The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • ‘Federal allocation should be reduced to 25 per cent’

    ‘Federal allocation should be reduced to 25 per cent’

    In this interview, Elder statesman Alhaji Femi Okunnu submits that the 1999 Constitution is an impediment to true federalism. The legal luminary faults the constitutional provisions on power structure, derivation and resource control, revenue sharing, judicial system, local government, and the validity of military decrees in a democratic setting. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN met him.

    Nigeria has operated different constitutions yet we keep searching for a perfect one. Is the problem that of the documents or the operators?

    The problem of Nigeria, in terms of our constitutions, is not in the constitutions themselves, not those who interpret the constitutions, but the operators. In my view, as regards the 1999 and 1979 constitutions, the problem is not due to those two documents, but by and large the problems were created by those who operated them.

    Both the 1960 Constitution and the 1963 Republican Constitution are the same. One was a constitution for Nigeria under the British Crown. The other (the1963 Constitution) was for the Republic of Nigeria. The contents of the two constitutions are basically the same Section by section. However, there has been significant departure from the two constitutions, compared to 1979 and 1999 constitutions. The main departure in terms of the system of government, is the change from the parliamentary to the presidential system of government. If we are to be honest to ourselves, parliamentary system ceased to exist from January 1966. The presidential system in effect started with the military coup in January 1966. Indeed, under various military regimes from 1966 to 1979 (Ironsi, Gowon, Murtala/Obasanjo) a presidential system of government was in vogue and we are still operating the presidential system till today.

    If you compare the two systems, the Prime Minister is more powerful than the President because the Prime Minister, until January 1966, was the Head of both the executive arm of government and  the head of legislature because he commanded majority in the parliament. The power of the executive and the legislature centres revolved round the Prime Minister. Under the presidential system, the President heads the executive branch. The legislature is not under him. If he doesn’t have the majority in the legislature, he has to negotiate with the leadership of the legislative arm as President Shehu  Shagari did between 1979 and 1983. In United States, President Obama now faces the Republican Congress. He can’t control them. He lobbies them. At present, the executive and the legislature are in conflict in America.

    Nigerians are calling for the devolution of powers to the states. what do you think the National Conference should do in this regard?

    The major issue, which the National Conference should examine, is the Exclusive Legislative List, which defines the exclusive powers the President wields or the exclusive powers conferred on the president by the constitution. In my opinion, police should be on the Concurrent legislative list. So also is the issue of marriage. Marriage under the Act is a relic of colonialism. The Federal government should allow the states to operate exclusively whatever form of marriage is suitable for Nigerians within the state. On aviation, apart from the maintenance of the airports, safety of aircraft and adherence to international conventions on aviation, issues like construction of airport and carriage of passengers and goods should be in the concurrent legislative list. Census, registration of birth and death should be in concurrent list as well.

    Revenue allocation has remained a contentious issue.  what would you suggest as enduring solutions?

    We are not fair to the oil-producing states. The retention of 13 per cent of the profit from sales of petroleum and agricultural products to state of origin under the 1999 Constitution is grossly unfair to the states of origin of minerals and agricultural products. There are minerals in different parts of Nigeria, which are yet to be tapped. There is criminal neglect of agriculture. We see no more of Kano groundnut pyramids and cotton. No more huge production of palm oil and palm kernels where Nigeria led in the production as number one and three in the world 40 years ago. We have reduced ourselves to marginal world production of cocoa, timber and rubber. Each state is blessed with minerals and agricultural products.

    On revenue allocation, we are not ready to face the historical truth about the basis of the revenue allocation; the reasons why in the colonial era and, until 1979, why the Federal Government was assigned only 20 per cent of the revenue allocation, instead of the 54 per cent the Federal Government now takes for running the central government.

    Section 134 (1) of the 1960 Constitution stipulates: (a) “There shall be paid by the Federation to each region a sum equal to 50 per cent of the proceeds of any royalty received by the federation, in respect of any mineral extracted in that region and ay mining rents derived by the federation during that year from within that region.

    “The federation shall credit to the Distributable Pool Account a sum equal to 30 per cent of the proceeds of any royalty received by the federation, in respect of the mineral extraction in any region and any mining rents derived by the federation from any region.”

    So, the remaining 20 per cent is kept by the Federal Government as its own share. Under the colonial rule, the revenue allocation was fashioned in such a way that regions will derive revenue from the federation account according to the functions and powers which the regions would carry out under the constitution.

    Were the functions of the regional governments in those days different from what the states are performing today?

    No, they are not different. All functions listed in the Concurrent Legislative List and Residual Powers or functions that are not listed in the Exclusive Legislative List like primary healthcare, education (primary and secondary), land, housing, water supply and agriculture are mainly the basic functions of the region. These are the areas through which the people feel the impact of government every day and they require huge capital outlay to accomplish, compared with the Federal Government’s functions, which include currency, banking, archives, and copy right which do not consume much money.

    Before independence, the colonial government, with the consent of the regional governments appointed the Fiscal Commission to look into the functions and powers of the legislative list and determine the percentage of revenue the regional government will need to carry out their functions and the percentage that will go to the Federal Government; to determine how much the Federal government would spend to service its own functions. That was how government at independence  up to the time of Murtala/Obasanjo  followed the fixed constitutional formula  of 20 per cent to the Federal Government, 50 per cent to state of origin and the remaining 30 per  cent to distributive pool to be shared among the regions or states.

