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Category: Politics

  • Olawepo-Hashim and the leadership Nigeria deserves in 2027

    Olawepo-Hashim and the leadership Nigeria deserves in 2027

    By Hassan Mahmood Ibrahim

    As the clock ticks toward the 2027 general elections, Nigerians are once again faced with a pressing question: Who can truly lead the nation out of its current economic quagmire, rising insecurity, and deep national distrust?

    While many familiar names have started to re-emerge, one figure deserves closer attention—Dr. Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, a former presidential candidate, businessman, and now chieftain of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). His name has of recent, dominate the headlines, with a profile that suggests a leader whose time may finally be at hand.

    A rare blend of activist integrity, private-sector competence, and democratic consistency, Olawepo-Hashim represents a departure from the conventional political class that has delivered far less than Nigeria needs or deserves.

    Olawepo-Hashim’s political roots lie not in opportunism, but in conviction. He was an active figure in Nigeria’s pro-democracy movement during the military era, a committed voice during the struggle for resistance, and a victim of the junta’s crackdown on democratic activists.

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    That kind of political baptism by fire has shaped him into a principled democrat—someone who understands not just the mechanics of government but the moral obligations of leadership. In an era where uncertainty pervades the landscape due to the action of many politicians without clear ideological anchors, Olawepo-Hashim has remained focused on nation-building, not self-promotion.

    Academically grounded, with degrees from the University of Lagos and the University of Buckingham , and successful in business across sectors such as energy and strategic communications, Olawepo-Hashim brings a technocratic edge to political leadership.

    He is part of a class of leaders who not only understand economic theory but have created jobs, negotiated deals, and built institutions. That experience is critical in a country where economic mismanagement has led to historic inflation, a currency crisis, and record youth unemployment.

    His proposals during previous campaigns—ranging from rural industrialization to energy reform,were not just populist soundbites. They were actionable policy suggestions that remain relevant in today’s Nigeria.

    Nigeria’s political landscape remains deeply fractured along ethnic, religious, and regional lines. Olawepo-Hashim stands out as a potential bridge-builder. As a Nigerian with long-standing connections across the North and South, he carries a unique national outlook that is both inclusive and pragmatic.

    Unlike many whose appeal is rooted in ethnic loyalty or religious dogma, he promotes a Nigerian identity anchored in equity, opportunity, and meritocracy. This kind of leadership could be instrumental in rebuilding trust between government and citizens,and among citizens themselves.

    One of Olawepo-Hashim’s distinguishing characteristics is his refusal to indulge in political theatrics. He prefers issues to insults, and substance to soundbites. In a system dominated by identity politics and patronage, this may not win overnight popularity, but it commands respect among Nigeria’s growing population of young, informed, and reform-minded voters.

    His ideological orientation is clear: a belief in market-led growth complemented by targeted state intervention to support the poor and vulnerable. In other words, growth with inclusion, not just wealth for a few.

    Within the PDP, Olawepo-Hashim’s presence adds intellectual depth and generational balance. As the party continues its internal repositioning ahead of 2027, it would be wise to look beyond recycled aspirants and recognize emerging figures who combine vision, integrity, and strategic competence.

    If the PDP is serious about renewal, and if it hopes to regain national trust, it must elevate leaders who reflect the future, not the past.

    The demand for authentic leadership is growing louder. If these trend continue, and if leaders like Olawepo-Hashim can build grassroots alliances and communicate their vision effectively, the 2027 elections may prove to be more open than many expect.

    Dr. Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim embodies many of the qualities Nigeria desperately needs in a president: principled, competent, inclusive, and reform-minded. His leadership style, anchored in ideas, not egos, could provide the national reset that millions of Nigerians are yearning for.

    As the political class prepares for another contest, Nigerians must look beyond old loyalties and flashy slogans. They must ask: Who among us can unite the country, rebuild the economy, and restore hope? In that national search, Dr Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim’s name deserves prominence on the shortlist.

    • Ibrahim, a journalist and public affairs analyst, writes from Kaduna.

  • By-election as litmus test for Okpebholo

    By-election as litmus test for Okpebholo

    On August 16 residents of Ovia Federal Constituency and Edo Central Senatoria District will come out to vote in a by-election for their choice candidates to fill vacant positions in the House of Representatives and the Senate.

    Both seats became vacant following election of Governor Monday Okpebholo and his deputy, Hon Dennis Idahosa. Idahosa previously occupied the Ovia Federal Constituency seat while Okpebholo represented Edo Central in the seat.

    Three political parties are expected to slug it out at the polls. They are the African Democratic Congress, the APC and the Peoples Democratic Party. The Labour Party appeared to have been weakened in the state. In the 2023 general election, it sprung surprises by winning the presidential election, Edo South senatorial seats, three House of Representatives seats and two seats in the House of Assembly. Its electoral fortunes has since dwindled as almost all the elected representatives have defected to the APC.

    OVIA Federal Constituency

    Candidates for the poll in Ovia are Barr. Omosede Igbinedion of the APC, the ADC picked Dr. Osayuki Asemota as its candidate while the PDP picked Mr. Johnny Ikponmwosa Aikpitanyi. Mr. Aikpitanyi is the only male in the race in Ovia.

    Barr. Igbinedion was elected to the House of Representatives between 2011 and 2015 under the PDP after she defeated Engr. Isaac Osahon who was elected on the defunct ACN. In 2015, the APC defeated Igbinedion and repeated the feat in 2019. Igbinedion joined the APC after she lost her bid to be the governorship candidate of the PDP ahead of last year’s governorship election. Barr. Igbinedion is favoured to win the by-election. She hails from an influential political family in Ovia and has the backing of all stakeholders of the APC in the Constituency. However, her brother and former Governor of the state, Lucky Igbinedion, is the leader of the PDP in Edo State. He was recently upgraded to the Board of Trustee of the party. He showed his worth in the governorship polls as the PDP defeated the APC in both local government areas that made up the federal constituency. However, it is quite unlikely the Igbinedions worked against their daughter in the by-election. Moreover, Barr. Igbinedion performance on her first outing will sway votes for her. During her first outing, she installed street lights, provided support to women, farmers and youth.

    Candidateof the ADC, Dr. Asemota, is regarded as the underdog of the by-election in Ovia. She lost her bid for the House of Representatives in 2023 when she contested on the platform of the LP. She hoped to get majority votes from Ijaw communities due to her relationship to them.

    Aikpitanyi’s chances at the polls is dependent on the stand of the Igbinedions and other PDP chieftains who are still loyal to Barr. Igbinedion. Besides, many PDP chieftains have defected to the APC.

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    Edo Central

    Edo Central senatorial is the base of Governor Monday Okpebholo. It was the bastion of the PDP until 2023 when Governor Okpebholo made history to emerge the Senator elected on the platform of the APC. Since 1999, the PDP has always emerged victorious in Edo Central.

    Observers believed that the August 16th by-election will be keenly contested among candidates of the ADC, the PDP and the APC. The candidate is are Hon Sergius Ogun of the ADC, Prince Joe Okojie of the PDP and Hon Joseph Ikpea of the APC.

    Hon Sergius Ogun is a two-term member of the House of Representatives. He is a household name in Esan North East and Esan South. In the elections he contested, he won with wide margins. He has given out scholarships to many secondary school students. But political observers said the ADC would be a hard sell to electorates in Edo Central. They argued that the party lacked the political outreach wherewithal to compete against the APC nor the PDP.

    Prince Joe Okojie was a former Commissioner for Agriculture and a household name in Edo Central politics. He has previously contested but lost at the party primary. He was a former chieftain of the APC but followed Obaseki to the PDP in 2020. Some APC leaders said Okojie would be able to mobilise the financial base to prosecute the election. His supporters said he has provided supported for thousands of women, youths and artisans in the past.

    Hon Joseph Okojie is a former Chairman of Esan South local government area. He is a grassroots politician. Chances of his winning the elections are high. He has the support of Governor Okpebholo and APC stakeholders.

    This by-election will be the first election to be conducted under the watch of Okpebholo as Governor of Edo State and leader of the All Progressives Congress in Edo State. Governor Okpebholo has flagged off some projects in Edo Central and other parts of the state. It is a Litmus test for him to prove his ability to lead the party to electoral victory in the state.

  • 2027: Looming battle for APC, PDP in Plateau

    2027: Looming battle for APC, PDP in Plateau

    As the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) reposition ahead of the 2027 general election in Plateau State, indications are that voter sentiment, grassroots mobilisation, and governance performance may emerge as key determinants of the contest. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI and Correspondent KOLADE ADEYEMI give an overview of the looming battle.

    As Plateau State crosses the halfway point of its current electoral cycle, the 2027 contest for its political soul is fast becoming the epicentre of grassroots agitation, elite calculations, and shifting alliances. The two dominant political parties—the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC)—are realigning and recalibrating their strategies, each intent on tipping the balance in what is shaping up to be one of the fiercest electoral face-offs in the state’s history.

    Since the return to civil rule in 1999, Plateau State has been a revolving door for these two major parties, each taking turns to govern and dominate the political scene. However, the 2023 general election introduced a unique split in governance. While the PDP captured the governorship seat through Governor Caleb Mutfwang, the APC clinched the majority in both the State House of Assembly and National Assembly, including Senate and House of Representatives seats.

