does not belong to judges or lawyers alone. It belongs to the society that it serves,” he said.

    He stressed that judicial decisions must resonate with both the letter and spirit of the law.

    “Judicial reasoning must reflect both the letter and spirit of the law. Otherwise, outcomes become technistic abstractions that are completely divorced from common sense,” Osinbajo said, arguing that justice must deliver substantive, not merely procedural, outcomes.

    The former Vice President outlined wide-ranging reforms contained in the revised National Policy on Justice (2024–2028), focusing on technology, efficiency, enforcement and governance.

    Among his recommendations were the embrace of digitisation, expanded virtual hearings to reduce delays, and the introduction of digital tools such as verbatim recording systems and AI-assisted transcription to improve accuracy and speed in court proceedings.

    He also called for the removal of procedural bottlenecks such as mandatory pre-action notices in urgent matters, improved case management, and the expansion of specialised courts and fast-track systems.

    Alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, he said, should be encouraged to reduce congestion and costs.

    On enforcement, Osinbajo argued that judgments mean little if they cannot be implemented.

    He proposed the creation of a well-trained and empowered judgment enforcement corps, separate from the police, to ensure court orders translate into real outcomes.

    He further advocated the professionalisation of court administration, suggesting that judges should not be burdened with managing complex judicial systems without administrative training.

    A separate cadre of professional court administrators, he said, would free judges to focus on adjudication.

    Osinbajo also stressed the need to strengthen judicial appointments and oversight through transparent, merit-based processes and more diverse oversight bodies, while improving judicial welfare and discipline to counter corruption and restore integrity.

    Other speakers reinforced the need for structural reform.

    Former Aviation Minister, Osita Chidoka, emphasised the importance of performance measurement. “You cannot fix what you cannot measure. We need to use data to drive the process discipline,” he said.

    Supreme Court Justice Habeeb Abiru called for limits on the types of cases that reach the apex court.

    “Matters of who should be an oba in a village and tenancy matters have no business going beyond the High Court,” he said, expressing hope that ongoing constitutional amendments would address delay-inducing issues.

    Former NBA President, Olumide Akpata, struck a more cautious note, warning that reform would be difficult without strong executive leadership.

    He expressed concern that beneficiaries of a broken system may resist change.

    “We’re in a catch 22 situation,” Akpata said, describing a paradox where reform is needed but blocked by those who benefit from dysfunction.

    “They will keep the judges impoverished so that they will keep going to beg. We may need some external stimuli,” he added.

    Managing Partner of SPA Ajibade & Co, Dr. Babatunde Ajibade (SAN), called for a formalised court monitoring system to ensure accountability and sustained reform.

    “We need to get serious,” he said, stressing that despite the challenges, the legal profession must not abandon the journey to restore public trust in Nigeria’s justice system.

    Other speakers were Prof. Pat Utomi, Dr Charles Adeogun-Phillips, Justice Oludotun Adefope-Okojie (rtd), among others.

  • Idigbe cautions against Igbo division over Anioma State

    Idigbe cautions against Igbo division over Anioma State

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Dr Anthony Idigbe, has called for deep reflection, restraint and sensitivity in the ongoing calls for the creation of Anioma State.

    He warned that the process, if poorly handled, could reopen old wounds and create new divisions among Igbo people.

    Dr Idigbe was the guest speaker at the 2025 Annual Dinner and Award Night of the Otu Oka Iwu (Association of Igbo Lawyers) in Lagos.

    The event, chaired by Abia State Deputy Governor Ikechukwu Emetu, was attended by the Asagba of Asaba, Obi Professor Epiphany Azinge (SAN), and the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Senator John Azuta-Mbata.

    Dr Idigbe urged leaders to rise above personal ambitions in addressing what he described as a highly sensitive national and ethnic question.

    According to him, the proposal for Anioma State could be viewed in two major ways: as a quest for liberation by the Anioma people who feel culturally and politically constrained, and as a form of compensation to the Southeast through the creation of an additional state.

