The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • State creation: How Anioma’s identity resonates with Southeastern region

    State creation: How Anioma’s identity resonates with Southeastern region

    Stakeholders in the quest for creation of Anioma State have restated commitment to that cause, saying that the people’s root with the Southeast region of the country, populated by Igbo is not debatable.

    According to a press statement signed by one of its coordinators, Chief Chiedu Odiakose, the group faulted a recent publication by the Odogwu of Ibusa, Dr. Nwankwo Nwaezeigwe.

    They said the Asagba of Asaba cannot dictate for Anioma, stressing that while the Asagba of Asaba, His Royal Majesty Obi (Prof.) Epiphany Azinge, SAN, is respected, it’s a grave error to suggest that his opinion is customarily binding on all Anioma communities.

    “Anioma is a collection of sovereign kingdoms, each with its own monarch and council of chiefs. Ogwashi-Uku, Onicha-Ugbo, Obior, Issele-Uku, Igbodo, Ubulu-Uku, and others are not vassal states of Asaba.

    “The suggestion that a single monarch can bind the entire region by fiat runs contrary to our customs and democratic norms.”

    On the historical ties with Igbo, the statement reads, “It’s true that Anioma culture is enriched by contact with Benin, Igala, and other neighbours. But our linguistic, ancestral, and spiritual foundations are firmly Igbo. Ogwashi-Uku Kingdom, for example, traces its roots directly to the ancient Nri Kingdom in present-day Anambra State. Our naming customs, spiritual systems, title structures, and linguistic patterns overwhelmingly align with the broader Igbo civilization.

    “His Royal Majesty Professor Chukwuka Okonjo, the late Obi of Ogwashi-Uku, who was not only a renowned academic but also a Brigadier in the Biafran Organisation of Freedom Fighters (BOFF)—a key arm of the Biafran military command, fought with honour and conviction for the Igbo cause during the civil war.

    “To suggest now, decades later, that Anioma people were never part of the Igbo nation, or that they were culturally alien to Biafra, is to erase the sacrifices of men like Professor Chukwuka Okonjo and many others who stood firm for justice, self-determination, and ethnic identity,”

    Reacting further to Odogwu’s comments, he added, “It’s astonishing that a titled man would cite the ill health of the Obi of Akwukwu-Igbo or the brutal assassination of the Obi of Ubulu-Uku as punishments for failing to uphold certain “taboos.”

    “These are real human tragedies, not supernatural morality tales. This kind of commentary is indecorous, disrespectful, and unbecoming of anyone who claims to speak for our people. We must always show dignity to the stool, regardless of who occupies it.

    On the place of Anioma with its kiln in the South-East, Odiakose noted that the movement for Anioma State is not merely about political alignment.

    “It’s about cultural restoration. Anioma people speak Igbo, live Igbo, and have suffered alongside the Igbo. The Asaba Massacre, the pogroms, and the systemic marginalisation of Anioma communities didn’t occur because we were different from our eastern brothers. They occurred because we were seen as the same.

     No historical revisionism can erase this blood-linked solidarity.

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    “Anioma people deserve to choose their future freely. We cannot be hostages to fears of IPOB or the actions of past military leaders. Inclusion in the South-East offers us unity, economic synergy, and political weight. Inclusion in the South-South, dominated by other ethnic groups with their own ambitions, leaves Anioma isolated and fragmented.

    The group stressed that peaceful coexistence with Edo is not mutually exclusive with Igbo identity, pointing out that respecting and maintaining cordial relations with their Edo neighbours doesn’t require them to deny their Igbo roots.

    “True friendship is based on mutual respect, not cultural surrender. Anioma people must not be used as pawns in a geopolitical balancing act.”

    “Anioma’s future cannot be dictated by nostalgia for pre-colonial alliances or political maneuvering by a few. It must be decided by open consultation, historical truth, and the will of the people. No one traditional ruler speaks for all of Anioma.

    “Let’s honour our ancestors by speaking truth—not myth. Let’s honour our monarchs by protecting their dignity—not weaponizing their misfortunes. And let’s honour our identity by standing where we truly belong: as proud Anioma people, deeply and unapologetically Igbo.”

  • Hurdles ADC faces as NEC meeting holds

    Hurdles ADC faces as NEC meeting holds

    Many court actions have been filed against the Senator David Mark-led interim leadership of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) by some party members. ASSISTANT EDITOR EMMANUEL BADEJO examines the implications for the orderly transfer of party leadership, cohesion and unity.

    The African Democratic Congress (ADC), the new political bride for some Nigerian politicians, may be standing at the brink of total collapse or rebirth, as it holds its National Executive Meeting (NEC) today.

    Its outgoing National Chairman of the party Ralph Nwosu on Sunday said the party was going through transition.

    According to him, he had recently stepped aside for former Senate President David Mark as national chairman. But, the process to seal this development is still being fine-tuned to avoid legal challenge.

    One of the things today’s NEC will attempt to resolve is to solidify the transition of coalition members into the party’s executive positions.

    About five weeks ago, the coalition members had taken over the leadership position of the party.  While Mark was announced as the new chairman, former Interior Minister and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola was made the National Secretary, and former Sports Minister Bolaji Abdullahi was declared as National Publicity Secretary – all of them on an interim basis.

    Former Vice President and Coalition Coordinator Atiku Abubakar, many ex-governors and ex-ministers who are coalition members were at the funfair ceremony.

    Other coalition prominent figures include Rotimi Amaechi, a former transportation minister; Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 elections; Nasir el-Rufai, former Kaduna governor; and John Oyegun, former chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Also in the ship are Sule Lamido, ex-governor of Jigawa; Uche Secondus, former PDP national chairman; Babangida Aliyu, former governor of Niger state; Sam Egwu, former governor of Ebonyi; Aminu Tambuwal, former governor of Sokoto; and Liyel Imoke, former governor of Cross River, among others.