    But today, the Federal Government takes 54 per cent to discharge its own functions. The functions as listed in the 1999 Constitution include Weights and Measures, Traffic on the federal roads, Declaration of Waterways, Stamp duties, Quarantine, Designation of professional occupation, Passport and Visa, Insurance, Law of Evidence, Awards of National Honour, Law on Copy Right and such other functions which do not require a great deal of expenditure. Rather some of them like stamp duty and passport generate income for the Federal Government. There are some functions, which the government itself is selling to the private sector, which require little expenditure e.g. post and telecommunication. Why should the Federal Government’s share of the Federation Account jump from 20 per cent to 54 per cent when the functions of the states are getting bigger?

    So, the Federal Government should go down to 25 per cent, if not 20 per cent as before; state of origin at least 25 per cent, if not 35 per cent and the remainder should go into distributive pool. It is the federal government that is cheating all the states in revenue allocation. That is why revenue accruable to the Federal Government should go down from 54 to 25 per cent.

    There are those advocating full autonomy for the local government. What is your view?

    We should expunge all references to local government in the constitution, including creation or adjustment of boundaries and financing. We may leave only Section 7 which enshrines “democratically elected Local Government System” established under a law enacted by the State House of Assembly.

    The reason for this is that Local Governments are not federating units. They are entirely a matter for each state to determine its own Local Government administration structure. It is not the business of the Federal Government to determine for the state as it has been from time immemorial until centralisation of Local government system came under Gen Murtala Muhammed. The culture of the people also determines the type of local government required in a state.

    Some people are suggesting that we should revert to the regional system of government that fostered in accelerated development under the colonial regime and in the First Republic. Do you agree?

    Federalism is a system of government in which the federating units surrender some of their functions or powers to the central government. Under our system, the states in the federation have collectively surrendered certain functions to the Federal Government, which come either under the exclusive legislative list or in the concurrent legislative list. In good sense and in common parlance, there is no other set of federating units. There is no place for any other federating units like zones. It is either we have zones or regions. Under the 1999 Constitution, we have states. Federalism cannot harbour both states and regions or zones. The days of regions are over; their place has been taken over by states.

    A multiplicity of states has come to stay.  We have too many states now; there should be no more. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in 1948 advocated eight states for Nigeria. General Yakubu Gowon created 12 states out of the four regions in 1967. To me, the ideal number was the 12 states structure created in 1967.

    The 1999 Constitution does not allow independent candidates from contesting elections. Do you agree with the provision?

    To say as laid down in the constitution that I must belong to a political party, if I want to contest for elective position like the President, governor or a member o the National Assembly or even as a member of local government council, deprives me of my fundamental right to be elected into any of these offices. If I don’t believe in any of the manifestoes or the programmes of any of the existing political parties, why should you force me to join one, if I want to stand for election? Why do you deprive me as a voter the right to vote for an independent candidate whom I believe is the best person to deliver the goods or the best person to govern but does not belong to any political party. The clause that made it impossible for independent candidates to contest elections should be expunged from the constitution because it deprives the Nigerian citizens the right to choose for themselves.

    Would you say the centralisation of appointment of judges conforms with the principle of federalism?

    The judiciary under the constitution does not conform to the principle of federalism. The National Judicial Council (NJC) is the only body to appoint, discipline or dismiss judges of the State  High Courts. Even salaries of the State High Court judges are paid in part from the Federal Government’s purse. That does not conform to federalism as it was practised even in Nigeria under the 1954, 1960 and 1963 Constitutions. Under each of those constitutions, the Judicial Service Commission of each region was responsible for the appointment, discipline or dismissal of State High Court Judges. What we have today is a hybrid judicial structure. The power of the NJC must be limited only to Federal Courts and High Court of Abuja, if we must practice true federalism.

    What is your view on the validity of military decrees by the 1999  constitution?

    Section 6(6)(d) of the 1999 Constitution (as in 1979 constitution must be expunged from the constitution as it is an invitation to military rule. It reads: “Shall not, as from the date when this section comes into force, extend to any action or proceedings relating to any existing law made on or after January 15, 1966, for determining any issue or question as to competence of any authority or person to make any such law.” What it means is that the decrees promulgated by the military cannot be challenged in the court. Those whose rights were infringed by the military can’t seek redress in the law court. Yet, we are in democracy. This section should be expunged from the constitution.

     

     

     

  • Release of pent – up feelings

    Release of pent – up feelings

    It has been 15 years of uninterrupted and turbulent civil rule. MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE examines the state of insecurity since May 29, 1999.

    With the return of civil rule, an upsurge of militancy started across the country. Since 1999, the country has witnessed upsurge in civil strife and  insurgency to the believe  that the country is at war at the moment. From the ethnic militias,  to ravaging armed banditries, Niger Delta militants, to the current Boko Haram insurgency, Nigeria has had no semblance of peace. Not that the county had enjoyed absolute peace before, but the severity and intensity of the current insecurity is far beyond what has been witnessed since the end of the civil war in 1970. Nigerians today have become so wild against each other that the sanctity of human life has completely lost its essence.

    The recent report by the Amnesty International that about 2,000 Nigerians have been killed by insurgents in the first quarter of this year shows the threat posed by insecurity. Even after 15 years of uninterrupted civil rule, lives and property of Nigerians are not guaranteed;  hundreds of lives are being lost on daily basis, particularly in the Northeast geo-political zone. According to the Human Rights Watch, no fewer than 25,000 people have been killed since 1999.

    In fact, insecurity is threatening the corporate existence of the country. It started in 2009 as a revolt against state authorities for molesting and killing their members. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Navi Pillay, said Nigeria was “facing its most daunting set of challenges for decades.” The development has led to a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states since May 14, 2013.