    However, he cautioned that both perspectives raised complex identity and territorial questions that must be handled with care.

    He said: “Anioma State can be looked at as a form of liberation for the people of Anioma, who are surrounded by other cultures and who feel that those circumstances have created survival challenges for them.

    “From that point of view, the agitation is about self-determination.

    “The other perspective is to look at it as compensation for the Southeast in terms of an additional state. But once you say that, questions begin to arise.”

    Idigbe asked whether the creation of Anioma State would amount to an expansion of what is traditionally regarded as Igboland or an extension of the Southeast geopolitical zone into Anioma territory.

    “Will it mean an expansion of the territory that you will regard as Igboland, or does it mean an extension of the Southeast to the Anioma area?” he asked.

    “These are sensitive issues, and because they are sensitive, we have to be extremely careful.”

    He warned against actions or rhetoric that could give the impression of domination or annexation.

    The SAN said: “We must avoid the feeling that one particular Igbo has the right to control the other part of Igboland.

    “Anioma people do not want to come out of one bondage and go into another to be perpetrated by their brother Igbos from across the River Niger. They will fight!”

    According to him, failure to tread carefully could recreate historical mistakes rooted in power struggles and elite interests.

    Idigbe stressed: “What should be the best approach? Should we give up what we already have because we are looking for something else?”

    He urged stakeholders to reflect deeply on the consequences of their choices.

    Drawing from history, Idigbe recalled the creation of the former Midwest Region, suggesting that misplaced priorities may have limited the region’s long-term development.

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    He said: “We still think that we made the same mistake when we got the Midwest Region.

    “Maybe if we had focused on getting the capital and the premiership right, who knows how our area would have turned out?

    “Who knows whether the metropolis between Awka and Agbor would have been more established today if we had placed the larger interest above personal interest?”

    Idigbe cautioned that current agitations risk being hijacked by personal ambition.

    He said: “I am aware that people are already positioning themselves to be governors, senators and so on.

    “And because of that, they are ready to throw away what we already have.”

    Reaffirming shared identity, Idigbe stressed that Anioma people are an integral part of the Igbo nation.

    He declared: “Every Anioma person is as much Igbo as any other Igbo person. We are as much Igbo as every other Igbo person, unless someone is in denial.”

    He emphasised culture as the strongest binding force, saying: “What keeps us together is simple. Our main culture remains Igbo.

    “Over the centuries, the Igbos have been an expanding nation and many of them claim ancestry from Benin, Ishan, Yoruba, Igala, Hausa, Ibibio, Urhobo and Ijaw and viz versa.

    “Despite that, Igbo main culture is based on the adoption of the language and the two pillars of respect for age and merit through its complex recognition and reward traditions. If you’ve adopted the culture, you are Igbo.”

    Calling on leaders to act responsibly, Idigbe added: “We need to convey the right message to our people about the relationship between the Anioma people and the people of the Southeast.”

  • 1985 Law School class marks 40th reunion today

    1985 Law School class marks 40th reunion today

    Members of the Nigerian Law School Class of 1985 will today gather in Lagos to celebrate the 40th anniversary of their Call to the Bar, marking four decades of professional service to the legal profession and the nation.

    The reunion, which will take place at the Lagos Oriental Hotel, will also feature the honouring of the Director-General of the Nigerian Law School, Prof. Isa Hayatu Chiroma, SAN, alongside 26 distinguished members of the class.

    Expected at the event as Special Guests of Honour are the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun (GCON), her spouse, Chief Akin Kekere-Ekun, as well as the Governors of Lagos and Oyo States, Babajide Sanwo-Olu and Seyi Makinde.

    An international academic and professor of law, Prof. Fidelis Oditah (KC, SAN), will deliver the keynote address at the anniversary lecture and gala night.

    According to a joint statement issued by the Chairman of the Class, Chief Emeka Ngige (SAN), and the Co-Chair of the Local Organising Committee, Mrs. Folashade Alli (SAN), the event will recognise Prof. Chiroma for his outstanding contributions to the growth and reform of legal education in Nigeria.