    But the announcement on interim leadership has sparked controversy over the legality of the party’s headship change.  Several court actions have been filed against the process that produced the new leadership.

    The Nation learnt that five state chairmen of the party had filed a lawsuit at the Federal High Court in Abuja, seeking to stop what they described as the unlawful takeover of the party by Mark and others.

    The suit also questions the role of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in recognising the interim leadership of the ADC.

    Before the court action by the five state chairmen, three aggrieved members of the party had approached the Federal High Court in Abuja, asking it to sack the Mark-led interim leadership of the party.

    The plaintiffs in the suit – Adeyemi Emmanuel, Ayodeji Victor Tolu and Haruna Ismaila – further challenged the membership of Senator Mark and others who were appointed as interim leaders of the party.

    They prayed the court to, among other things, determine whether the purported handover of the party’s leadership structure to individuals involved in a merger was not a direct violation of a subsisting judgment.

    The plaintiffs in the suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/1328, posed legal questions for the court to determine, among which included:

    “Whether the current Executive Committee of the 1st Defendant ought not to have been dissolved or replaced only through a properly convened National Convention or a valid decision of the National Executive Committee (NEC).”

    Upon the determination of the questions, the plaintiffs urged the court to hold that the appointment and nomination of interim leadership for the party “is unconstitutional, unlawful, null and void.”

    Article 23, Clause 4 of the ADC Constitution states: “If a vacancy arises in any party office, the appropriate Executive Committee shall appoint a replacement from the same zone or constituency as the outgoing office holder.

    “This appointment is to remain in effect until a new election is conducted at the next congress or convention.”

    Mark is from Northcentral while Nwosu is from the Southeast.

    Aregbesola is from the Southwest while Sa’id Baba Abdullahi National Secretary is from the North.

    Also, there was no known national executive committee meeting where the interim national officers were elected.

    Indeed, Nwosu announced his resignation at the event, same as Mark who said he just resigned from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Another provision of the party’s constitution is that for anybody to hold an executive office, he must have stayed for two years in the party.

    Nwosu himself confirmed this. He said during the October 12, 2022 convention, the ADC adopted a key clause requiring new members to spend, at least, two years in the party before they could contest elections or hold office.

    Other provisions in the party’s constitution regarding election into offices include: Article 23.

    It provides: “To be eligible to hold any party position, a member must be in the party for at least two years for National and Zonal offices, and at least one year for State, Local Government and Ward positions.

    “Such eligible members must not be in arrears of membership dues.”

    Article 17 is explicit about how national and state officers must emerge and how long they should serve.

    Subsection 1(a) states: “All National and state officers of the party shall hold office for a period of four years at the first instance and thereafter be eligible for re-election for a second term of four years.”

    Subsection 1(c) adds: “All elections into the national and state offices shall be done at the appropriate convention and congresses of the party.”

    Article 23: Tenure of office

    Under Clause 3, any officer elected into the Executive Committee at any level is required to resign from office by submitting a 30-day written notice to the appropriate executive body. However, where the resignation is for the purpose of seeking elective office, it must align with the      timeframe provided in the relevant election guidelines.

    Sources hinted that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is yet to reckon with the changes of ADC’s leadership, as it still maintains Nwosu as ADC’s chairman on its register.

    Though claimed to have resigned, insiders within the party, informed that Nwosu and the secretary, Abdullahi, sent two correspondences to INEC few days ago to inform it of a planned NEC meeting slated for today and an August 16 primary election to pick candidates for the by-election, which the electoral agency is organising next month.

    To Nwosu, there was nothing amiss by bringing members of the coalition as national officers of the party, adding that, there are provisions to amend the party’s constitution.

    But his position has been vehemently opposed by some party chieftains and legal practitioners.

    The displaced National Publicity Secretary Musa Matara said: “The amendment of a constitution is not something a small group of people can just do to suit their interests.

    “It requires a public hearing. Even though it may not be a written party rule, it still demands public input and the involvement of stakeholders.”

    He argued that due process must be followed in such matters, with wide consultation and proper documentation.

    Matara added: “If you’re drafting or amending the constitution of any organisation, all stakeholders must be critically involved from the planning stage to the implementation and final adoption. You don’t just add to a developed constitution.”

    The ex-ADC spokesman questioned the timing and rationale for the amendment, saying: “If someone says the constitution was amended, the next question is, when exactly was it amended?

    “Was it close to the time the coalition started? Or was it before, when there was no discussion about the coalition? And what was the purpose of the amendment?”

    Matara insisted that any amendment must align with national laws, especially the Electoral Act of 2022, adding the electoral commission should also be involved in the process.

    He stressed: “Before any political party’s constitution can be amended, INEC must be involved and must supervise the process.

    Similarly, Dumebi Kachikwu, the party’s 2023 presidential candidate described the leadership change as a “hijack” rather than a genuine political alliance.

    Kachikwu, who spoke on national television, slammed the move to adopt the ADC as the official platform for a multi-party opposition front ahead of the 2027 elections, alleging that it was done without proper consultation or regard for ongoing legal disputes within the party. “This isn’t unity, it’s a hijack. The rank and file were sidelined,” he said. “You can’t build legitimacy on fractured foundations.” Kachikwu expressed deep concern over the coalition’s leadership and makeup, labelling it “a fraudulent theatre of geriatrics” and “a bad chapter” led by individuals he said embody all that has gone wrong within the party.

    “It’s led by a man who represents everything wrong with our party’s recent history,” he stated.

    Referring to the inclusion of seasoned politicians like Mark and Aregbesola, he said, “These are politicians who have failed before and will fail again. We can’t build the future with people clinging to the past.”

    He further described the alliance as a “cosmetic gathering” driven by personal ambition rather than national development, warning that many of its members would “exit the same way they entered—through the back door.”