    Nevertheless, it took the abduction of about 234 students from Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State, by the Boko Haram  sect, to bring the grim security situation to the attention of the international community.  Britain, China, America and France have joined the search and rescue mission for the girls. In fact, the call for their rescue  has become a refrain on the lips of political leaders, sports personalities and other celebrities, who are outraged by the abduction.

    Street protests by the civil society  have  added fillip to the campaign to bring back the girls. Apart from the obvious political undertone, many believe that religious, ethnic and economic considerations are part of the factors fuelling insecurity.

    According to observers, the recent mutiny in Maiduguri over Nigerian soldiers killed by members of Boko Haram, have corroborated the allegation that the army deployed to fight insurgency are not well equipped to deal with the situation; as funds meant for  supplies are diverted to personal use by military authorities. The shooting took place when corpses of four soldiers who died in an ambush while returning from patrol duties in Chibok were being conveyed to the morgue.

    Reacting to the shooting, army spokesman Major General Chris Olukolade said an inquiry would be set up to investigate the circumstances surrounding the conduct of the soldiers, who fired shots at the army commander, Major General Ahmed Mohammed  was addressing troops in Maimalari Cantonment, Maiduguri.

    Insecurity is not new in Nigeria. It is just that the current one is different in many respects. For instance, early in the Forth Republic, on November 20, 1999,  the  military attacked Odi, a predominantly Ijaw community in Bayelsa State, following the killing of 12 policemen by members of the community. The Odi attack has been described as ethnic cleansing by several observers.

    The Obasanjo administration also sent a detachment of soldiers to bring Zaki Biam, a community in Banue State, under control when 19 soldiers sent to restore peace were murdered. Experts on security believe that state actors have contributed to insecurity. National Coordinator of the Odua People Congress (OPC) Otunba Gani Adams corroborated the position, noting that the monster  consuming the country is a creation of politicians. He said: “The security crisis is not limited to the Boko Haram. It is spread across the regions of Nigeria and it involves different ethnic nationalities. A situation where ethnicity has overshadowed national interest will not make the country safe. We can see this in what is happening between the Tiv and Jukum, between the Fulani and Plateau people.”

    How did Nigeria arrive at this sorry pass? Founding Secretary-General of the defunct National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) and promoter of Coalition of Democrats for Electoral Reforms (CODER), Ayo Opadokun, believes the civil rule has not given ordinary Nigerians a sense of belonging. According to him, money meant to change the lives of the people has been siphoned and stashed away by corrupt leaders, rather than being used to provide social security for the people.

    He said: “Security is not all about weaponry; it is not all about war arsenal at your disposal. It includes the  satisfaction the people derive from the services at their disposal. Nigeria has created a dangerous monster that probably will consume the country. How do you attend to the more than 10 million unemployed graduates in the country?

    “That, on its own, is a cesspool of angry young Nigerians, who don’t know for how long they will wait for them to be engaged. The operators are behaving as if they are our masters.  In that regard, politics has become very lucrative. Those who have been sidelined through fraudulent electoral process are not going to continue to accept poorly treated petitions at the tribunal.”

    Opadokun said, if the petitioners fail to get justice because of dubious court process, they will resort to self help.  He added: “If they cannot get justice in the law court, they will have to settle their cause on the pitch. That is to say, you can rarely emphasise the consequences of mutual self destruction. If you have the instrument of violence and I have, so, if they are waiting without hope for redress, they will seek redress through the use of force; this will heat up the security of the country.”

    Many Nigerians are not happy with foreign troops on Nigerian soil. For instance, former Presidential candidate of the National Action Council (NAC) Dr. Olapade Agoro described the intervention as neo-colonialism, adding that it has exposed the weakness of the government. His words: “Now, we have foreign intervention coming here to protect us, but I don’t know why we did not throw our independence away and allow the British to take over the governance of the country again. This is because we are not capable ruling ourselves. Now, it is France, USA and China that are helping us to locate our abducted children, making the country a laughing stock of international community.

    Also, the chairman of Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP), Alhaji Balarabe Musa, said, with the intervention, the country is no longer safe because the intervention was deliberately designed to achieve imperialist’s agenda. He said, if the situation was not redressed, what happened in other countries where such foreign intervention took place, would surface in Nigeria.

    Human rights activist Olasupo Ojo said the huge money budgeted for security is not deployed for that purpose. He said this had been the case, there would not be need to invite foreigners to assist Nigeria in the war to rescue the abducted girls.

    “If we look at defence spending in Nigeria since 1999, we have spent over N233 trillion on the nation’s security. In 2010, the sum of N254 billion was budgeted, in 2011 the budget was N348 billion, in 2012, government budgeted N921 billion, 2013 it was N364 billion, 2014 this year N340 billion,” he said, adding: “One would have expected that this would make impact in our armoury and the aircrafts needed in locating the Chibok school girls, if the money was judiciously used.”

    Defending government position, Senate President David Mark said the negotiation with the insurgent is not feasible. He said, despite local and international pressure  government would not negotiate the release of innocent girls with criminals. “A criminal will be treated as a criminal and this government in no distant time will bring the issue of Boko Haram and insecurity in the country to logical conclusion. We would spare no efforts in bringing the insecurity situation in the northern part of the country to an end,” he added.

     

     

  • 2015: Sambo, Makarfi renew rivarly

    The subtle but fierce battle for the soul of Kaduna State politics between the Vice President, Mohammed Namadi Sambo and Senator Ahmed Makarfi, seems far from being over, reports Remi Adelowo

    Up until mid 2010, former Kaduna State Governor, Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi and his successor, Mohammed Namadi Sambo, enjoyed a near excellent relationship.