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    The organisers said several members of the class who have excelled in different fields will also be honoured. They include judges of state high courts, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, a serving state attorney-general, professors of law, private legal practitioners, and professionals based in Nigeria and overseas.

    Among those to be celebrated are Justices Mairo Nasir, Urho Erameh and Funsho Lawal; Victor Akpoguma (SAN); Dr. Olusoji Elias; Yobe State Attorney-General, Samanja Saleh; and London-based businessman, Michael Prest, among others.

    A major highlight of the event will be the unveiling of the second phase of fundraising for the medical clinic at the Lagos Campus of the Nigerian Law School, being built by the Class as part of its contribution to its alma mater.

    The organisers urged members of the Class of 1985 to attend the gala night, which is scheduled to commence at 5 pm.

  • Awujale succession: ‘Government, kingmakers must follow historical facts, law’

    Awujale succession: ‘Government, kingmakers must follow historical facts, law’

    A lawyer/Baamofin of  Ijebuland, AbdulWasiu Oduwole, in an interview with ADEBISI ONANUGA, appealed to all levels of government to remain neutral in the selection of the next Awujale of Ijebuland. Oduwole, who is highly knowledgeable in installation  and Obaship matters in Ijebuland, urged the kingmakers to refrain from any form of corruption as regards the most coveted Awujale stool.

    What is your connection to the Ijebu-Ode royal circle and the Fusengbuwa Ruling House?

    I am Oduwole AbdulWasiu, the Baamofin Adinni of Ijebuland, Baamofin of several communities, and Baamofin of Ogun State. I am also a senior member of the Bar and a former Chairman of the NBA, Ijebu-Ode Branch. The late Baba Adebisi Obanlefa was a highly respected man during his lifetime. He served as a father figure to many of us and was a prominent member of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House in Ijebu-Ode. He was once the Olori Ebi of the Fusengbuwa family, an important royal position in Ijebuland. I was close to him while he was alive, serving as his solicitor and, at times, as his spokesman.

    What duties did you perform on behalf of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House and the late Olori Ebi?

    We worked closely together on several matters. At one point, he asked me to retrieve some archival documents from Abeokuta. These documents contained records relating to the Fusengbuwa family and the four ruling houses in Ijebu-Ode. I obtained certified true copies and handed them over to him. These records are very important to the institution of the Awujale in Ijebuland.

    We are aware that your office distributed some materials to the kingmakers recently. What kind of outcome or response are you expecting in return?

    In 1995, the late Baba Obanlefa, who was the head of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House in his lifetime, entrusted some papers to me with the instruction that if he passed on before the turn of the Fusengbuwa family to produce the Awujale, I should hand them over to the family. I have now fulfilled that promise. I released the documents in my custody to the current Heads of the family to guide them in the selection of a new candidate for Awujale. One important point is that there are three sections recognised under the law of the land for succession; the ‘Abidagba Male’, the ‘Abidagba Female’, and the ‘Abidoye’. If no credible male candidate is available from the Abidagba Male line, then the Abidagba Female line may present a candidate. If neither produces a suitable candidate, Abidoye section will then be considered. That is the order of succession.

    A document reportedly drafted around 1992 about the royal families under the Fusengbuwa Ruling House has surfaced. Can you explain how it came into existence, your role in preparing it, and its significance?

    This is the document I received in 1995. It was drafted by the elders of the diverse royal families and it documents the history of the family, describing the  six Abidagba Units and the two Abidoye Units of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House. It also delves into the ijebu traditions governing ascension to the Awujale throne. It clearly states the concept of Abidagba-that anyone aspiring to the Awujale throne should preferably be a descendant of an Abidagba, meaning a biological child (male or female) of a reigning Awujale, born while their father was on the throne. The idea was to establish legitimacy and ensure proper succession within the ruling houses. Any legitimate descendant from the Fusengbuwa Ruling House is qualified, but the document states that preference should be given to Abidagba male candidates.