    Kachikwu vowed legal action, declaring, “This matter will be taken to court. We will challenge this fraud with everything at our disposal. This is not just a political fight—it’s a moral one.”

    Kachikwu also challenged the coalition’s legitimacy, citing unresolved legal disputes in court over ADC leadership.

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    He said Ralph Nwosu’s term as ADC national chairman expired two years ago, and he lacked the authority to transfer leadership to select persons in a controversial coalition.

    “They are walking down a very slippery slope that only ends in one place: failure. You cannot build something on nothing,” he said.

    “Two courts in two different jurisdictions did not make a mistake when they ruled that this man’s (Nwosu) tenure had elapsed.

    “So, there is nothing they (ADC) would do that would make sense. Nwosu’s tenure expired two years ago; there has been no national executive committee (NEC) or convention.

    “They (ADC) have been trying to have a convention. In fact, they did two conventions, and INEC refused to recognise it.

    “That is the problem of the party. We [ADC] are facing special circumstances that our constitution never envisaged would have a lacuna within the party.”

    Kachikwu said only the court can decide the fate of the ADC.

    Also, Mr. Malaki Ugumadu, a human rights lawyer and a former president of the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights, said the issues confronting the ADC could only be resolved in the court.

    “There are two sides to it, which leads it to multiple interpretations. On the one hand, there are people who are existing members of the ADC. The ADC is an existing political party with structures, with membership and followership, even prospective membership.

    “And so, in one breath, those of them who are already members see what is happening as a kind of hijack of their party.

    “To that extent, they have approached the court and then rely on some provisions of their constitution saying that it is not possible that the man who is their chairman, who has superintended this process, will have the capacity and legal barriers to do what he has done, considering again that even his tenure has been contested. And what they seek to do, in my view, is that, yes, we are members of this political party.

    “It is not possible that a singular person could take such a fundamental decision on the party, for the party, without the full concurrence and participation of the existing members of the party.”

  • Rivers reschedules council poll to August 30

    Rivers reschedules council poll to August 30

    The Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) has rescheduled the local government election to August 30.

    The Chairman of RSIEC, Michael Odey, announced the new date during the official unveiling of the revised timetable for the election.

    Odey explained the decision to postpone the elections was informed by the prevailing circumstances in the state.

    He cited constitutional provisions, which empowered the commission to reschedule elections in situations of crisis or potential unrest.

    He said: “You can recall that a general stakeholders meeting was conveyed by the 6th commission, on Wednesday 5th March 2025, in which August 9th 2025, was proclaimed as a date of Local Government Council Elections in Rivers State prior to the advent of the emergency rule”.

    But he said the 7th commission of RSIEC took proper cognisance of section 13 sub 5, of the RSIEC Law before fixing the new date.

    “Therefore, by the powers vested upon the commission by this provision I hereby announce the postponement of the local government Council elections earlier fixed to hold on Saturday 9th August 2025, for a very obvious and incontrovertible reason,” he said.

    The RSIEC Chairman further assured the public the commission was fully prepared to deliver a free, fair, and transparent electoral process.

    He emphasised that the commission would strictly adhere to all electoral guidelines, and that voters would be able to cast their votes without fear or intimidation.

    He said: “Today marks a critical milestone in our journey to ensure a transparent free, fair, credible and inclusive electoral process. Now, what we about to unveil today, is not merely, a timetable of event, it is a commitment to electoral due process, it is a commitment to electoral timeliness grounded in law, it is a commitment to fairness to all participants on the electoral process.

    “We recognise that each one of you has a pivotal role to play in the process and we look forward to continued collaboration and vigilance, including your support as we thronged along to the election day.

    “We in the 7th Commission, in accepting this national assignment and responsibility, we are not unaware of the weighty implications and huge significance particularly in the light of this incredibly extraordinary period, in the democratic evolution of Rivers State.

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    “Now, periodic elections all over the world is arguably the cornerstone, it is a hallmark, it is, if you like a condition precedence for a sustainable democracy.

    “Furthermore, we are going to ensure that the prospective voters have a free and unfettered access to the electoral sites and venues and polling units to exercise their civil responsibility.

    “We are also going to make sure that prospective voters are allowed freely, without intimidation or coercion to make their choices and we are going to make sure that the entire process is not transparent, free, fair, credible and inclusive, but that it is going to be seen as such”.

    Odey vowed to enforce all the electoral laws and guidelines describing himself as a stickler to electoral rules.

    He said: “Electoral laws and timelines are sacrosanct. As a matter of fact on a personal level, I have an incurable obsession for electoral due delegence, I am a stickler to that and I have no apologies at all. I am very stubborn in adherence to this regulations because the people of Rivers State desire nothing less.

    “And so, what I want to ask of the good people of Rivers State here and now, on behalf of the commission is to give us your support and cooperation, we will deliver to you the best of elections, we will do that in excellence, in honour, with dignity and integrity.”

  • Tinubu-Kwankwaso alliance talks not unusual, says presidential aide

    Tinubu-Kwankwaso alliance talks not unusual, says presidential aide

    As political manoeuvring intensifies ahead of the 2027 general elections, a senior aide to President Bola Tinubu has said there is nothing unusual or suspicious about the President’s recent meeting with former Kano State governor and NNPP chieftain Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

    The meeting, held last week at the Presidential Villa in Abuja, has sparked speculation about a possible alliance between the two political figures.

    Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, Senior Special Assistant to the President on Print Media, said during a television interview on Monday that such engagements are normal in politics and should not be misinterpreted.

    “Politicians talk; it’s not a sin to talk across lines,” Abdulaziz stated. “The President or his allies meeting with Kwankwaso, or vice versa, should not be seen as strange. Politics is about alignment, realignment, and evolving strategies.”