    This political duality—an APC-led legislature and PDP-led executive—has defined the last two years and will shape the next two leading up to 2027. The key question on the minds of observers, stakeholders, and voters alike is, who gains the upper hand?

    A complex voter mood

    An analysis of the 2023 general election in Plateau State shows that the contest produced one of the most intriguing outcomes in the state’s democratic history. It was essentially a two-horse race between the PDP’s Mutfwang and the APC’s Dr. Nentawe Yilwatda.

    Mutfwang rode a wave of discontent, particularly in rural and youth-populated constituencies like Bokkos, Langtang North, and Mangu, where the APC was perceived as underperforming in delivering infrastructure and tackling insecurity. Analysts interpreted his victory as a rejection of the APC’s executive leadership and a vote of confidence in Mutfwang’s “people-first” campaign narrative.

    Ibrahim Pam, a 29-year-old voter from Barkin Ladi, said, “In my area, we voted for the PDP for governor because we were tired of promises without action. However, some of us decided to vote for the APC in the National Assembly contest because we still trusted our representative. It wasn’t about the party—it was about who listens.”

    However, the results of the elections for federal and state legislative seats told a different story. The APC won all three senatorial seats: Plateau North, Plateau Central, and Plateau South. In addition, it secured a majority in the House of Representatives, winning five out of the eight federal constituencies, and captured most of the seats in the Plateau State House of Assembly.

    This split decision reflected a complex political mood—a demand for new executive leadership but continued legislative trust in the APC’s experience and structure. It also set the tone for an uneasy coexistence between the two major parties, leading to intensified behind-the-scenes manoeuvring for 2027.

    Governing amid growing pains

    This state of affairs has put the PDP under pressure in governing the state, as the majority of the lawmakers representing the state at the federal and state levels belong to the ruling party at the centre.

    Nevertheless, as the party currently in control of the executive arm of Plateau’s government, the PDP is expected to have a natural advantage heading into the next election.

    Governor Caleb Mutfwang, who marked two years in office this May, is credited with introducing people-oriented policies, revitalising infrastructure, and instituting administrative reforms. On the surface, the PDP appears to be doing reasonably well. Yet beneath this progress lie internal unrest, leadership disaffection, and a wave of high-profile defections that could jeopardise the party’s grip on power.

    Cracks in the PDP

    One of the most alarming signs for the PDP is the departure of powerful party leaders who were instrumental in its return to power in 2023. Among the defectors is Hon. Latep Dabang, former Director-General of the Atiku/Mutfwang Campaign Organisation. His departure was not just symbolic but also strategic. As one insider put it, “Dabang’s exit created a vacuum in party mobilisation that is difficult to fill.”

    Another defector, Senator Istifanus Gyang, who represented Plateau North, lamented the PDP’s internal decay upon his exit. “The party has parted ways with basic democratic tenets,” Gyang said. “It lacks the leverage to promote Plateau State’s strategic interests. There is no equity, fairness, inclusivity, or good governance.”

    Bitrus Kaze, a former member of the House of Representatives, also walked away, citing persistent marginalisation. “Despite my long-standing loyalty and service, the party’s leadership continued to sideline me,” he said.

    Several other influential PDP figures who lost their re-election bids in 2023 are reportedly sitting on the fence—politically disengaged but watching closely. Names like Hon. Beni Lar, Hon. Timothy Golu, and Hon. Isaac Kwalu are still contemplating their future in the party.

    “The truth remains that if those who have already left the party and those about to leave are not convinced to return to the fold before 2027, the PDP will certainly struggle to get a second term,” said a party insider.

    The governor’s dilemma

    A key dilemma facing Governor Mutfwang is whether to concentrate on development or focus on patronage. His administration has earned applause for prioritising infrastructure and reforms over political appeasement.

    However, that very choice has alienated influential stakeholders who expected recognition and appointments in return for their loyalty during the campaign. A close aide to one of the defected lawmakers explained, “Most of the grievances stem from the governor’s refusal to fund political patronage. Instead, he’s focused on tangible development, but that’s not how politics works here.”

    Still, Mutfwang retains support from several quarters. During a recent stakeholders’ engagement in Mista-Ali village, Pengana Constituency, Bassa Local Government Area—one of the more politically vocal parts of the northern zone—party members reaffirmed their loyalty and even endorsed him for a second term.

    Sunday Chapa, the state PDP ex-officio, said, “We trust Governor Mutfwang, particularly because he resisted the pressure to abandon his people and join the APC. At the height of that pressure, the governor met with us and assured us that he would not leave the PDP.”

    APC: Rebuilding from Strength

    Despite losing the governorship in 2023, the APC is confident of staging a full comeback in 2027. With control of the National Assembly seats and a majority in the Plateau State House of Assembly, the party is retooling its campaign machinery and absorbing defectors at an unprecedented pace.

    The Plateau APC Chairman, Rufus Bature, said the party’s prospects have never been brighter.

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    “From all indications, the chance of APC staging a comeback to power in 2027 is brighter. Every day, you hear leaders of other political parties moving into the APC. This is because the APC remains the only political party trusted by the people,” he said.

    He added that the PDP’s internal collapse is working in the APC’s favour. “Remember, in 2023, the party only lost the governorship seat but won all other offices. Based on party structure, no other party can win in 2027 besides the APC.”

    A boost from Abuja

    The emergence of Dr. Nentawe Yilwatda—the APC’s 2023 governorship candidate—as the National Chairman of the APC has significantly raised the party’s visibility and credibility. With access to federal resources, analysts suggest that Yilwatda is now better positioned to influence voters and build patronage networks on the Plateau.

    “Dr. Nentawe Yilwatda now occupies a strategic position. Though he is unlikely to appear on the governorship ballot in 2027, his elevation to the top of the party’s national structure grants him considerable influence over campaign strategy, candidate selection, and federal support flows,” said a political analyst based in Jos.

    That sentiment is echoed by APC insiders who claim the PDP governor is underperforming despite increased federal allocations. “With the resources available to Gov. Mutfwang, his performance is below average,” Bature said. “States with fewer resources have done better.”

    Still, the APC must tread carefully. The influx of former PDP chieftains into its fold may trigger internal battles over candidacy slots, ticket allocation, and party leadership.

    Candidate dynamics and power shifts

    With Dr. Yilwatda’s elevation to the position of APC National Chairman, the likelihood of a direct rematch with Governor Mutfwang has effectively vanished. Until last Thursday (July 24), Dr. Yilwatda was the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs. Now, his influence on the 2027 Plateau governorship race may prove even more decisive.

    As national chairman, Yilwatda will be central to the APC’s candidate selection process, campaign coordination, and federal alignment—factors that could significantly enhance the party’s chances of reclaiming the governorship.

    Analysts insist that his grasp of Plateau’s political terrain, combined with his strengthened national platform, gives him the leverage to shape the APC’s state strategy more effectively than any other figure in the party. “He doesn’t need to be on the ballot to determine the outcome,” a party insider remarked.

    Despite the APC’s growing influence and its control of federal might, it still has a mountain to climb in the Plateau contest. Though internal dissent has weakened the PDP, Governor Mutfwang retains the advantages of incumbency, including visibility, control of state structures, and a reform-focused record.

    The role of smaller parties

    Though new entrants, such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and the Labour Party (LP), are working to carve a niche for themselves—particularly in Jos North and parts of Mikang—neither has yet demonstrated the grassroots capacity to mount a credible challenge.

    APC Chairman Bature dismissed the idea outright: “A coalition has never worked on the Plateau. I see the ADC as an assembly of like-minded individuals who have ambition and are looking for an opportunity to be recognised as politicians. I don’t see them making much impact in 2027.”

    The PDP’s Chris Hassan countered, “One thousand political parties can contest the Plateau governorship in 2027, but no one can match the performance of Gov. Mutfwang. There is no hindrance to the victory of Gov. Mutfwang and the PDP come 2027.”

    Conclusion

    If there is one consistent theme in Plateau politics, it is that voters are driven by performance and personality, not party loyalty. In 2023, the people showed their willingness to vote for different parties at different levels. That trend is expected to continue in 2027.

    With two years to go, the APC and the PDP are neck and neck in what promises to be a defining election in Plateau State. Both have significant strengths and notable weaknesses.

    For the APC, the goal is to rebuild trust and offer a fresh candidate with the credibility of federal backing. For the PDP, the challenge is to hold together its remaining support base, reconnect with the grassroots, and bank on Mutfwang’s performance.

    Ultimately, the 2027 general election on the Plateau will not be won in Abuja or Little Rayfield—it will be won in Bokkos, Pankshin, Riyom, Qua’an Pan, Shendam, Langtang, and the urban sprawl of Jos. With Plateau’s politically literate and regionally conscious electorate, only time and visible performance across its diverse communities will tell who tips the balance.

  • Mixed expectations as quest for new constitution gathers steam

    Mixed expectations as quest for new constitution gathers steam

    The alteration of the 1999 constitution has become a regular activity of the National Assembly since the beginning of the current democratic dispensation. At different intervals, the process of amendment has been subjected to public hearings at zonal levels across the country. Evidently, the ongoing review of the constitution has been the most all-embracing, TONY AKOWE reports.