    It was one friendship that has lasted over two decades or more, it was gathered.

    In the run-up to the 2007 governorship election in Kaduna State, many top aides of Makarfi, then the state governor had commenced silent campaigns to succeed Makarfi.

    Despite Makarfi’s closeness to some of the aspirants, he kept his succession plans close to his chest.

    But few months to the 2007 general elections, The Nation gathered that Makarfi had summoned a meeting of his kitchen cabinet including some of the aspirants jostling to take over from him. The meeting held at the Kashim Ibrahim Government House on Ahmadu Bello Way in Kaduna.

    Midway into the secret parley, Makarfi reportedly dropped the bombshell: Mohammed Namadi Sambo is his anointed candidate for the 2007 governorship seat.

    The tone of finality in Makarfi’s voice left no one at the meeting in doubt that he had made up his mind on his preferred successor.

    Elections over, Sambo, a wealthy architect and one of the biggest contractors to the state government, was inaugurated as the Kaduna State governor on May 29, 2007. Makarfi chose to go to the Senate as the representative of Kaduna North.

    All was well between the duo until May 2010. The search for a new Vice President to succeed Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, who became the president following the death of his boss, Umaru Yar’Adua, eventually culminated in the elevation of Sambo as Nigeria’s number two citizen.

    Sambo’s elevation allegedly did not go down well with Makarfi, who was strongly tipped to become the vice president before the pendulum finally swung in Sambo’s favour.

    Basking in his new status as the most senior political officer holder from the North, Sambo expectedly decided to stamp his imprints on the politics of his home state. This, Makarfi did not take kindly to.

    However, the two men managed to keep their frosty relationship out of public scrutiny.

    Aftermath of Yakowa’s death

    The rivalry over control of Kaduna politics between the two men reared its ugly head again following the death of Sambo’s successor, Mr. Patrick Yakowa about two years ago from a plane crash in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.

    With Yakowa’s deputy, Ramalan Yero succeeding his late boss, an intense jostling for the vacant deputy governorship seat soon began with Makarfi and Sambo singing discordant tunes on the choice candidate.

    But once again, Sambo had his way. The vice president allegedly convinced his godson, Yero, to pick the former Chairman of the state chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ambassador Nuhu Bajoga from Kaduna South as the new deputy governor.

    Makarfi’s camp, a source alleged, felt sighted over Bajoga’s appointment, but however decided not to rock the boat.

    Ahead the 2015 polls

    As preparations for the 2015 general elections gather momentum, The Nation reliably gathered that both Sambo and Makarfi are set to renew their rivalry over the governorship race.

    While the vice president is solidly behind Yero, who served under him as the finance commissioner during his reign as governor, Makarfi is allegedly rooting for another candidate.

    The alleged below par performance of Yero since he became governor is causing anxiety within the ruling PDP and the vice president’s camp.

    There are fears in Sambo/Yero’s camp that in his bid to get even and prove his political relevance in the State, Makarfi may work against the re-election of Yero in 2015.

    Speculations are rife in the North West state that Makarfi, who is currently serving his second term as a Senator, could work with the major opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) if the PDP nominates Yero as its governorship candidate in 2015.

    Since its formal registration some months ago, the profile of APC in Kaduna State has been in an upward swing, with many political heavyweights in the State pitching their tents with the party.

    Interestingly, the trios of Yero, Sambo and Makarfi all come from the same constituency of Zaria province in the northern part of the state.

    Although the VP had severally laid claims to Zone 2 in Kaduna Central by virtue of his years of place of residence, he is originally believed to have hailed from Zaria city.

    Sambo had lived most of his life time in Kabala West area of Kaduna Central. Conversely, Makarfi, Sambo’s supposed godfather, hails from Makarfi, in Makarfi local government area of the northern flank of the State.

    Although the lawmaker and the nation’s number two citizen had once publicly declared to sheath their swords during the inauguration of Ambassador Bajoga as the state PDP Chairman in 2012 at the Yar’adua Hall, Murtala Square, developments in the state in the last two years clearly point to the contrary.

    For instance, Makarfi’s absence from several PDP state caucus meetings presided over by the VP on account of what some believe to be flimsy excuses, and the threat to suspend him from the party’s activities in recent times are pointers to this effect.

    The alleged bad blood between the duos in view of their dispositions to different governorship contenders may intensify in the weeks and months ahead.

    While Sambo’s camp is rooting for Governor Yero’s continuity in office in 2015, sources say Makarfi’s camp is the brain behind Isah Mohammed Ashiru’s governorship ambition.

    In recent times, Ashiru, who is contesting the governorship on the platform of the APC, has intensified his consultations with stakeholders across the length and breadth of the State.

    Just a few weeks ago, he had a meeting with his campaign team from all the 23 local government areas and the wards.

    His candidature, according to sources, is garnering support from influential politicians including the former state chairman of PDP, Yaro Makama; former Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Hassan Hyet and former federal lawmaker, Ruth Jumai Ango, all of whom are staunch loyalists of Makarfi.

    Ashiru’s defection to APC to actualise his governorship dream, analysts noted, may have further brightened Yero’s chances at the 2015 PDP governorship primary.

    The need to consolidate his hold on the political levers of the state ahead the 2015 elections, may have necessitated Yero to dissolve his cabinet shortly on assumption of office.

    Expectedly, controversy trailed the dissolution of the cabinet and the appointment of new appointees into strategic government positions.