    He recalled that both Tinubu and Kwankwaso served in the National Assembly during the Third Republic and later became governors in 1999—ties that have fostered a long-standing political relationship.

    Analysts view the meeting as part of a broader strategy by Tinubu to strengthen his support base ahead of the next election, particularly in Kano State, which boasts significant electoral value. In 2023, Kwankwaso won 38 out of 44 local governments in Kano with 997,279 votes, while Tinubu polled 517,341 votes in the state.

    Observers suggest that courting Kwankwaso and his Kwankwasiyya movement could help the ruling party counter a growing coalition of opposition forces, including Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi.

    Abdulaziz also addressed recent criticisms from Kwankwaso, who alleged that the Tinubu administration had prioritised road infrastructure projects in the South over the North. The presidential aide dismissed the claims, stating that the administration’s infrastructure agenda is based on national economic priorities rather than regional bias.

    “We should look at things as national projects, not as northern or southern projects,” he stated. “What is important is the economic benefit these roads bring. No one can credibly accuse this government of being unfair to any region.”

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    He specifically mentioned that work is ongoing on the crucial Abuja-Kaduna-Kano expressway, countering Kwankwaso’s claims that the project had been abandoned. He also pointed out the significance of the Sokoto-Badagry road, a major infrastructure undertaking with vast portions in the North, as being comparable in scope and strategic importance to the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road in the South.

    The presidential aide further linked the recent defections of two opposition governors, Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom and Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta, to Tinubu’s inclusive and approachable style of politics, not coercion. He said their decisions reflect the president’s growing influence across party lines.

    “With the president’s door always open and his network of friendships remaining largely intact, it’s no surprise that political leaders are gravitating towards the APC,” Abdulaziz concluded.

    As the race to 2027 heats up, Kwankwaso remains a critical political figure, with both the ruling APC and opposition parties like the PDP, Labour Party, and ADC vying for his support. His next moves, whether within or outside the NNPP, could significantly influence the outcome of the next presidential contest.

  • PDP, not APC, mortgaged Nigeria’s future — Okechukwu

    PDP, not APC, mortgaged Nigeria’s future — Okechukwu

    A founding member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Osita Okechukwu, has blamed the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for allegedly mortgaging Nigeria’s future, dismissing recent criticisms by the African Democratic Congress (ADC) against President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

    The ADC had accused the federal government of “fiscal vandalism” following the National Assembly’s approval of $21 billion in foreign loans, warning that Nigeria’s public debt could exceed N200 trillion by year-end without commensurate economic gains.

    Reacting to the allegation during a media chat in Enugu on Sunday, Okechukwu argued that the PDP’s past actions, especially its handling of the power sector, laid the foundation for Nigeria’s current economic woes.

    “My candid position is that it was PDP vandals who truly mortgaged Nigeria’s future through their non-transparent privatisation of the electricity sector,” he said.

    He criticised the ADC for ignoring what he described as the “fiscal vandalism” under PDP’s watch, referencing the controversial sale of NEPA, PHCN, and the stalled Mambilla project, which he claimed crippled Nigeria’s economic base.

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    Okechukwu challenged the ADC to publicly release the 2009 House of Representatives report on the $16 billion power sector spending under the PDP, led by then-Chairman Ndudi Elumelu.

    He also accused former PDP members of fleeing to ADC instead of helping to reform their party, saying, “Instead of fixing the PDP, they sought refuge in ADC and are now deflecting blame with stone-throwing.”

    While acknowledging the dangers of excessive borrowing, Okechukwu urged President Tinubu to focus on loans for infrastructure development rather than recurrent spending. He expressed support for borrowing targeted at revamping the power sector.

    “For me, borrowing should be tied to critical infrastructure like power, which is the bedrock of economic growth, not for recurrent expenditure,” he said.

    He further advised the president to prioritise standard-gauge railway projects and deep-sea ports in the Niger Delta over rehabilitating narrow-gauge railways, saying such investments would better stimulate long-term growth.

  • Tinubu celebrates Obanikoro at 65

    Tinubu celebrates Obanikoro at 65

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has extended warm felicitations to prominent Lagos politician and former Minister of State for Defence, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, on his 65th birthday, praising his steadfast service to Lagos State and Nigeria.

    In a statement by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, on Monday, Tinubu described Senator Obanikoro as an influential leader within the Lagos political landscape and a dependable stakeholder in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    “Senator Obanikoro’s significant contributions to Lagos State, particularly during his tenure as Chairman of the Lagos Island Local Government and as Commissioner for Home Affairs and Culture under my administration as governor, remain worthy of commendation,” the President said.

    Tinubu noted that Obanikoro’s service extended beyond state-level responsibilities, recalling his impactful roles as a Senator representing Lagos Central from 2003 to 2007 and later as Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Ghana.

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    Currently an apex leader in the Lagos APC and a member of the influential Governance Advisory Council (GAC), Obanikoro, fondly known as “Koro,” was celebrated by the President for his “commitment to Lagos development and his pivotal role within the state APC.”

    Tinubu urged the celebrator to continue dedicating his experience and influence to the unity and progress of Nigeria, praying for long life, renewed strength, and more fruitful years in service.

    Obanikoro remains one of the most recognisable figures in Lagos politics, with a career spanning local government administration, national legislature, diplomacy, and executive appointments.

  • A day for Tinubu, BAO, Afuye

    A day for Tinubu, BAO, Afuye

    The people of Ekiti State, irrespective of political leanings, are endorsing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Biodun Oyebanji for second term today in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital, at a grand ceremony organised by the all-inclusive, ‘State-Wide Endorsement Committee,’ led by former Deputy Governor Abiodun Aluko. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the significance of the unprecedented move and implications for next year’s poll in the Fountain of Knowledge.

    Ekiti State is ready for 2026 and 2027. Today in Ado, Ekiti, the state capital, indigenes and residents from over 120 towns and villages would converge on the Ekiti Parapo Pavilion to endorse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term.