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo is not a man to play with words. While many Nigerians, including leaders, believe that the nation was in dire need of a robust constitution review, the former President is of the view that the nation’s problems have nothing to do with the constitution but the operators of the document.

    He believes that while the current constitution is not perfect, it can promote good governance and improve citizens’ welfare if properly implemented. He said a constitution must reflect the history, aspirations and constituents of a nation, adding that no constitution is flawless.

    He said: “The best constitution can be perverted and distorted by the operators, and we have experienced that all over Africa. Nigeria is not exempted.

    “No matter what you do to the Nigerian constitution, if the operators of the constitution for the past one decade and a half remain unchanged and continue in the same manner, the welfare and wellbeing of Nigerians will continue to be sacrificed on the altar of selfishness.”

    Obasanjo said at a critical time, attention must be placed on the operators of the constitution to ensure integrity, honesty and respect for the rule of law.

    His views gained the support of Abia State governor, Alex Otti, who believes that the review of the constitution provides an opportunity to further interrogate the system and evaluate what they need to change to steer their country in the right direction.

    Speaking through his Deputy, Ikechukwu Emetu, Governor Otti said whatever political leaning or other convictions one belongs to, the country is for all its citizens to build. He added that the responsibility cannot be transferred to citizens of other countries to do on their behalf.

    Otti said: “Our target should not be to create a perfect constitution. While perfection would be the ideal thing to aspire to, the truth remains that we will do better by focusing on what is practical within the context of our democratic evolution, economic realities and social dynamics.

    “What I think we should rather seek at this point is to build on the gains that have been made over the past 26 years since the present Constitution came into effect.”

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    But unlike Obasanjo, Otti would rather not blame those that have implemented the document so far, saying “there are too many gaps and ambiguities in the 1999 Constitution that are being exploited by different stakeholder groups to advance interests that are not entirely altruistic in scope.

    “Even then, I am also cautious when blaming those who left the scene almost 30 years ago for the problems of today. My view is that we now have sufficient governance experience to determine what is not working and make changes as may be relevant from time to time.

    “I am aware that since 2010, the 1999 Constitution has undergone five epochs of alterations in response to demands for structural changes by Nigerians.

    “Going through the whole nine yards of constitution amendment at five times over a 15-year period speaks to our evolving desire to change our national experience by periodically tinkering with the Supreme Laws of the land.

    “We must congratulate ourselves for not being afraid to test the system and brave the odds to make some much-needed changes”.

    Former Secretary General of the Commonwealth, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, believes there is a need for the country to have what he called a new pluralistic constitution. He said what is needed is “a Constitution that would be in sync with the Constitution of the United States; a constitution of successful pluralistic countries around the world”.

    In apparent reference to Obasanjo’s comment, Anyaoku said “to those who say that the fate of a country depends primarily on its leadership, I say that the constitution from which the system of governance is derived largely determines the character of the people who get elected or appointed to govern the country from the three arms of the government.

    Anyaoku said: “First, Nigeria is a pluralistic country, and like all successful pluralistic countries around the world, for its stability and maximal development, its constitution must address its own problems.

    “Second, it must address its pluralism by being formulated by elected representatives of its diverse people. Our present 1999 Constitution, as amended, is not such a constitution. It was not democratically formulated. It was instead imposed on the country through a decree by the military administration.

    “The governance system derived from it is not only non-inclusive but also induces over-expectation of the nation’s resources on administration rather than on capital development.

    “As a result, what we see is our nation’s need for a new constitution. This is the need for a new constitution, but this is a matter to be made by the people of our country.”

    Deputy Speaker and Chairman of the constitution review, Benjamin Kalu, said the strength of the nation’s democracy lies not in the pronouncements of lawmakers alone, but in the active participation of the people.

    He said: “Your robust contributions will ensure that the constitution we produce is not just a legal document, but a social contract: one that reflects the hopes and values of all Nigerians.

    “As we look ahead, let us remember: Constitution reform is not an event but a process. The bills we debate today will be debated in plenary, harmonised with the Senate, and transmitted to the State Houses of Assembly for final approval.

    “Only with your continued engagement, your vigilance and your advocacy can we ensure that these reforms are not just passed, but implemented in letter and spirit.

    “Nigeria’s greatness lies in its ability to have difficult conversations, to listen, to debate, and to find common ground. Today, in Owerri, we continue that noble tradition.

    “To the people of Abia and Imo, your ideas matter. Your voices matter. Your future matters.”

    State creation

    Speaking on the agitation for the creation of additional states, Governor Otti said: “I am aware that proposals for the creation of new states were received by the National Assembly prior to this time.

    “While I respect the rights of those who believe that the creation of new states would address concerns of marginalisation and exclusion of some ethnic and religious groups in the current structure in some parts of the country, I am more concerned about the additional burden these proposals, if adopted, would add to the lean resources of the nation through the multiplication of administrative costs and further bloating of an oversized bureaucracy.

    “Except we can magically find independent sources of financing the new states outside what currently exists, I do not share the optimism of those promoting the idea of adding new states to the current 36-state structure.

    “My recommendation would be the development of an inclusive governance model in the states, one that gives every major clan a say in the allocation of resources, a seat at the decision-making table and the structural leverage to advance their political and economic interests”.

    He believes that rather than agitate for additional states, Nigerians should be more concerned about improving the economic structure of the states, creating jobs for the young people outside the civil service and making the welfare of the common man a priority. He added that the current system is too elite-driven to be functional, saying that it is high time ordinary people were placed at the centre of decision-making.

    State police

    Governor Otti believes that the current realities in the country have made the issue of state police a matter of urgent national priority.

    He said: “The current exclusive federal policing system is largely inadequate and has exposed our people to a litany of vulnerabilities over the years.

    “So, I would vote for the creation of state police but with a proviso that standards be clearly defined as it relates to leadership, relationship with federal and other sub-national policing structures, recruitments, accountability and respect for human rights”.

    Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, is also in support of state police.

    He said: “In addition, the time has come for us to take decisive steps on state police. The current centralised policing structure is overstretched and often disconnected from local realities.

    “As the Chairman of the Progressive Governors’ Forum, I can confirm that we support the decentralisation of the police for greater responsiveness and effectiveness.

    “The fear that governors will misuse such a force is unfounded and frankly outdated. We cannot allow the past to paralyse the future when our citizens are crying out for safety and order at the grassroots”.

    Proponents of state police believe that the current structure of the Nigeria Police is over-centralised and overly bureaucratic. They argued that the current structure is impeding quick response to security threats.

    Some have argued that each state has its peculiar security concerns, terrain and culture and would therefore be wise for states to have their police service that can be shaped and driven by leadership at the local level so that they are fit for purpose.

    But there are concerns raised against such an idea. These concerns centre on state governors’ possible use of state- owned policemen against political opponents.

    One of the people with such concerns is the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, who believes that rather than create state police, the Nigerian Police Force should be strengthened and well-funded to carry out its constitutional responsibility effectively.

    Egbetokun said: “One of the most pressing and controversial issues under discussion today is the proposal to amend the constitution to allow for the establishment of state police, including the evaluation of HB 617, which seeks to provide legislative authority for this.

    “Let me state unequivocally that the National Police Force acknowledges the rationale behind the demand for state police,  including the desire for locally responsive policing,  quicker reaction to community-level threats,  and decentralised law enforcement presence.

    “However, our assessment based on current political, institutional and socioeconomic realities suggests that Nigeria is not yet decisionally or politically prepared for the initialisation of police powers to the state level.

    “Key concerns include the possibility of political misuse of police powers at the state level, lack of funding capacity by most states to maintain and equip a state control force, the potential for fragmentation of national security, intelligence and command,  and the absence of a regulatory architecture to ensure standard  and operational cohesion.

    “Instead of fragmenting our policy authority, we propose that the focus of constitutional and legislative reform be directed towards strengthening the Nigerian Police Force through improved funding and autonomy, establishing state and community policing frameworks under the Nigerian Police Force’s provision, standardising recruitment, training and discipline across all policing functions.

    “We urge the National Assembly to consider legislative reforms that prioritise enhanced federal policing capacity while allowing for structured auxiliary support from sub-national units under strict  constitutional and operational safeguards”.

    But Debo Ogundoyin, Chairman of the Conference of Speakers of the 36 state Houses of Assembly and Speaker of the Oyo State House of Assembly, thinks otherwise. Ogundoyin said the state Houses of Assembly have an unwavering commitment  to strengthen the nation’s security institutions and will continue to inspire confidence in the connected resolve to safeguard this nation. He said: “As the Speakers of Houses of Assembly nationwide, we know exactly where the issue pinches when it comes to security, because we all face different types of insecurity in our various states.

    “As presiding officers of the 36th State House of Assembly, we are first-hand witnesses to the alarming toll that insecurity continues to exact on our lives, livelihood and government.

    “From insurgency in the Northeast, banditry and kidnapping in the Northwest and North Central to herders and farmers clashes in the North Central and also across the South, which directly affects food security, which is another issue that  is very important for us to address and protect.

    “Therefore, this is an opportunity to align our legislative priorities with the realities faced by our people, ensuring that the constitutional and legal frameworks of security evolve to be the present and future challenges of the Nigerian police force and other agencies who despite working under extremely challenging conditions continue to make sacrifices to protect our nation. 

    “Yet it is now evident that centralised policing structure, no matter how well intentioned, has become overstretched.