    The Sambo/Yero camp also moved fast to take total control of the state House of Assembly, resulting in the impeachment of the Speaker, Hon. Usman Gangara and his deputy, Dr. Dogara Mato.

    The impeachment generated a lot of controversies, as some political opponents pointed accusing fingers at the VP as the brain behind it. The matter is still in court.

    The primary objective of these strategic moves, sources aver, was to obliterate the remaining structures of late Yakowa and thus smoothen the political environment for his Yero to assert his authority.

    Yakowa’s political machinery, according to loyalists of Sambo and Yero, was not formidable enough, a situation that led to PDP’s loss in the vice president’s ward and local government in the 2011 general elections.

    The new crop of leadership of the state legislature and the new commissioners, who are mostly former chairmen of local governments, are unquestionably loyal to the incumbent governor and are believed to be solidly on ground politically.

    Will Makarfi regain his political control of Kaduna State or will Sambo finally prove that he has come of age politically in 2015? The 2015 general elections will surely provide the answer.

  • Where are the local councils?

    Where are the local councils?

    Since the return of democratic rule in 1999, local councils have been hampered and slowed by militating forces, making governance to suffer, reports Sunday Oguntola

    For the 774 local government councils across the federation, fifteen years of uninterrupted democratic governance is yet to deliver the much-needed respites for their operations. Investigations revealed that most of them are hampered by partisan politics, governors’ suffocating influence and illegal revenue deductions, among others.

    Conceived as the third tier of government, local councils are expected to bring governance closer to the grassroots and give citizens a sense of belonging. They have the statutory powers to also initiate economic policies and carry out projects of significant value to citizens at the grassroots.

    The 1999 Constitution in its fourth schedule, section 7 sub sections 1 and 2 clearly spells the functions of local government to include:

    (a) The consideration and the making of recommendations to a State commission on economic planning or any similar body on

    (i)The economic development of the State, particularly in so far as the areas of authority of the council and of the State are affected, and

    (ii) Proposals made by the said commission or body;

    (b) Collection of rates, radio and television licences;

    (c) Establishment and maintenance of cemeteries, burial grounds and homes for the destitute or infirm;

    (d) Licensing of bicycles, trucks (other than mechanically propelled trucks), canoes, wheel barrows and carts;

    (e) Establishment, maintenance and regulation of slaughter houses, slaughter slabs, markets, motor parks and public conveniences;

    (f)Construction and maintenance of roads, streets, street lightings, drains and other public highways, parks, gardens, open spaces, or such public facilities as may be prescribed from time to time by the House of Assembly of a State;

    (g) Naming of roads and streets and numbering of houses;

    (h) Provision and maintenance of public conveniences, sewage and refuse disposal;

    (i) Registration of all births, deaths and marriages;

    (j)Assessment of privately owned houses or tenements for the purpose of levying such rates as may be prescribed by the House of Assembly of a State; and

    (k) Control and regulation of –

    (i) out-door advertising and hoarding,

    (ii) Movement and keeping of pets of all description,

    (iii) Shops and kiosks,

    (iv)Restaurants, bakeries and other places for sale of food to the public,

    (v) Laundries and licensing, regulation and control of the sale of liquor.

    Other functions, according to the constitution, include: the provision and maintenance of primary, adult and vocational education; the development of agriculture and natural resources, other than the exploitation of materials; the provision and maintenance of health services and such other functions as may be conferred on a local government council by the House of Assembly of the State.

    Checks revealed that most councils across the federation are not only failing in these functions but almost comatose. Steve Nwankwo, a public analyst, puts it more succinctly: “It’s obvious our councils are doing nothing other than paying salaries and collecting rates.”

    He added: ‘You only find them in parks and motor garages, maybe in their secretariats too during rallies or political meetings. Other than that, you don’t feel their impact at all. One wonders where they are when inner roads are not tarred and infrastructure at the grassroots level remains at comatose state.”

    Nwankwo, who expressed grave sadness over the performances of councils, said most of them have failed. “It’s all there for us to see. What projects have they carried out? How many schools do they operate successfully? How many roads have they constructed? Have many water have they provided for the people? Nigerians have not felt their impact and are wondering whether or not they exist in the first place.”

    The odds against local government administration

    Many council bosses, who spoke with our correspondent, confirmed many stakes are arrayed against their performances. One of them pointed at undue interferences from states as the biggest challenge confronting them. He said: “Truth is it is difficult for us to perform much, since we are not miracle workers. When you have governors breathing down your necks and insisting you do things in certain ways, it is become impossible to really do otherwise.”

    Most governors, it was gathered, have council bosses where they want them-in their pockets. This is not unexpected because most council chairmen owe their emergence to the almighty state governors, who nominated and bankrolled their elections. In states where council polls have not been conducted, interim chairmen are handpicked loyalists and associates of governors.

    Last month, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) bemoaned the failure of at least 11 states to conduct council elections, saying the development erodes democratic values at the grassroots. The states, according to INEC, include      Abia, Bauchi, Borno, Delta, Ekiti, Imo, Kano, Katsina, Ondo, Osun and Oyo. Councils, in these states, are governed by appointed caretaker chairmen or Transition committees.

    Analysts believe governors who are indisposed to engaging in political popularity contest deliberately prevent council polls from holding to retain their grips in the grassroots. A former councillor in a local government recalled how his chairman was more or less the puppet of the governor. “He won’t do anything without clearance from the governor. Many of us were surprised he was that subservient but he kept telling us he had to comply to retain the seat. It was more or less a servant-master relationship,” he shared.

    Elections or affirmation?