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    Are you familiar with the Chiefs Law of 1957 regarding the presentation of candidates for a vacant Awujale stool? Can you explain the male line, female line, and children born before their father’s reign.

    The Chiefs Law of 1957 governs the ascension to the Awujale throne. It establishes rotation among the four ruling houses. The law also recognises both male and female lines, and it accounts for children born before or during their father’s reign.

    Could you explain the provisions regarding succession through the male line, female line, and children born before their father’s reign?

    The law is flexible. If a candidate cannot be found from the male line, the female line may be considered. The door is not closed to women; a male child from the female line is also qualified. The determining factor is legitimacy within the ruling house, not solely gender. The rotational structure for the Awujale stool was concluded as far back as 1957. There is a declaration that clearly outlines the rotation among ruling houses and the procedures for selecting a new Awujale. Everything must be done strictly in line with the law, the declaration, and the established customs relating to the ascension of an Awujale. Everyone must comply, nothing more. I believe the family and the kingmakers will abide by these provisions. The government has no direct role in this stage; it is solely the responsibility of the family and the kingmakers to produce a candidate, who will then be presented for  government‘s approval.

    With the Awujale Staff of Office now formally presented to the Fusengbuwa Ruling House, what were your initial thoughts and reflections on this development?

    We thank God for the arrival of the Staff of Office of the Awujale, which has now been formally presented to the Fusengbuwa Ruling House. This marks the official commencement of the selection process. Traditionally, it is their turn to produce the next Awujale of Ijebuland, and now that the authority has been handed over to the ruling house, it is for the family, working alongside the kingmakers to do the needful and present a king.

    As a respected legal figure in Ijebuland, do you believe the family is adequately prepared to present credible candidates within the 14-day timeframe stipulated by the council?

    It is an internal affair, and they must resolve it among themselves. I am not going to assume anything negative about them; I am very positive that they will do the needful.

    Are there other records you can share that shed light on the Fusengbuwa Ruling House or its royal families?

    When I worked closely with the late Baba Obanlefa, the Fusengbuwa Ruling House was a united block. We held meetings together, and I attended many of them. I am surprised that many new individuals are now claiming to be from the Fusengbuwa family, although the door cannot be closed against anyone. But historically, the family was a single, cohesive entity.

    If called upon by the Kingmakers, would you be willing to authenticate the 1992 document written by elders of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House and the 1957 Chief Law?

    The Olori-ebis and the Kingmakers already have the documents. They are in the Abeokuta archives and form part of the 1957 laws and related regulations. Most of the arguments being made today are based on those same documents. So yes, their authenticity is not in doubt.

    Do you think the kingmakers will key into and comply with this order and the laws of the land during the selection?

    Yes, absolutely. The kingmakers are credible individuals and people of integrity. Are we not talking about respected figures like Chief Sonny Kuku and others? These are men of unquestionable character who would not compromise their integrity under any circumstances. They will follow due process, nothing more.

    What message do you have for the leaders of the Fusengbuwa Ruling House and responsible for selecting candidates for the vacant Awujale stool?

    I commend the Fusengbuwa Ruling House both the longstanding members and new entrants, for conducting themselves with dignity. Their leadership, especially the chairman, deserves commendation. They should continue to maintain decorum and cooperate with the Kingmakers, especially those appointed by the state government. Ijebuland needs strong, capable leadership. When a powerful person ascends the throne, the stool becomes stronger. Therefore, the Fusengbuwa family should proceed and present a worthy candidate.

    What is your advice to the Kingmakers, the government, and the contestants for the throne?

    The Kingmakers must avoid corruption, as the immediate past Awujale also warned. No moneybag should be allowed to hijack the process. Their responsibility is sacred, and they must act in the best interest of Ijebuland. They must allow the process to run naturally and with integrity. To the state government, I urge neutrality. They should not influence the Kingmakers or use political power to interfere. To the contestants, I wish them all well.