    “It is on this basis the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria subscribe partially to the establishment of state police and constitutional imperative.

    “We recognise that concerns have been raised regarding potential abuse, the capacity, the limitations and inter-jurisdictional conflict. But these are not insurmountable challenges.

    “The Nigeria Police Force also faces challenges, and the state governments across the federation also support them in their day-to-day work. With constitutional safeguards, clear command structures, legislative clarity, independent oversight mechanisms and well-defined frameworks for inter-agency collaboration, state police can become a force for justice, accountability and grassroots protection.”

    Additional seats for women

    Governor Otti is one of those in support of creating additional seats for women in the parliament, saying his endorsement is total.

    According to him, while it would guarantee the inclusion of women in the political process, giving them a say in shaping the character of the Nigerian governance architecture, having more women in our legislative assemblies would not achieve the desired impact unless a number of fundamental issues are holistically addressed. 

    He said: “The internal processes within the political parties have to be strengthened to make for the active participation of women in decision-making.

    “The ordinary women, not persons related or affiliated to powerful male party leaders, must be at the centre of the process.

    “If we are not careful, we may be creating new openings for men with vested interests to further entrench themselves in the system, using proxies.

    “If that happens, nothing in the real sense of it would change in the political fortunes of the average Nigerian woman.”

    Both the Speaker of the House of Representatives and his deputy are promoters and advocates of special seats for women in both state and national assemblies. At every given forum since the commencement of the constitution review process, both presiding officers have spoken of the need to have special seats for women in parliament as a way of ensuring adequate representation of women in parliament.

    But Speaker Abbas admitted that women who will seek to occupy the special and reserved seats for women in the national and state assemblies face a herculean task in achieving the set objectives in view of the challenges they may have to overcome.

    He said a woman aspirant might be required to campaign across an area larger than a single federal constituency, possibly the size of a whole senatorial district or even more; an action he believes poses a significant challenge in terms of logistics, finance and time, especially for first-time aspirants who often face resource constraints. According to him, the statistics of women underrepresentation are dismal, which explains why the proposals before the National Assembly on greater women’s inclusion are both urgent and pragmatic.

    He said the proposal alluded to the fact that in addition to the current three senators from each state and one senator from the Federal Capital Territory, one additional senator should be created for each state and for the FCT who shall be a woman.

    For the House of Representatives, HB 1189 and HB 1421 propose that in addition to the current 360 members, two additional members for each state and the FCT who shall be women, while HB 1349 proposes one additional Member for each state and the FCT who shall be a woman. For the State Houses of Assembly, both HB 1189 and HB 1349 propose one additional member from each of the three senatorial districts in the state who shall be a woman.

    To accommodate these changes, all three bills propose that the Independent National Electoral Commission shall divide each state into two federal constituencies to be occupied by women. Another proposal, HB 1811, seeks to establish six special seats in the House of Representatives for each of two special interest groups: women and persons living with disabilities, distributed evenly across the six geopolitical zones.

    It further provides that aspirants to these special seats shall meet all other qualifications for regular seats. It recommends a regional electoral college for each geopolitical zone, comprising all national officers of the association from the states within the zone, to determine the final representatives for the special seats.

    These proposals are thoughtful and ambitious, yet they raise practical questions that we must confront honestly and address. Some recommendations, in their current form, make the pathway more tedious, demanding, and burdensome for women seeking election to the House of Representatives.

    Several women groups have continued to rally support for the proposal.

    Speaking on behalf of the women groups, Dr. Blessing Nwabala said: “The time has come for Nigerian women to reflect on the whole face of democracy. And democracy is incomplete when half of the population is missing from the table.

    “By supporting this bill, you have not only answered the cry of Nigerian women, you have answered the call of history. This is not just a women’s bill, it is a people’s bill.

    “The bill seeks to contain the Constitution to resolve, to establish 182 seats in the National Assembly. These are not only seats…They are tools for justice and national progress. Let our women lead us.

    “In Abia, the people embraced us. The message was the grassroots. The message from the grassroots to the educated, self-denied was the same. Power will build and Nigeria will rise again.

    “Inclusion is not available to these people. Let us be clear: women are not asking for papers. We are asking for a safe climate. We are not asking for a soft landing. We are demanding what is right, what is fair and what is overdue. Women lead a nation’s pride.”

    Local government as separate tier of government

    Abia State Governor called for caution in the clamour for the establishment of local government councils as a separate tier of government, while calling for a holistic appreciation of the broad implications of the proposal.

    He said: “Like I argued with the creation of additional states, we must be mindful of further bloating an already-overfed bureaucracy.

    “I may not be very correct, but if I understand this proposal correctly, we may be looking at creating hundreds of new bureaucratic structures for the autonomous administration of the local councils.

    “The local government system as we know is statutorily responsible for the provision of primary healthcare, basic, adult and vocational education and similar functions that impact directly on the lives of the population at the grassroots.

    “Would it be financially prudent to have 774 or more universal basic education commissions and a similar number of agencies managing primary health and human services for LGAs in the country? What are the implications for the cost of governance, corruption and systemic abuses?

    “There may be a need to think this through and make a choice between having new layers of administrative structures that further drain public resources through inflated overheads and creating a system that cuts down bureaucratic bottlenecks — guaranteeing that the larger chunk of public resources is channeled into the provision of social services.”

    Oragnised Labour

    Organised Labour is not in favour of moves to remove the minimum wage and other labour related matters from the exclusive legislative list. Labour leaders who participated at the public hearing in all the zones covered by the House said “moving labour matters from the exclusive list to the concurrent list is becoming the real correct decimal of national relationship discourse.

    “During the last cycle of the Constitutional Amendment, the Nigeria Labour Congress rejected violently, and today, we are here to do the same.

    “We all know that the national minimum wage serves as a primary social protection scheme that provides a minimum income flow to safeguard a low-income lineage of workers. Therefore, the relegation of labour means destroying the national minimum wage”.

    They argued that “the national minimum wage is a global standard established by the International Labour Organisation, ILO, through a binding law Nigeria signed into on the 16th of June, 1961.

    “This law was established through a minimum wage fixed in Missionary Convention 026 of 1928 and the scheme is seen in many democracies practising federalism.

    “Already, some states have started violating the law enacted by the National Assembly on Minimum Wage if labour is deregulated”.

    State creation

    Imo State governor, Senator Hope Nzodinma is in support of additional states in the country, especially in the Southeast. He said: “It bears repeating that the Southeast remains the only geopolitical zone with five states. The proposals for the creation of additional states in the regions should be considered in order to address the perceived marginalization by the people.

    “Every other zone has six or more. This imbalance has led to underrepresentation in critical national institutions, from the National Assembly to the Federal Executive Council. It has shrunk our voice and abridged our inclusivity.

    “Therefore, it is only fair and just that we ask for the creation of at least two additional states in the South East. It is my well-considered submission that Anim State should be one of the new states to be created.

    “This is one state that will have an oil-producing status upon creation. This makes it commercially viable, with sufficient revenue base to self-sustain.

    “This should naturally go hand in hand with the creation of new local government areas for the zone.

    “Until a few years ago, Owerri served as the capital of us all. Today, we have Umuahia and Abakaliki as capitals of new states.

    “Through our collective efforts, perhaps we shall soon have more state capitals like Orlu, Aba, Nsukka, and more.

    “I believe that this is the prayer of the entire South East, and it shall come to pass by the grace of God.”

    Indigineship

    In the 9th Assembly, the amendment on indigineship failed to sail through the parliament and has therefore resurfaced. Governor Uzodinma reminded all that the document being amended guarantees every citizen the right to live and work in any part of the country. He regretted that to date, those born and raised in a place where their grandparents may not have originated from are still regarded and treated as non-indigenes, adding that this practice is not in tandem with the spirit of brotherhood.

    He said: “We should not be seen to be speaking from two sides of our mouth. We need to legally define indegeneship by birth or long-term residence, say 10 years.

    “Anyone born in a state or has lived in a state for upwards of 10 years should be a legitimate indigene of that state. This is common practice in advanced democracies.

    “It was also becoming the norm in our pre-First Republic years, until that republic was cut short.

    “How else did Mallam Umaru Altine become the Mayor of Enugu in 1952 if not because he was accepted as an indigene of Enugu? That tells us something profound about our potential for unity if only the constitution can catch up with our history.

    “I therefore urge this committee to seriously consider this matter as part of the proposed constitutional amendments.”

  • Osun 2026: Justice, equity and fairness ‘ll determine who emerges APC’s candidate – Babayemi

    Osun 2026: Justice, equity and fairness ‘ll determine who emerges APC’s candidate – Babayemi

    Omooba Dotun Babayemi is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Osun State. He is also one of the leading governorship aspirants on the platform of the APC in the state. Since joining the governorship, he has been touring different wards and local government areas in the state.  In this interview with Gbenga Aderanti, he shares his experience visiting the grassroots, his plans for Osun, why the APC will perform better in the 2026 election in Osun and the 2027 general election in Nigeria, and reasons the opposition is keying into President Tinubu’s vision, among others. Excerpts:

    Omooba Dotun Babayemi is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Osun State. He is also one of the leading governorship aspirants on the platform of the APC in the state. Since joining the governorship, he has been touring different wards and local government areas in the state.  In this interview with Gbenga Aderanti, he shares his experience visiting the grassroots, his plans for Osun, why the APC will perform better in the 2026 election in Osun and the 2027 general election in Nigeria, and reasons the opposition is keying into President Tinubu’s vision, among others. Excerpts:

    THERE are different blocks, different groups within your party, the APC. How confident are you that you are going to clinch the ticket?