    Even in states that held elections, the INEC’s stakeholders’ forum expressed serious concerns over alleged imposition of candidates. In most cases, the ruling parties swept the polls, making analysts wonder if voters were teleguided. Stanley Uche, who was an electoral officer in a northern state, said the exercise was more or less a mere affirmation.

    “There were no opposition candidates at all. You either vote for those presented by the ruling party or walk away. In most cases, people just voted for the only available candidates, not necessarily their preferred choices.” Such situations, it was learnt, abound in several states where governor forcefully stifle opposition and run them out of existence to pave way for the emergence of their anointed candidates.

    Whither accountability?

    Since most council bosses were elected through the magnanimity of states’ executives and godfathers, their loyalty to the electorates is totally non-existent. They rather consider their political benefactors first in governance, a development that fuels corruption and nepotism. A council worker, who spoke under strict anonymity, said most of them were recommended for the jobs by a certain godfather. Another council worker in a south-east state stated that most of them suffer salaries’ deduction anytime a political godfather has any private function.

    Yinka Ogundeji, a rural dweller, lamented the complete breakdown of governance in his council area. “The chairman is never around. He only comes when he wants to dispense money or favour to his cronies. He is the only elected government official we get to see but we don’t feel his impact at all,” he said.

    His tale of woes reverberates throughout many grassroots dwellers across the nation. Many of them say their council chairmen and chairpersons do not consider them important in the schemes of things. Most projects, they say, are not tailored for their immediate needs but to accomplish outlandish, lofty goals, most defined by godfathers and political benefactors of council heads.

    Financial starvation

    Perhaps, the biggest challenge facing local council administration is the illegal deduction from statutory allocations from the federation accounts. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo was so incensed at a point that he started publishing the official monthly allocations to councils in the country. He alleged that many governors were removing certain percentage of the allocations before they eventually share whatever is left to the councils.

    Since he left office, illegal deductions of federal allocations has continued across the country. Most council bosses admitted the misnomer but refused to be quoted. They said it was simply a issue “beyond us”, choosing to remain silent until the “coast is clear.”

    A former council accountant, who refused to be named, said his council’s statutory allocation was never fixed due to unannounced deductions. “Sometimes, it would be say like N20 million while at another time it would be N22-24million, depending on the mood of the governor,” he began. “We could not complain but simply improvise or cut the salaries and allowances we pay based on what eventually gets to us.”

    This development leaves the councils financially depleted with no leftovers for capital projects. The fluctuating overheads and the reserves for political job-grabbers and benefactors further erode councils’ funds. These leave them with little or nothing for developmental projects.

    Where are the local councils?

    Haruna Abass, a primary school teacher, believes that local councils have not done much in the last 15 years. “They are just there. We only hear them in newspapers that they have done this and that. We don’t get to see or feel what they do. The grassroots is suffering because there is virtually little or no governance there”.

    Mary Eke, a trader, corroborates the claim. She said she only remember council administration exists when officials come to demand annual charges on her shop. “I pay all manners of charges without getting anything in return. For me, they are only rent collectors with no value whatsoever to offer the citizens.”

    James Alex is convinced councils have performed dismally in 15 years. “Look at Lagos, what do they do? The state government is carrying out the projects they should be doing. Even inner roads are constructed by the state. So, what have they done? You look around and cannot honestly mention one or two,” he argued.

    All of these have made some stakeholders and analysts canvass autonomy for the third tier of government. But autonomy, Nwankwo contends, will not address dismal performances at the council level. He said the moment councils are allowed to access federal allocations directly, corruption will exacerbate at the local level with graver consequences for the polity.

    “I support autonomy but I am convinced that accountability is what we need. If we give them a N1 billion, for example, they will spend everything without trace. The point is we must get people interested in governance at the local council level so that they can demand accountability and monitor councils’ activities for societal good,” he stated.

  • Lagos 2015: A battle of the old divisions

    Lagos 2015: A battle of the old divisions

    Following a brainstorming stakeholders’ meeting held by the state chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) few weeks back, the party announced that it was zoning its 2015 gubernatorial ticket to Lagos East Senatorial District.

    Considering the way it was received by indigenes and residents of the state alike, the announcement may have ended speculations as to which of the three zones would produce Governor Babatunde Fashola’s successor. There are even strong indications that the two other senatorial districts may have resolved to concede the governorship to the east in 2015.

    But the announcement appears to have resuscitated the ancient rivalry among the old divisions in the state as three of the five divisions that make up today’s Lagos State are now engaged in a political battle to determine which of them should produce the governorship candidate of the ruling party.

    The East Senatorial Zone that is now favoured to produce the governor by APC  includes Epe, Ibeju-Lekki, Ikorodu, Somolu and Kosofe Local Government Areas of the state. Of the five, three namely, Epe, Ibeju-Lekki and Ikorodu are parts of the original five divisions of old Lagos.

    But in spite of the announcement, a political group, Gunuvi Right Initiative of Nigeria, (GRIN) has said the next Governor of Lagos State must come from Badagry. The group said in a statement by its president, Mr. Bokoh Seyido, that Badagry had been marginalised in the state for too long, adding that the news making the rounds was that the All Progressives Congress was already zoning the position to the Epe area of the state.

    The group explained that there were five divisions in Lagos State — Badagry, Epe, Ikeja, Ikorodu and Lagos Island. It, however, maintained that only Badagry had not produced a governor before as Epe Division had already produced late Governor Michael Otedola.

    The rivalry among the four is so tense that leaders of the party are said to be under severe pressure in deciding who will fly the party’s flag. A source at the state secretariat told The Nation that several appeal letters and proposals have been received from the leadership of the three divisions agitating that they be considered specifically as the zone to produce the governor.