    Simultaneously, the determined electorate would also endorse Governor Biodun Oyebanji and his deputy, Mrs. Monisade Afuye, for re-election.

    Next year’s governorship poll would precede the the 2027 presidential election.

    Former four governors – Otunba Niyi Adebayo, Segun Oni, Ayodele Fayose, and Dr. Kayode Fayemi – are backing the president and governor.

    Former deputy governor and leader of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Senator Biodun Olujimi, who also defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC) at the weekend, is expected at the event.

    Ekiti is aglow with festivities as BAO  takes a bow for second term.

    “Never has this type of thing happened in Ekiti, where four former governors are now backing an incumbent for a second term,” said Fayose on television.

    The chairman of the Endorsement Committee, former Deputy Governor Abiodun Aluko, justified the collective backing for the president and governor. “The event is not just an endorsement, but a people-driven affirmation of the transformative leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji,” he said, adding that the reasons behind the move cannot be faulted.

    “It is a confirmation of the series of endorsements cutting across all strata and a unification of the wish of Ekiti people and beyond to unite behind a common vision for continued progress. It is therefore, a defining moment in our political journey, a moment to reaffirm our commitment, express our gratitude, and showcase the enduring partnership between leadership and the people.”

    President Tinubu has in the last two years pursued progressive policies and developmental programmes geared towars the repositioning of the country for excellence. In the couse of implenting the ‘Renewed Hope Agenda,’his reforms have been motovated by national interest and the prime desire to erect a firm foundation for good governance and leave a lasting legacy.

    The president removed the fuel subsidy, thereby blocking the financial loopholes. More money now go the sub-national unit for development. He has been fighting the infrastructure battle with vigour. He has promised to give Ekiti infrastructural deficit a good attention, going by the assurance by the Works Minister Senator Dave Umahi. Many tertiary students now savour the Loans Scheme.

    Recently, a new university was sited by the Tinubu administration at Iyin-Ekiti, in addition to the pre-existing federal institutions. Prominent Ekiti sons in the federal government relay how much the president loves Ekiti, stressing that he has been a great statesman, father-figure and good in-law.

    Aluko also pointed out that Oyebanji has been up and doing by re-enacting or replicating the presidential feats in Ekiti. He explained In less than three years, the governor has demonstrated uncommon focus, humility, and effectiveness in governance, citing road construction  rural electrification, investments in education, healthcare, and job creation as his core achievements.

    The Commissioner for Information, Taiwo Olatunbosun, explained the focus and scope of the endorsement. He corrected the impression that only politicians or the APC family is involved, clarifying that the entire state, including individuals and groups,  academic, market men and women, food sellers, transport unions, okada riders, students, trade unions, artisans and peasants, are clamouring for the governor’s Oyebanji’s re-election.

    A home boy, Oyebanji, who understands Ekiti ‘inside out,’ has allowed his cardinal decisions to be dictated by the wishes of the people. He has governed with humility, patriotism and commitment to welfare.

    His success cannot be divorced from his orienation and experience about the challenges of development confronting the state. Born and bred in Ekiti, the governor attended primary, secondary and the state-owned university in the state. A native of rustic Ikogosi, which nevertheless, is catapulted to global fame as a tourist centre by the Warm Spring, Oyebanji is conversant with the language, yearnings and expectations of the far-flung communities and their thirst for a new lease of life.

    His style has demystified government and governance. Always accessible and sympathetic to plight, he has always put himself in the shoes of in distress. It is not about mere populism. His open door policy has facilitated easy feedback, and as a governor commoners can see, feel, touch and speak with in the public, they pour out their minds to him at the town hall. In responding positively, they now believe they own the government of the people, with their blood flowing in the veins of the administration.

    Oyebanji’s administration is a government of continuity. No doubt, his predecessor, Fayemi, laid a foundation that he has continued to build upon. It is to the credit of the maturity of the past and incumbent governors that unlike in Rivers and some other states, there is no repressed predecessor-successor crisis.

    The governor has presided over a peaceful state. There is peace in the ruling party and government, and so far, there is no inter-party tension. His inclusive policies are generally endearing, making politicians from the ruling and opposition party to see the government as their own. Ekiti is one zone, although there are three senatorial districts created for political expediency . Appointments and infrastructural projects are evenly distributed among the districts, councils and local development authorities in a way that fosters equity and fairness. The critical engagement with the opposition has fostered amity and reduced the usual bitterness, acrimony and discord. Ekiti is no more in the news for the wrong reason. Gone were the days of violence, thuggery and killings.

    Priority is accorded to security of life and property. The invasion of kidnappers from the neighbouring northern state of Kogi was halted. The state security achitecture was reinvigorated with new vision, personnel and equippment. There is inter-agency collaboration and synergy, and since security is a joint duty, the people became partners in intelligence gathering.

    In the civil service state of Ekiti, there is cordial relationship between government and employees. Salaries of civil servants, teachers and local government workers are paid promptly.

    Retirees are not in pains. Gratuities are not delayed. Pensons are paid regularly.

    Ado-Ekiti, state capital and rallying point, is undergoing urban renewal. More people are flocking into the ‘city,’ because there is transquility. Currently, the state government is constructing the Ejigbo overhead bridge. Township roads are being reconstructed and rehabilitated. This also cuts across the councils.

    Road projects are being executed in Ikere-Igbara Odo Road, Ado-Ekiti, Ikere-Ise-Emure Ekiti,  Iworoko, Ifaki, Efon-Alaaye, Igbara-Odo-Ikogosi, Ilawe-Ikere, Omu-Ijelu, Ijurin-Ipoti, Ikole-Ara-Isinbode

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    The governor is also working towards stable power supply in Ekiti by reducing regulatory impediments. The Ekiti State Electricity Regulatory Bureau is being empowered to take control of the essential facility direction. Four Meter Assess Providers (MAP) have been identified and collaboration is ongoing between MAPs BEDC and Ekiti State to provide prepaid meters for many households at affordable cost.