     The most important thing in Osun State at the moment is to ensure that we return good governance to the state. Additionally, we are focused on not just 2026, but on 2027. We have seen what has happened across the nation over the last two years plus, since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu came to power. Things like the stability of the dollar, which is now beginning to trickle down; issues around the fuel subsidy, which, at the moment, the benefits are now being felt at the grassroots. Those two things are paramount in our minds.

     For 2026, it is important that with the return of good governance, it means that the current structure and the government that we have in Osun will not come back. People are yearning for good governance.

     There are 10 of us that have expressed interest to seek the ticket of the APC, that itself is an indication that something is being done right, not just within the party in the state under the leadership of Alhaji Gboyega  Isiaka Oyetola, who is also the leader of the party, but also at the at the national level, that is the only thing that can generate that level of interest when you are in the opposition because people know that with the APC, it will be different.

    Coming to the issue of the ticket, the 10 of us who have expressed interest are quite capable, and are more qualified to be governor of the state than the person who is sitting in the seat at the moment. The 10 of us are professionals; we are all well-grounded in the area of administration and governance. Our party, the APC, is a party of discipline; it is a party that puts justice, equity and fairness in everything they do. We expect that at the time of the primaries, they will put in place a system that will ensure that the best candidate emerges. From my perspective, considering my experience in private industry, humanitarian services, and governance, I would be seen as the right candidate for the party to lead the party back in 2026, for the era of good governance.

    Read Also: Sani distributes free fertiliser to 100,000 farmers, launches crop insurance scheme

     You met with the stakeholders,  leaders and members of the party recently. What informed this? How receptive were they?

    The reason that we decided to go out to the people is because we heard their yearnings  within the state, saying, “Is this how we are going to continue if we come back again  to this era?”

    The best administration that Osun has ever experienced was the administration of Alhaji Isiaka Gboyega Oyetola, where things were put in place not just for that period of four years, but for continuity. Unfortunately, all that has been thrown into the basket. The average citizen and resident of Osun are now troubled. In listening to the yearnings of our people, we felt it was important to first take the pulse at the grassroots to gauge their expectations from the state, the expectations from the federal government, and feedback from the people. Get back from the people how they feel about the policies that have been introduced by Mr. President, the Renewed Hope Agenda,  how is it seen by the people, how do we engage them to be able to show them that this is where he is going, of course when you start a journey, you don’t begin to see the impact immediately.

    We went out to the 30 local government and area offices, we interacted with party members and party officials, and the reception that we got was profound. It was obvious that the people could now see the difference between what the government is today and what the government was before Alhaji Gboyega Isiaka. They were quite receptive, and we were encouraged that, come 2026 and 2027, the APC, both at the state level and in 2027, continuation of the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr President is something they are looking forward to.

     Talking about consultations and meetings, many people will be interested in your plans and programmes for the state…

     Our plans for the state are versed. They are aligned to a large extent and are in sync with the Renewed Hope Agenda of the president.

     I will start with agriculture. Osun is primarily an agrarian environment. One of the things that we saw when we went out was how bad things were in the rural areas, especially regarding our rural roads and our feeder roads. We have gone round the extreme of the state, and what we saw was appealing.

     In our hinterlands, if you go to Ife South area, all the way to Ikire,  going from there, all the way from Ifetedo, through Ikire, through Ago Owu, all the way to Asejire, the soil that we have there produces Category A cocoa that is recognised globally, we have not done anything with that God given benefits. I’m talking about a distance close to 100 kilometres; there are no roads, only motorcycles can go there. Not just our cash crops, but also regular agricultural products that our farmers grow, whether cassava or maize, 75 per cent of the produce we have in those areas,  including cash crops, gets destroyed at the farm because there is no way to get them out. We will look at how we can boost our economy, leveraging the agricultural value chain. If you put the processing industry in any of those areas, the raw materials are already there; we would bring industries that would come to leverage those things. We will not be shipping our raw materials.

    At the moment, two flyover bridges, worth about N20-25 billion, are being built in Osogbo, where there is no traffic. If you put those funds to use,  we can use this to impact the economy, and it will have a direct impact on our IGR.

    If you move over from that side of the state, and you go to Ejigbo, from Iwo through Ejigbo industrial cities, all the way to Ogbomosho, the soil that we have there produces the best cashew that you can get anywhere; we are not getting anything, there are no benefits to the indigenes of Osun.

    If you go back to the time past, we had boards, where, irrespective of what happened, the farmers and the indigenes of the state were assured of their revenues. If I put my effort into it, it would bring about these returns.

     The government’s responsibility is to provide infrastructure and the opportunity for our farmers to be able to thrive. We used to have a Cocoa Board, a Cashew Board; all of these things have disappeared. We have farm settlements in Osun; we have four of them, we have one in Iwo, we have one in Orile Owu, and nothing meaningful is being done, even at the local government level, to be able to support the farmers or put industries that can leverage on the proceeds that they are coming with.

    Osun should be the food basket of the nation. We are positioned properly to be able to supply food; we are like the nucleus of the Southwest. The distance to Ibadan, with the distance to Lagos, is very short, with the good road network we border Ondo State, we border Ekiti  State, the opportunities are many.

    You move from agriculture to an area of employment. When this government came in, the first thing they did was to reverse some of the good work that had been done in terms of employing our health workers. In the last three years, they sacked some of the teachers who were brought in by Alhaji Oyetola when he was in office. They even charged some of our indigenes to come and apply two and a half years ago, paying money to apply for jobs, till today, not one single teacher has been employed by this current government.

    We had 10,000 O’Yes workers at a time; they were workers gainfully employed, they were given a sense by the government that ‘I add value to the system,’ they were all sacked at the same time.

    In the area of health, if you look at our primary health centres, in going around areas, we were able to see it and they gave us feedback. Ex- Ex-Governor Oyetola refurbished all the primary health centres in the 332 wards that are in the state, put equipment there, put medications there, but today everything has gone to waste. I can confidently say that 75 per cent of the primary health care centres, especially in the non-urban areas, are not functional today. If primary health care is not working, what you see people understand governance to be is just a show and tell. Governance is more than entertainment; it is a responsibility that those who have been put into the position to serve in the state have to make sure that the lives of the people are made better. Osun deserves better than what we are getting today, that is the reason that our party is determined that we are going to key into the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President and deliver good governance to the people.

     It is not enough to have laudable programmes; again, the past governors had plans too, but they were messed up. What are the efforts you are making to ensure that you do not make the same mistake?

     One of the reasons we went out,  we visited 30 local governments. In the 30 local governments and the area office, which is Modakeke, we have 332 wards. Our consultation is not left to the state level, to the urban level, or the local government; our consultation is with the people. One of the things we found out is that the people where the structure is provided to them are ready to embrace it. The things we are talking about are not just ideas that come from us, yes, we have the vision, but for a government to succeed, you have to give ownership of those things back to the people. Every human being has a desire to better themselves, and government responsibility is to ensure that it provides the right security, the welfare of the people is topmost, and the infrastructure is provided. So the success of a government is not based on what you are doing,  but based on the ownership of it, and the fact that the average Osun indigene is driving along with us, we set the vision, but the ownership of what we plan to do belongs to the people.

     You have been to 30 local governments and area offices….

     Yes, we have been to 30 local governments and area offices. We started the ward visits, and as of today, we have completed 20 per cent of the ward visits out of the 332. We started in the rural areas, so that we can get a feel, and now we are bringing it into the centre so that we have a full view of what these issues are. If you go to Olaoluwa Local Government, Ward 5, and you speak to the residents there, and you ask them what challenges they are facing?  They will tell you that their primary challenge is employment for their children. Just move over one ward and go to Ward 6, in Ola Oluwa Local Government, they will tell you that their problem is safe drinking water.  That is a distance of a kilometre or two. It is important to hear from people what is important to them before you start drawing out programmes that do not fit the needs of the people.

     You said you went to the party secretariat to express your intention. How did they receive you?

     Yes, we expressed interest, realising that our party is best positioned, especially with what the president has been doing with the Renewed Hope Agenda.  We expressed interest in May of this year to vie for the governorship position under the banner of our great party, APC. APC is a party of discipline and a party of structure. That process starts with the elders and the leadership of the party in the state. We expressed that this is what I’d like to do, this is what I’m bringing to the table. This is how I keyed into the manifesto of the party itself. I’m bringing the dividends of democracy to the people. We did that in May, and after a week, we went to our party secretariat.

    Yes, other aspirants have expressed interest as well, but we were the first to visit the party secretariat. You have to understand that the norm in an environment where a party is not in government is that people are not drawn to that party, but it is the exact reverse in Osun. We have to give kudos to the leaders of the party. We have a few leaders in the party in Osun. Baba Bisi Akande, the national secretary of our great party is from Osun, Senator Ajiboba Basiru, but most especially, Alhaji Isiaka Oyetola, that he has been able not only to sustain the party members and keep them motivated, but has also been attracting people from other parties, not just the PDP, but other parties in Osun, are now realizing that the manifesto and vision that has been put down by Alhaji Isiaka Oyetola, the leader of the party is one they want to key into.