    “The funny thing is that all three zones are canvassing firm reasons why they should get the nomination. While some are canvassing equity and justice, others are alleging marginalisation. The party is besieged daily with letters and agitations from  all three,” he said.

    Insisting that the division should be given the nod not just by the APC, but by all political parties to produce the next governor, eminent persons in Ikorodu Division of Lagos State recently appealed to leading political parties in the state to give the division their governorship tickets in 2015 as a way of correcting the political marginalization of the area in the politics of the State.

    At the stakeholders’ summit of a group named Eminent Persons of Ikorodu Division (EPID) held at the palace of te Ayangbunren of Ikorodu, Oba Salaudeen Oyefusi last weekend, leaders of thoughts in the division said in the interest of justice and fairness, Ikorodu should be encouraged by other divisions in the state to produce the next governor of the state.

    The leaders also said they would request for intents from interested persons in the governorship race of Lagos State in 2015 from all political parties and urge the leading parties in the state to give priorities to aspirants of Ikorodu extraction in choosing their flag bearers.

    In a communiques signed by Chief B. O Benson and Prince Adesegun Ogunlewe, Chairman and Secretary of the group respectively, the group said its effort is directed towards ensuring that all leading political parties in the state present indigenes of Ikorodu Division as gubernatorial candidates during the 2015 election.

    Specifically, the leaders want the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) amongst others, to zone their governorship tickets, not just to the East senatorial District but to Ikorodu Division in particular.

    “When Lagos was created in 1967, our leaders gave us the impression that the manpower requirement of government and, indeed, the provision of welfare services and infrastructure development would be spread evenly across the five divisions in the state.

    “These divisions are Ikeja, Badagry, Ikorodu, Lagos and Epe. Today, we know better. Ikorodu is no longer recognised as a division. It is only part of Lagos East Senatorial District. As part of Lagos East Senatorial District, it is struggling with others in the district for a position believed to have been zoned to the district. For the avoidance of doubt, the district consists of Ikorodu, Epe, Ibeju-Lekki, Kosofe, and Somolu/Bariga.

    “We have information that Epe is poised for action in the struggle to snatch the governorship position in 2015 from Ikorodu despite the fact that Ikorodu, at one time, precisely in 1992, conceded the governorship position to Epe by outvoting her own son, Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, in favour of Sir Michael Otedola. If one good turn deserves another and if we are to remain politically relevant, we must ask that the governorship race this time be conceded to Ikorodu Division.

    “Epe should therefore refrain from the struggle. Lagos East is now in search of an acceptable candidate who would be capable of raising the political and economic bars of Lagos State to a higher level. That is the task ahead of us all and it is a task that must be accomplished. Let us search for eminently qualified candidates for presentation to the powers-that-be in the politics of Lagos State. Thank God we have the numerical strength and the determination to occupy the Oval Office in Ikeja, come 2015,” the group said.

    But if there is anything Epe division appears ready to do, it is not to refrain from jostling for the governorship position in 2015. The zone currently has not less than four of its sons  at the forefront of the contest.

    Akinwunmi Ambode, a frontline aspirant recently endorsed by Oba Rilwan Akiolu of Lagos, Adeyemi Ikuforiji, current Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly and Dr. Leke Pitan, former Commissioner for Health, are a few of the  prominent aspirants of Epe extraction currently jostling for the job.

    While not denying the fact that it had once produced a governor for the state in person of the late Michael Otedola, the argument of the division, aside from the claim that Otedola’s regime was short-lived, is that it has been largely marginalised in the provision of infrastructure by successive governments.

    Leaders of the division are therefore committed to ensuring that one of them rules the state come 2015. “Our take is that the ticket has been zoned to Lagos East and Epe is part of Lagos East. We have thrown our hats into the ring with about four aspirants. Let the party choose one of them,” a party chieftain said.

    The agitation from Badagry, according to GRIN, is based on its demand for equity and justice amongst the old divisions in the state.

    “Since the creation of Lagos State in 1967, none of the indigenous persons of Egun-Awori extraction of Badagry Division has ever occupied the executive seat of the Lagos State.

    “Even, we have not been given the opportunity to serve in core substantive ministries like Works, Land, Transport, Budget, Justice, among others as a commissioner. However, we are not unaware of the grand plan to ostracise the original indigene of the state in the managerial affair of the state.

    “Our view is based on the happenings in the political appointment and elective arrangement in the state since 1999. Our division and our people have been seriously marginalised to the level that we are being treated as second class indigenes of Lagos.

    “History has it that all the administrative division which are Ikeja, Badagry, Ikorodu, Lagos Island and Epe, with the exception of Badagry, have all produced the chief executive of the state either during the military or the democratic era.

    “Come 2015, Badagry Division of Lagos State is the only eligible division to produce the executive governor of the state.  All the political positions in the state must be shared evenly among the five division of the state,” GRIN claimed.

  • Akwa Ibom 2015: Why Eket senatorial zone is favoured

    Akwa Ibom 2015: Why Eket senatorial zone is favoured

    It was a hectic journey last weekend to Ekeya Community in Akwa Ibom State, where I was invited by an organisation named the Advocacy for Equity and Justice (AEJ). AEJ is presently visiting some Niger Delta communities to assess the extent to which they have been touched by the dividends of democracy. The tour took us to several communities in Eket Senatorial Zone. Communities visited include: Amamo village, Obifit, Uba and Eyo Efai.