    The five pilot communities are Erinmope, Ode, Aisegba, Imesi, Ipole-Iloro. Also, an Order on tariff setting for customers under BEDC/IBEDC Services Areas have been issued.

    The administration is erecting solar streetlights in towns to increase business hours and enhance security. Many communities savour  for State’s economy. Other projects the installation of new transformers, and the rehabilitation of 33KVA network, from Ilumoba to Ikole Ekiti, and the extension of 33KVA electricity network from Ilawe to Igbara-Odo Ekiti. Communities like Ijan, Ilumoba, Aisegba, Agbado, Imesi, Ode, Isinbode, Egbe, Iro Ayeteju and Omuo are connected to the national grid. Thus, darkness has become a thing of the past. The people of after many years of being in total blackout. The people of Omuo Ekiti to Eda Ile, Ikun Oba, Araromi and Ilasa Ekiti also enjoy electricity connection without interruption.

    Oyebanji has established  commodity boards and introduced a minimum farm gate price, a guarantee of storage facilities in urban markets. His robust agricultural policy is designed to boost productivity and enhance food security.

    The governor has also secured an $80 million AfDB fund for the Ekiti Knowledge Zone (EKZ) project, with the intention of empowering MSMEs with grants and credit.

    Ekiti is noted for education. The governor was, partly, a product of free education of the Ajasin administration in the Second Republic. He is providing a conducive atmosphere for teaching and learning in schools. His administration has recruited 1,300 primary school teachers and invested N14 billion in the renovation and construction of 203 public schools. He has paid N546.9 million in WASSCE examination fees for 16,269 students.

    Health is wealth. Conscious of this fact, Oyebanji has upgraded healthcare facilities across the state and equipped them with personnel and adequate infrastructure.

  • Buhari’s demise and implications for national politics

    Buhari’s demise and implications for national politics

    By Mogaji Seye Oladejo

    The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari marks the end of a defining political chapter in Nigeria’s history. A man of paradoxes—soldier and democrat, nationalist and centralist, austere yet polarizing—Buhari’s death leaves a complex legacy that will continue to shape Nigeria’s national politics for years to come.

    As tributes pour in from across the globe, Nigeria stands at a reflective crossroads. The former president’s influence, both symbolic and strategic, was felt in every corner of the country. His exit from the stage—this time permanently—raises critical questions about the future of power, political alignment, and regional dynamics in Africa’s most populous democracy.

    A force departs

    Muhammadu Buhari was not just a two-time leader; he was a political institution. Rising to power as a military head of state in 1983 and returning as a civilian president in 2015, his career spanned nearly four decades of national transformation. His appeal in the North, particularly among the masses, was unrivaled. His rhetoric of integrity and anti-corruption resonated in a country hungry for honest leadership.

    With his demise, a stabilizing figure in northern politics is gone. Buhari served as a rallying point for the conservative northern elite and a symbol of identity for many in the region. His absence is likely to cause a leadership scramble, as influential figures seek to inherit his political capital and maintain northern dominance in national discourse.

    A party without its patriarch

    Buhari’s death strikes at the heart of the All Progressives Congress (APC), a party he helped build and lead to power in 2015. Though no longer president, his voice and moral authority still carried weight in internal party affairs. He was a bridge between factions, particularly between the technocratic West and the conservative North.

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    Now, the APC faces a critical test. Without Buhari’s unifying presence, internal cracks may widen. Already fraught with ideological disunity and regional competition, the party must redefine its post-Buhari identity. Will it consolidate around President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, or splinter into competing interest blocs?

    Reshaping regional power dynamics

    Buhari’s tenure as president reasserted northern political dominance, often at the cost of perceived marginalization in the South—especially in the Southeast and South-South. His death could reconfigure this balance. With the North momentarily lacking a commanding figure of Buhari’s stature, southern politicians may find new space to assert influence and renew calls for restructuring, equity, and decentralization.

    The long-standing conversation around true federalism, resource control, and state police may gain traction in the absence of Buhari’s centralist approach. His strong opposition to constitutional restructuring was a key roadblock to change. That roadblock is now gone.

    New room to breathe

    Under Buhari, the opposition struggled to mount a strong challenge, partly due to his enduring popularity in key regions. His moral standing, cultivated over decades, gave the APC an advantage even when its governance record was mixed. With his death, the aura of the APC as a “moral corrective” to past administrations may be tested.

    Opposition parties like the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party, and newer third forces could seize this moment to rebuild and reconnect with citizens disillusioned by the old order. The opportunity for a reset in Nigeria’s political narrative is real—if the opposition is willing to evolve and offer a clear alternative.

    Generational shift and aational memory

    Buhari’s demise may also accelerate a generational transition in Nigerian politics. Many of the country’s most influential leaders still belong to the independence and military eras. As figures like Buhari pass on, the stage is being cleared for a new class of leaders—digital natives, reformists, and technocrats with different priorities and worldviews.

    How this generation chooses to remember Buhari will shape how it governs. Will his nationalism inspire a renewed sense of public service and discipline? Or will his centralism and controversial handling of dissent serve as cautionary tales?

    Closing a political era

    The death of Muhammadu Buhari is more than the end of a life—it is the end of an era. His story is deeply intertwined with Nigeria’s post-independence evolution: the coups, the civil war, the fragile democracy, the search for national identity. He was often a stabilizer in times of chaos, yet his leadership was not without its contradictions.

    As Nigeria looks forward, it must also look back—at what Buhari stood for, at what he changed, and at what remains unfinished. His death offers a moment for sober reflection: on power, leadership, and the long road toward a more just and inclusive Nigeria.