    In 2023, there were three senators, all of the  PDP extraction, nine reps, but as I speak with you today,  two of the senators have crossed to the APC. In one of the senatorial districts in the state, Osun East, the three House of reps members that were elected on the platform of the PDP,   those are the representatives of the people, three of them have crossed to the APC. Why? Because they understand what is happening nationally, and what  Mr. President is doing, the benefits of that need to get to their constituents, the only way they can do that is to build from the ground up, their constituents have spoken to them and said look, we can see that this is the party that will lead to prosperity, so we want to be part of that.

    We are growing organically, and the party members are not leaving, yet we are attracting, which shows you that the government in power in Osun today is a failure. It is seen by the residents, is seen by the voters, is seen by the people of Osun as a failure, and everybody is keying into the vision right from top to the bottom, and they are now expressing that we are building this from the bottom we are not going anywhere.

    It is the first time an individual, a governorship aspirant in the last 20-30 years, has gone on ward visits. It is difficult to serve people when you don’t fully understand their challenges. We are not going there to talk to them, we are going there to listen to engage with them to understand what their beliefs are as to what their expectations of government are. That is the practical example of the type of party the APC is. It is a party that believes that government is for the people and it is by the people.  It is what we hear from them that will push up the chain, not just within our state but at the national level.

     Talking about the parties, I saw the crowd that attended the African Democratic Congress (ADC) rally in Osun. Is your party worried?

     Not at all. We are not worried. The reason we are not worried is that what you see, which is called ADC in Osun, is just an evolution of the same group of people that felt dissatisfied with how governance was being done. I told someone that the government that has done the best in terms of administration has been the government of the Honourable Minister, Alhaji Gboyega Isiaka Oyetola. It is impossible for a party to leave power for 12 years and there would be no be differences, but the fact that we had differences, politics is about communication, is about sitting down, is about negotiation, is about ‘I have seen what you have done, this is what you should do.’ There were a few issues during the transition from one APC government to the other and a few disgruntled people felt we were better off being outside of the mainstream, and they started calling themselves Omoluabis. It was an evolution of TOP, to Omoluabi, and now, it is called ADC.

    What we have seen and we have heard is that people who are earnestly yearning for the APC to come back to government. There was a time in this state they called us very wrongly a civil servant state. There is an opportunity to industrialize this state significantly. There was a time in this state that half salaries were still being given to workers, it was based on the economic reality at that time, and that was  a period of 30 months or so, but as Governor Oyetola came into power, the first four years, he ensured that all the civil servants collected, for the duration of four years collected their entitlements in full.  There was no one person that was owed. It wasn’t that allocation or the IGR had significantly increased, but it was financial prudence and he was prioritising the welfare of the people.

    When you look at the ADC, we see our brothers there, and we know that before we get to the election proper, a significant number of them will come back home because they are progressives at the end of the day. So, it is not a source of worry for us, we know that quite a number of people from different local governments, because of one thing or the other felt look this is the best approach, were convinced especially with what the president is doing that is being felt at the grassroots, we are convinced that with the vision we are going to put forward and with the manifesto that the people will see, that a significant number of them will come back home, and work towards the progress of progressive party, the party of the people getting back to power. 

     As it is right now, there are aggrieved people within the part and after the primaries, many will still feel aggrieved. What would you be telling the party? What would you be telling them not to make them feel aggrieved?

     One of the things that our party is doing, our primary is for another six months, is ensuring that all the aspirants see that the primary is going to be done in a way where justice, equity, and transparency exist.Under the leadership of Baba Akande and Alhaji Oyetola, we have a section in our  party called Igbimo Agba which is a committee of the wise men, the older generation that we can learn from, the people that interacted with the initial progressives, whether the late Chief Awolowo or  Chief Bola Ige, who have learnt that the priority of any of government is the people and their welfare and their future, they now tied that to prosperity, that is what we are preaching.

     Our leadership sat down, Igbimo Agba, under the leadership of Engineer Sola Akinwumi, who is the chairman, and over the last two months, they have come up with a code of conduct, and presently put together guidelines. They have met with the aspirants as recently as yesterday; we all sat down together. One of the things we know is that we are one big family. God works mysteriously and he puts His things across for us to be able to learn from. I can tell you that the people of Osun today are yearning eagerly for the  APC to come back into power, based on that, we are putting our party, we are putting the president, we are putting the people, the things that the president has been doing nationally, and we are putting the yearnings of the people first.

    The process that will throw up the candidate of the party is going to be a well thought out one. We are brothers and we see ourselves as brothers and sisters ,you never can tell we may still have female aspirants, hopefully come up and say, I would like to govern Osun State, we see ourselves as one big family. As it is in the tradition of the progressives, it is in that tradition that there are laid down processes and procedures we will follow to the letter and our expectation is that when the primaries are conducted, it is going to be fair, equitable, and just. The aspirants have all committed that we will abide by the decision of the party arising from the primaries. We have committed that the people are more important than the individual aspirations, we are  ten different individuals, what I bring to the table is distinct from what other person brings to the table, but there is none of us that emerges as the candidate of the party that will not be a benefit to the people of Osun.

     As it is right now, your party is controlling 23 states, but the fear in many quarters is that Nigeria might turn into a one-party state. What are your thoughts?

     Democracy is about ensuring that there is a government in place that is for the people and that is by the people. We are not asking anybody to come to our party. People are expressing interest in joining the APC but not just in Osun but all over Nigeria. We are talking about Osun as a microcosm of Nigeria. One-third of the elected members in the national Assembly in the last two months have realised that what the president is doing is in the best interest of their constituents, and they have crossed to the APC on their own free will.

    I think in our democratic journey, the situation in Osun at the moment is the first time we are seeing a serving governor who was elected for the first time on the platform of a party and after three years, he is desperately trying to cross over. If there are viable options, the PDP as it is today, whether nationally or at the state level, puts forward a vision or manifesto of programmes that is of benefit to the people; they will not be running around as they are presently. It is an attraction, people are seeing this is where the country needs to go, this is the party that provides the platform under the leadership of the president, which is to the benefit of the people, we want to be a part of that. There will always be opposition; you have seen a group of disgruntled elements. Association of disgruntled people have assembled themselves, they have always been part of the government in the last 20-30 years, what are they planning to do differently from what they did when they were in power, whether from the Labour Party, PDP, or from any other parties, they are now assembling into one vehicle called ADC, the truth is that Nigerians know better, they can read in between the line. You have had the opportunity to do this severally, whether as state governor, Minister, they have assembled themselves together. The difference today is that the president is putting an average Nigerian first. It is the constituents that are telling the people, this is where we see the light, the direction we believe we should go.

    We are not concerned about a one-party state that is not going to happen, there will always be vehicles, the president has said, and we have seen it, he would allow democracy to thrive, and we are doing that across the country.

     What are your plans for communities that are entrenched in Osun governance?

     Our plans in ensuring that governance is not just done from the centre, one of the reasons I said earlier why we chose to go out not just not just in 30 local governments but to 332 wards in the state is to ensure that the style of governance that we will put in place will be the one that collaborates rights from the grassroots, that is addressing the challenges, the needs and take ownership right from the grassroots, and we will build it up from there, that is giving government back to the people.

  • 2027: Ogboru’s political journey and rumours of playing Oborevwori’s script

    2027: Ogboru’s political journey and rumours of playing Oborevwori’s script

    • By Jeckins Ejiro Wisike

    Ordinarily, it is expected that every adult citizen of Delta State should think rationally and objectively to be discerning enough to separate truth from falsehood. I  wouldn’t have responded to such petty, myopic political gossip; however, it became necessary to address the false speculations that Chief Great Ogboru moved to APC and later to ADC, acting Governor Sheriff Oborevwori’s script.

      These unfounded and fabricated rumours are nothing but blatant lies from the pit of hell, cooked by some disgruntled and unscrupulous elements with the intent to malign the integrity and legacy of Chief Great Ogboru. The claim that he is working for Governor Sheriff Oborevwori’s re-election against Sen. Ovie Omo-Agege is not only baseless, mischievous, but a calculated attempt to pull him down to mislead the public.

     It will be necessary to ask the following questions about how any reasonable and supposed adult would decide to spread fabricated stories to tarnish the image of a high-profile personality like Chief Great Ogboru for the purpose of the 2027 elections. And also disbelieving for a supposed enlightened person(s) to accept every rumour trending on social media without critical analysis, mostly when there is no evidence to support such damaging claims.

     People like us, who have been with him for the past 24 years, have followed and been abreast with his political journey in Delta State, and can testify without mincing words that Chief Great Ogboru has, to date, been enjoying the overwhelming support of all Deltans in all his governorship races. And such a highly profiled personality couldn’t be referred to as playing the script of who? Gov. Oborevwori? A successful international businessman whose financial history is known and documented by institutions such as CBN, EFCC and Nigerian Ports Authority.