    The national political space he once shaped is now open for reinvention. Who steps into it, and how, will define Nigeria’s next chapter.

    • Oladejo wrote from Lagos

  • Which senatorial district will produce Kwara’s next governor?

    Which senatorial district will produce Kwara’s next governor?

    Although the 2027 general elections are still over two years away, the political temperature in Kwara State is already rising. At the heart of the brewing political debate is the question of which senatorial district should produce the next governor of the state, a subject stirring passionate conversations among stakeholders, especially within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    As it stands, Kwara North Senatorial District appears to be the most assertive in its demand for a power shift, backed by what many describe as compelling historical and moral arguments rooted in equity, justice, and fairness.

    Since the return to democratic governance in 1999, the distribution of the governorship seat among the three senatorial districts in Kwara has been lopsided: Kwara Central would have occupied the governorship for 20 years by the time Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq completes his second term in 2027.

    Kwara South has been governed for eight years. Kwara North, in stark contrast, has only governed for one year and eight months during the short-lived tenure of Governor Sha’aba Lafiagi; 1992 to 1993, during the aborted Third Republic.

    For stakeholders from Kwara North, this imbalance has become both a rallying cry and a political case for redress in 2027.

    In a bold political manoeuvre, influential leaders from Kwara North, under the banner of equity, have begun consulting widely. A notable development was a recent meeting between Kwara North elders, led by former senator Ahmed Mohammed, and the Kwara South APC Elders Forum.

    During the meeting, Senator Mohammed appealed for support from the South in advancing Kwara North’s ambition.

    “We are here to solicit the support of Kwara South for the Kwara North agenda. We feel it is time that our district produces the next governor in the spirit of equity, fairness, and justice,” he said. “The three senatorial districts are equal partners in the Kwara project. What is good for the goose must also be good for the gander.”

    His remarks were echoed by Ambassador Nurudeen Mohammed, a respected diplomat and fellow northerner, who emphasised the same call for justice and regional balance.

    Responding on behalf of the Kwara South APC Elders Forum, Chief James Ayeni expressed sympathy with the aspirations of the northern bloc. He, however, urged them to present a united front:

    “Your cause is just, and you have our moral support. But we advise you to put your house in order. Unity among your aspirants and political actors will go a long way in making your case stronger.”

    That message, urging internal cohesion, has resonated across Kwara North, prompting stakeholders in the region to intensify reconciliation and alliance-building efforts.

    In what many see as a sign of readiness, four key aspirants from Kwara North have publicly indicated their interest in contesting for the governorship on the platform of the APC:

    Senator Sadiq Umar

    Umar is currently representing Kwara North at the National Assembly. He is vocal in the legislature and is known for his constituency outreach. He hails from the Kaiama Local Government Area.

    Yakubu Danladi-Salihu

    Danladi-Salihu is the current Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly and one of the youngest political leaders in the state. From Baruten Local Government Area, he enjoys close ties with Governor AbdulRazaq but is seen by some as politically inexperienced for the top job.

    Tajudeen Audu

    Alhaji Audu is the Makama of Lafiagi. He is a chartered accountant and a former governorship aspirant on the APC platform in 2019. He was also one of the early backers of the Otoge movement.

    Haliru Dantosho Mahmud Alhaji Mahmud is a recent defector from the PDP. He was once a youth leader in the opposition party and is now fully integrated into the APC.

    At a stakeholders’ meeting in Ilorin, the four aspirants expressed unity and pledged to support whichever of them secures the party’s ticket. The meeting was attended by the APC Deputy Chairman, Alhaji Abdullahi Samari, who hails from Kwara North.

    Samari emphasised that the zone is united and well-prepared: He said, “We are one big family and we are ready to produce the next governor. Our people have the experience, the character, and the commitment to serve.”

    During his first term in office, Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, a native of Ilorin in Kwara Central, reportedly indicated his support for a power shift to Kwara North in 2027. While not a formal declaration, the statement has become a political reference point for many in the northern bloc.

    This perceived endorsement continues to fuel expectations that the APC will zone the governorship to the North. Failure to do so, observers say, could fracture the party’s internal cohesion and spark defections.

    Despite the growing momentum in Kwara North, the APC in Kwara State is not without internal divisions. The party is reportedly factionalised across all 193 wards, with several power blocs vying for influence.

    A potential threat to the zoning arrangement is the emergence of strong contenders from other zones:

    Saliu Mustapha

    Senator Mustapha (Kwara Central) is the Turaki of Ilorin and Senate Committee Chair on Agriculture and Rural Development. He is one of the most popular politicians in the state, with significant grassroots followership and philanthropic credentials.

    Abubakar Suleiman

    Prof Suleiman is a former minister under President Jonathan and now the Director-General of the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS). A recent defector from the PDP to the APC, his entry complicates the power calculations.

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    While both are formidable aspirants, political observers warn that their ambitions could reignite intra-party conflicts, especially if zoning is disregarded.

    Meanwhile, the opposition PDP is quietly reorganising under the leadership of Senator Bukola Saraki, former Senate President and ex-governor of the state.

    Despite the party’s losses in 2019 and 2023, Saraki remains the rallying point for opposition politics in Kwara. He recently revalidated his PDP membership at his Agbaji ward in Ilorin and has since intensified grassroots mobilisation.

    Speaking during the event, he expressed optimism: “The PDP is the only viable opposition in Kwara. People are frustrated with the current state of affairs. We’re seeing increased interest and enthusiasm from old and new members alike. We’re confident that PDP will bounce back in 2027.”

    There are also speculations that Saraki is wooing influential APC members, including the Mustapha brothers, in a bid to strengthen the PDP’s chances.

    As it stands, Kwara North remains the most likely zone to produce the next governor, especially if the APC honours its informal zoning understanding and the district maintains its internal cohesion.