     A man who became a millionaire at 25 and a multimillionaire in dollars by 28 through his fisheries investment, spanning over 42 years across African countries. To say such a man is taking political directives from anyone is not only laughable but deeply disrespectful. In 2003, when Chief Great Ogboru contested the governorship under Alliance for Democracy (AD), people called it a “Yoruba party” that Urhobos shouldn’t associate with it. Today, many of those same people are in the APC, which grew out of that very party.

     In 2007, when he moved to the DPP, the same people mocked the party for having no national presence. Yet, someone became a senator, and another became a House of Representatives member, while about 11 people became Delta State House of Assembly members through that same party, only to later destroy it because they didn’t want Chief Ogboru to become governor.

     In 2013–2014, during the APC merger process, Chief Ogboru, leading the DPP, pulled out due to the manipulations of these same individuals, who rejected the agreed formula that would have given DPP fair representation in the new APC structure in Delta State. In 2015, he joined the Labour Party, and these same critics again tried to ridicule him. Yet under him, the party produced a Senator and two members of the Delta State House of Assembly, and many became beneficiaries.

     For years, these same individuals have accused Chief Ogboru of refusing to associate with the political class. Now, after one election in which he didn’t go to court, they went on to spread a false story that he’s now “holding brief” for Governor Oborevwori. Height of hypocrisy. Let me clarify one thing: Chief Ogboru’s son, Michael Ogboru, who was appointed by Gov. Oborevwori, accepted the role merely as a sign of respect, not because Chief Ogboru is politically aligned with the Governor.

     In fact, Michael ceased participating in that administration as far back as September 2023. As for other appointees allegedly loyal to Chief Ogboru, many of them do not even know the road to the Government House in Asaba, nor can the Governor identify them. Chief Ogboru maintains relationships with several politicians across party lines, including Chief James Ibori, Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan, Dr Arthur Okowa, Chief Ighoyota Amori, and Sen. Ovie Omo-Agege and others, not because of political alignment, but because he believes in the politics of sportsmanship, and not bitterness.

     Chief Ogboru remains committed to the vision of transforming Delta State and continues to pursue his political aspirations, guided by his enduring principles and love for the people. And yet, he was never a contractor to any tier of government in Nigeria. He has never done, and is not doing, any direct or indirect contract with any government at the federal, state, or local level.

    Read Also: 3.553 million voters for August 16 legislative bye elections

     It could be recalled that in 2002, Chief Great Ogboru formed the South-South Rainbow Coalition (SSRC), a political pressure group, alongside other prominent Nigerians. He later used this platform to lead his followers into the Alliance for Democracy (AD), where he emerged as the party’s governorship candidate for the 2003 election, against the then-incumbent Governor, Chief James Ibori of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

     During the campaign, Chief Ogboru and his supporters faced intense political persecution. The state government and the PDP used all their powers to intimidate his supporters, denied him access to public campaign venues, and restricted his appearances on government-controlled media. His only option was to campaign physically from town to town.

     Despite these challenges, Chief Ogboru won the popular vote in the 2003 election. However, the results were manipulated in favour of the PDP. As a law-abiding citizen, he filed a petition at the Governorship Election Tribunal to challenge the outcome, pursuing the case up to the Court of Appeal. Unfortunately, the legal process was deliberately delayed through numerous adjournments throughout Chief James Ibori’s four-year tenure, and the petition was eventually dismissed without a proper hearing.

     During this time, the PDP-led government in Delta State further sought to weaken Ogboru by targeting his businesses to diminish both his political and financial strength. The 2003 elections were marred by irregularities: ballot boxes were snatched and pre-filled in private residences of PDP members, often in the presence of complicit law enforcement officers. These events seriously undermined democratic principles and deeply affected him, his followers, but yet, Chief Ogboru remained undeterred.

    2007 election and the betrayal of Urhobo interests

     In 2007, Chief Ogboru contested the governorship under the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP), running against Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan of the PDP, an Itsekiri man alleged to be maternally related to Chief James Ibori.

     During the voter registration exercise for the 2007 general election and 2011 general election, many Urhobo politicians within the PDP collected political incentives and mobilisation fees to register politically unaware sons and daughters of Urhobo kingdoms in riverine Ijaw and Itsekiri communities as voters. This was done to artificially inflate the voting population in those areas, strategically disadvantaging Chief Ogboru.

     Sadly, they did not foresee the long-term consequences. In trying to win the election for the PDP, they inadvertently empowered the riverine communities politically, weakening Urhobo influence. Today, many Urhobo politicians, despite being in power, have become politically irrelevant and now depend on the Ijaw, Itsekiri, and Ika people for political and financial support. A tragic irony.

     The 2007 election was widely condemned as flawed. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) did not conduct a proper election but instead wrote fictitious results in favour of the PDP. In response, Chief Ogboru filed a petition, which was initially dismissed, but the Court of Appeal in Benin overturned the decision on October 4, 2010. The court ruled that the 2007 election was invalid and ordered a rerun, which took place on January 6, 2011.

     Even in the rerun, the manipulation persisted. INEC reused the same fraudulently accredited registered voter list, filled with fictitious names from the riverine communities—individuals originally mobilized by PDP Urhobos to defeat Chief Ogboru.

     Ogboru’s true victories and INEC’s alleged manipulations

     In the 2007 general election, the 2011 rerun, and the 2011 general election, Chief Ogboru was widely regarded as the actual winner, based on genuine votes. However, INEC declared manipulated results, relying on inflated figures from riverine LGAs such as Warri North, Warri South-West, Burutu, and Patani. Shockingly, many Urhobo PDP leaders continued to betray their own people, enabling this injustice.

     This conspiracy against the Urhobo nation, under the guise of opposition to Chief Ogboru, has left a painful legacy. Once-proud Urhobo leaders now look up to their riverine counterparts as political and financial patrons. What a reversal of fortune.

    2015 and 2019 elections: Repeating the pattern

     In the 2015 and 2019 general elections, Ogboru contested again, this time against Senator Dr. Arthur Okowa, an Ika man. These elections were also manipulated, with results arbitrarily written in PDP’s favour. In both instances, PDP’s votes even exceeded the total number of accredited voters in the whole state, which was clearly a violation of the Electoral Act.

     Fictitious votes were generated from sparsely populated rural communities in Delta North and the riverine Delta South. This manipulation stemmed from the same voter registration fraud that began in 2007 to 2011, wherein Urhobo voters were registered in riverine areas to favour the PDP. As a result, the true population strength of urban Delta Central was politically diluted. Ogboru challenged these outcomes up to the Supreme Court, citing widespread irregularities and fictitious votes.

    Legal battles and judicial injustice

    Chief Ogboru has filed more election petitions than any other Nigerian, including those in 2003, 2007, 2011 (rerun and general), 2015, and 2019, except for the 2023 election, which he didn’t contest due to advice from close allies, given past experiences.

    Key facts about his legal struggles include:

     1. In 2007, the Delta State Government, in collusion with the Nigeria Police, unlawfully declared Chief Ogboru wanted with a ₦25 million bounty, with so much harassment and intimidation on his political followers, just to prevent him from filing a petition against the PDP and INEC. 2. His 2003 petition against Ibori lasted 46 months, while the case against Uduaghan dragged on for over three years.

    3. The Supreme Court, due to Ogboru’s persistence, recommended time limits for election petition cases, leading to the current legal framework. 4. Ironically, Chief Ogboru became the first victim of this statute of limitations in 2011 when the Court of Appeal failed to deliver judgment within the required 60 days, as prescribed by Section 285(7) of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, through no fault of his own.

     Yet, the Supreme Court refused to hear the case based on this technicality, despite his request to nullify just 11,000 fraudulent votes from riverine areas like Koko town. 5. His lawyer, Dr. Dickson Osuala, was fined ₦8 million for asking the Supreme Court to reverse its decision, a punishment that shocked many in the legal community.

     6. During the 2015 and 2019 tribunals, INEC’s lawyers argued that INEC guidelines had no legal force, meaning the use of card readers (a fraud-prevention tool) was “unknown to law.” This rationale was used to validate questionable votes, and the Supreme Court upheld this position.

     Legacy of integrity and perseverance

     Unfortunately, some individuals continue to spread lies against Chief Great Ogboru, an innocent man who has relentlessly pursued justice. He is the only Nigerian to have contributed so significantly to the development of Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence through legal action.

     Chief Great Ogboru, affectionately called The People’s General, has proven himself a man of peace, due process, integrity, and modesty. His political journey, though fraught with betrayals and injustice, remains a symbol of unwavering courage in the face of systemic oppression.

     Those peddling falsehoods against him should desist and instead focus on real political issues, such as the development of Delta State, not the selfish “politics of stomach infrastructure” that now dominates Nigerian politics.

  • APC set for victory in legislative bye-elections, Bashiru assures

    APC set for victory in legislative bye-elections, Bashiru assures

    The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has expressed optimism over August 16, 2025 by-elections to fill vacant seats in the National and State Assemblies across 12 States.

    The National Secretary of the party, Senator Ajibola Bashiru in a telephone interview on Saturday night said the party was prepared for the by-elections, stating no stone would be left unturned for the off-season elections taking place in 16 constituencies.

    He said: “We are prepared for the by-elections in all the 16 constituencies. The same commitment we give to the general election is what we give any off-season election. August 16 election is no exception.

    Read Also: Coalition takeover of NEC forceful, illegal, says sole ADC Reps member Abejide

    “We have started campaign in all the affected constituencies in Anambra, Edo, Ogun, Oyo, Niger and other states.

    “With the level of our preparation, we are optimistic of victory. We are optimistic that we shall be victorious in almost all the constituencies come Saturday, August 16,” Bashiru predicted

    The by-elections are billed to hold in two Senatorial Districts, five Federal Constituencies, and nine State Assembly seats.

    The affected constituencies include Anambra South and Edo Central Senatorial Districts; Ovia South West/Ovia South East (Edo); Babura/Garki (Jigawa); Chikun/Kajuru (Kaduna); Ikenne/Shagamu/Remo North (Ogun) and Ibadan North (Oyo) Federal Constituencies.

    The nine State Assembly seats are Ganye (Adamawa); Onitsha North I (Anambra); Dekina/Okura (Kogi); Zaria Kewaye and Basawa (Kaduna); Bagwai/Shanono (Kano); Mariga (Niger); Karim Lamido I (Taraba) and Kauran Namoda South (Zamfara).

  • 3.553 million voters for August 16 legislative bye elections

    3.553 million voters for August 16 legislative bye elections

    About 3,553,659 eligible voters across 6,987 polling units in 12 States, 32 Local Government Areas and 356 Wards are expected to participate in the August 16 bye elections into the National and State Houses of Assembly.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission(INEC) portal for nomination of candidates for the election, which opened on Monday, July 21 automatically shut down on Saturday, July 26, while the final list of candidates was expected to have been published on Friday, August 1, 2025.

    By the INEC timetable, campaigns for the bye election was scheduled to kick off on Saturday, August 2, 2025.

    Also, the dedicated portal for media coverage of the election closed on the 31st of July, while the commission has already published the list of accredited election observers for the election.

    At the time of this report, the commission was yet to release the list of candidates for the election as well as the number of political parties contesting the election.

    However, the name of 60 local and 4 foreign election observers including the European Union delegation has been published by the commission to monitor the election.

    Election is expected to be conducted in two Senatorial districts in Edo and Anambra and five Federal Constituencies in Edo, Ogun, Kaduna, Jigawa and Oyo.

    Edo central senatorial district became vacant as a result of the resignation of Senator Monday Okoebholo to contest the Governorship election in Edo state, while Anambra South senatorial district became vacant as a result of the death of Senator Ifeanyi Uba.

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    Also, while the Ovia Federal Constituencies of Edo state became vacant as a result of resignation by Danis Idahosa to contest as the Deputy Governor of Edo state, Ibadan North (Oyo state), Chikun/Kajuru (Kaduna state), Bakura/Garki (Jigawa state) and Ikene/Shagamu/Remo North federal constituencies became vacant as a result of the death of the lawmakers.

    The election into state Houses of Assembly will also be conducted in Kogi, Zamfara, Niger, Taraba, Adamawa, Kano, Anambra and Kaduna state’s.

    The Nation gathered that the Julius Abure led faction of the Labour Party has threatened to go to court to challenge it’s exclusion from the process leading to the Elections, but the alleged exclusion could not be confirmed last night as officials told The Nation to await the final list of candidates for the election.

    Earlier, the Commission had warned political parties against making careless mistakes in the nomination and submission of candidates for the various election, saying such mistakes could be detrimental to both the parties and their candidates.

    National Commissioner and Chairperson of the Legal Services, Clearance and Complaints Committee (LSC&CC), Mrs. May Agbamuche-Mbu gave the warning at a two-day refresher training workshop on using the INEC Candidate Nomination Portal (ICNP) for party officials.

    She said “Nomination of candidates is not only a statutory obligation as provided in Section 29 of the Electoral Act, 2022, but it is the very foundation upon which elections are conducted. An error in the submission of personal particulars of candidates by political parties can be potentially detrimental to both the party and its candidate.”

    The National Commissioner stressed that despite the progress made so far with the ICNP in reducing paperwork and improving compliance, political parties still face challenges such as incomplete form submissions, improper document attachments, and frequent turnover of personnel managing the nomination process.

    “This refresher training is designed to bridge those gaps and ensure that both returning and newly appointed party officials have the knowledge and skills necessary for a smooth nomination process,” she added.

    The Nation also gathered that the Commission has received assurance of adequate security for the election from the office of the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu

    At a recent meeting of the Interagency Consultative Committee on Election Security, Ribadu said the security agents will, among other things, intensify intelligence efforts to monitor and preempt any threats to elections and provide real-time intelligence to enable the implementation of proactive measures.

    He was speaking through the Director Internal Security, in his office, Hassan Y Abdullahi, at the second quarterly consultative meeting of the Interagency Concultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES).

    The assurance came as a result of security concerns raised by the Commission Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu.

    Ribadu said collaborative efforts between security agencies and the commission have been the mainstay of maintaining peace and order during the election.

  • Okocha remains our Rivers chairman, says APC

    Okocha remains our Rivers chairman, says APC

    The National Working Committee (NWC) of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has reaffirmed Chief Tony Okocha as chairman of the party in Rivers State.

    The party in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka in Abuja on Saturday denounced the claim by Mr. Emeka Beke to the office, insisting the Okocha remains chairman of the River chapter of the party.

    Morka was reacting to a claim by Beke to the chairmanship seat of the party in the state at a press conference in Abuja on Thursday.

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    The party urged members and the public to disregard Beke’s claim, which Morka described as false and misleading.

    Denouncing Beke, the party wrote: “The attention of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has been drawn to media reports of a claim by Mr Emeka Beke to the Chairmanship of the Rivers state chapter of our Party.

    “We wish to clarify, for the record, that Chief Tony Okocha is, and remains, the Chairman of the Rivers state chapter of our Party.

    “We urge our teeming members in the state, and the general public, to disregard the said reports or reference to Mr Beke as State Chairman of Rivers APC as false and misleading.”

  • Coalition takeover of NEC forceful, illegal, says sole ADC Reps member Abejide

    Coalition takeover of NEC forceful, illegal, says sole ADC Reps member Abejide

    The only African Democratic Congress (ADC) member in the House of Representatives, Hon Leke Abejide, has described what he termed as the attempted “forceful takeover” of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party by the coalition of politicians led by former Senate President David  Mark as illegal. 

    He also declared the coalition’s attempt to unseat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 election is “bound to collapse”.

    Abejide, a second-term serving lawmaker who represents Yagba East, Yagba West and  Mopamuro Federal Constituency, Kogi State, won his elections to the Green Chamber back-to-back in 2019 and 2023 on the platform of the opposition ADC. 

    He was also the governorship flag bearer of the ADC in the 2023 Kogi governorship election.

    Speaking during the meeting of “Critical stakeholders of the Leke Abejide political family” in Abuja at the weekend, he dissociated himself from the Coalition ADC and called on his supporters to join hands with him to “chase out marauders” from ADC.

    Participants at the meeting cut across party lines, including ADC, All Progressives Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP) from across the three senatorial districts in Kogi State and other parts of Nigeria.

    Abejide said the meeting became imperative to clarify his status of party allegiance. 

    Amid recent calls on him by various groups of supporters in Kogi State to join APC and his sustained vocal support for President Bola Tinubu’s reelection in 2027, speculations were rife as to  whether he had defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (,APC) or still in the PDP.

    He however affirmed that as the party’s lone and highest elective office holder, he remains a member of the “original ADC” in Kogi state and at the  federal level not what he termed as the “Kangaroo Coalition ADC “with the intent to seize the party”. 

    Abejide noted: “We shall join hands to chase out political marauders from People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), and other parties that have formed a coalition (in ADC). We have been watching their characters since they claimed to have joined ADC as a coalition, it is clear now that they came with a notion to hijack the party structures, suppress original members of the party, and want to use the party to achieve their aims and objectives which is dead on arrival”. 

    He added: “Their recent activities in Kogi state are a mockery of democracy, those who came through the window and back doors are now claiming to be leaders of ADC in Kogi state.  When we were nursing the party and maintaining the structures of the party both at the National level and in Kogi State,  where were they? 

    “It is evident that they destroyed their political parties and have come to ADC solely to achieve the same aim. We will not allow them to destroy ADC. On this premise, we shall seek legal actions by approaching the court of law, as the highest member of NEC to challenge the illegality of the so-called Interim National Working Committee”.

    Noting that while the normal procedure demands that the NEC meets to consider the resignation of members of the National Working Committee and new ones elected and ratified, in this instance “there was nothing as such at all”.

    Therefore, he said, “everything the so-called coalition has done is a nullity and thereby rejected by the original ADC members in Kogi state. There is going to be a new coalition of ADC, with other parties to support President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term in office. For the naysayers, they are only digging their political graves, as you will all go into political oblivion after 2027. We remain the original members of the African Democratic Congress”.

    A chieftain of APC, Chief John Fabola, said the meeting was a deliberate joint-action of supporters loyal to Abejide across party divides in Kogi state and beyond. 

    “He has said he is still in the APC like a rock of gilbralter. Any steps he decides to take further he will not hesitate to let us know. This is what he has made clear to us and I believe we understand that. He is the landlord of ADC, not only in Yagba Federal Constituency, Kogi State but at the federal level. The aim of the  coalition is to unseat President Bola Tinubu. We are here to ensure they did not succeed and they will not succeed,” he said.