    The broad consensus on the need for power rotation is strong, and public sentiment favours a shift.

  • President Tinubu, 2027 and Buhari’s sad death

    President Tinubu, 2027 and Buhari’s sad death

    • By Tunde Rahman

    As if blessed with clairvoyance or possibly having a premonition of President Muhammadu Buhari’s imminent death, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr. Boss Mustapha, seemed to have stirred up the debate around the former President’s political strength and likely impact on the 2027 election, even in death.

    On Wednesday, July 9, 2025, just four days before Buhari’s death, the former SGF claimed President Bola Tinubu did not make Buhari president in 2015. He was speaking at the public presentation of a book, titled “According to the President: Lessons From A Presidential Spokesman’s Experience,” written by Mallam Garba Shehu, Spokesman to the late Buhari.

    In his keynote address at the book launch, Mustapha argued that the former President’s fame was never in doubt and that he had already had over 12 million votes in his kitty before the 2015 election. “The merger of the legacy parties merely contributed three million votes to his victory at the 2015 presidential election,” he noted.

    To speak of the true motive behind such a claim or whether the 12 million votes endured would only be conjectural. Yet, it begs the question: If Buhari had always had a guaranteed bloc of 12 million votes, and the alliance partners contributed only three million votes, many would wonder why those massive votes didn’t make him President in 2003, 2007, and 2011 until President Tinubu and others teamed up with him to form an alliance that produced the all–conquering All Progressives Congress.

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    This might have been akin to dissipating energy on a matter that would have been merely academic if the late President himself had not often acknowledged President Tinubu’s help in his ascent to the exalted office. Last March 29, in a telephone call to the President on his 73rd birthday, Buhari rejoiced with him and thanked Tinubu effusively for his contributions to his emergence as President in 2015.

    Notwithstanding the foregoing, the former SGF’s assertion provides a valuable insight into assessing the potential influence the former President’s death may have on the 2027 election.

    Former President Buhari lived a remarkable life by every measure, and his departure in a blaze of glory was no less extraordinary. President Tinubu accorded him a historic state burial. In the wake of Buhari’s demise on Sunday, July 13, in a London hospital, President Tinubu declared seven days of national mourning and ordered the nation’s flag flown at half-staff.

    The President was on hand to receive Buhari’s body as it arrived in Katsina from the United Kingdom. Just as significant, the Federal Government declared a public holiday on Tuesday, July 15, when Buhari’s remains were buried in his Daura hometown in Katsina State.

    President Tinubu led dignitaries, including President Umaru Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau, Prime Minister of the Niger Republic, Ali Lamine Zeine, Vice President Kashim Shettima, former President of the Niger Republic, Issoufou Mahamadou, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, many Nigerian governors and business leaders, to escort the late President’s remains on the long drive to Daura. They witnessed as the former President was laid to rest.

    No honour would be too much for that late patriot, civil war hero, distinguished army general, and former President, who stood for the Talakawas. Many Nigerians respected Buhari for living a Spartan life and standing for truth and justice, values that earned him the sobriquet “Mai Gaskiya.”

    How will President Buhari’s death impact the politics of the 2027 election and President Tinubu’s re-election, with the opposition swirling around him, baying for blood? It is yet unclear. Indeed, in the run-up to the 2027 election, some analysts liken former President Buhari’s death to a double-edged sword that can cut both ways. They contend that the impact of his demise on the 2027 election can swing for and against President Tinubu.

    Those who think his passing may chip away at the President’s re-election plans contend that Buhari remained a true and consistent ally of Tinubu till death and that the partnership between the two, built on mutual trust and respect, had remained strong until Buhari’s passing. Buhari never spoke against Tinubu or his administration while alive. The former President reportedly commended Tinubu for having the courage to make bold decisions about the economy, which he had found difficult to implement.

    There was nothing to suggest that Buhari would not have backed Tinubu in 2027 if he were still alive, given that he had consistently emphasised his indebtedness to the APC, which provided the platform that enabled him to become President, and Tinubu, who assisted him on his presidential journey.

    Perhaps realising this Tinubu-Buhari connection, opposition political figures, particularly members of the so-called coalition African Democratic Congress, including politicians from the North who still regard themselves as Buharists or Buhari Boys, desperately sought to outdo each other in a bid to earn cheap political capital, using Buhari’s death as fodder.

    Barely a day after Buhari’s death was announced, former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir el-Rufai, arrived in Katsina to position himself as a foremost Buhari ally and the inheritor of his political dynasty. Former Transportation Minister Rotimi Amaechi also arrived in Daura, fully draped in a turban, as a traditional chief of the town, to gain an advantage for the coalition.

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar organised a grand entry into Daura on Tuesday, the day of Buhari’s burial. A motley crowd of his supporters cheered him at the airport, but it was all of no moment, rather gaudy for the sombre event. For effect, some of the opposition figures headed for Buhari’s graveside last Wednesday to pray for the repose of his soul.

    Buhari’s death appears to have opened up the leadership space in the North. And no political leader in the North today commands that extraordinary following as Buhari. With his passing, a rat race has ensued for leadership supremacy.

    This situation somewhat plays to President Tinubu’s advantage, despite the suggestion that it may hurt him politically. Indeed, this is by no means glossing over the huge void and the pains that the statesman’s death has left.

    President Tinubu has taken the proper steps to give the former president a befitting burial. In order to further immortalise his name, he named the University of Maiduguri in Borno State after Buhari. The President did all that for a leader who served the country resolutely and a political ally who stood by the spirit and letter of their convictions.

    In my view, all the President needs to do now and do strongly is seize the momentum, galvanise the rump of the Congress for Progressives Change elements that believe in him and those of other alliance partners in the North and South of the country, and assume full leadership of the Tinubu-Buhari alliance that produced the APC and produced Buhari and himself as presidents.

    • -Rahman is Senior Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.