    Haven heard so much about the ongoing zoning issue in Akwa-Ibom, I decided that my three-day stay in Eket should include a fact finding mission. I interacted not only with stakeholders, but also with the ordinary people on the streets. From very reliable sources, I was able to garner a deeper understanding of the political arrangement in the State and why there is widespread sympathy for the people of Eket Senatorial Zone to produce the next governor of the state.

    The politics of Akwa Ibom State revolves round the four ethnic nationalities of Ibibio, Annang, Oro / Obolo and Ekid. The four nationalities are delineated into Uyo senatorial zone, Ikot / Ikpene senatorial zone and Eket senatorial zone. The Ibibios, who form the largest ethnic group lay upland mainly in Uyo and parts of Ikot / Ikpene senatorial zones while Annang, Oro / Obolo and Ekid ethnic nationalities spread across Ikot / Ikpene and Eket senatorial zones.

    So far, a total of 10 Governors have governed the state since old Cross River State. Out of this number, Ibibio has produced six Governors, viz: Chief Dr. Clement Isong, Navy Capt. Edet Archibong, Air Commodore Idongesit Nkanga, Obong Akpan Isemin, Navy Capt. Sam Ewang and Obong Victor Attah. The Annangs, second largest ethnic group has produced three Governors. They are Senator Donald Etiebet, Navy Capt. Anthony Udofia and the incumbent Governor, Barr. Godswill Akpabio. The Ekid ethnic group has produced just a Governor in the person of Brigadier General U. J Usuene.  Whereas, Oro / Obolo, the third largest ethnic group has not produced a Governor.

    According to some political elders of the district, since the creation of Akwa Ibom State in September 1987, of the six Governors that have governed the state, four of them are of Ibibio extraction in Uyo Senatorial Zone, while the other two Governors: Annang from Ikot / Ikpene Senatorial Zone, leaving Eket and the Oro extraction as the only senatorial zone and ethnic group that has not produced Governor in the state.

    From the foregoing, the Ibibios and the Annangs have jointly governed the state since its creation. Put otherwise, Ibibio with 14 local governments has produced six Governors, Annang with eight Local governments has produced three Governors, Ekid with two local governments has produced one Governor but Oro / Obolo with seven local governments has not produced a Governor. Thus, providing a justification for the agitation that power should shift to Eket zone and Oro in particular since nobody from the ethnic group has emerged Governor.

    Dr. Francise Iseghe, a political leader in the zone, in a chat with The Nation alleged that, “In spite of the obvious disproportion and asymmetry in the distribution of power in the state, a group of self-styled PDP Elders are championing a campaign to undermine the zoning arrangement in the state, with a view of returning power to Uyo Senatorial Zone that has over-enjoyed the Governorship seat of the state.

    The anti-zoning PDP Elders are not resting on their oars to wrestle power. Recently, in a sponsored newspaper advertorial; they accused Governor Godswill Akpabio of trying to impose his lackey from Eket zone as Governor in 2015. Governor Akpabio, was said to be favourably disposed to a just aspiration and clamour for power shift to Eket zone. In terms of population, the Ibibios are more. Thus, they tend to take advantage of its population to rout the other zones.

    But, the Oro people are anchoring their aspiration on the principle of equity justice and fairness. They are urging their Ibibio and Annang brothers to give them a chance and sense of belonging by allowing them to produce the Governor come 2015 in line with the zoning policy that was adopted in 1999 and 2006. “The anti-zoning group is working hard to upset zoning but in pursuing its agenda; it has not given thought to the need to have an integrated state or even the feeling of the people of Eket zone,” he said.

    In his own submission, Chief Emmanuel Arawore, National President Advocacy for Equity and Justice, said there is need to allow Eket zone to produce the next Governor given the history of its support of the other zones both to occupy and in running the state.

    “Politicians of Oro extraction, ranging from late Chief Senator Lawrence Etim, Senator Victor Akpan, to Chief Edet Asuquo Anwana has not used privilege to suppress. Instead, they voted personal monies and devoted effort to ensure stability at all times. Personalities like Comrade Okon Osung, Dr. Edunam and Chief Terry Ekpo were part of the strong support base that brought Obong Victor Attah to power in 1999.

    Even the PDP primary deadlock between Godswill Akpabio and Dr. Udoma Ekarika in 2006, which resolved in favour of Akpabio was not without the support of the people of the zone. Arch. Otu Ita-Toyo, then state Chairman of the party played key role. Isn’t they say, that one good turn deserves another? If politicians from Eket zone supported others to become Governor, is it too much asking other zones to support them to be Governor?” he asked.  T

    Speaking further, Chief Arawore said, “If for equity and fairness, the zoning policy was adopted, then it is incongruous to muzzle a zone that has roundly supported others. If equity is the essence of zoning; it is not proper to deny that zone that generates over 90% in revenue to the state Government. Eket senatorial zone is described as the goose that lay the golden eggs. Revenue accruing to the state from oil and used to finance development in other zones they say is derived from Eket zone and majorly Oro local governments. Thus, it is my view that the clamour to return power to Uyo senatorial zone could not be justified by fundamentals other than the tyranny of a majority. It is a clamour built on desperation.”

    However, the agitation of Eket zone viz-a-viz the Oro people is not just about zoning but much more about good neighbourliness and fairness to one another. The need to haul development to the zone seems to be a more cogent justification for its 2015 aspiration. As indicated, Eket is the highest oil producing cluster in the state and yet does not enjoy adequate infrastructural deployment despite its exposure to environmental degradation and oil exploration related hazards.

    It was said that successive administrations in the state have not done enough to stabilize the environment. A Governor of Oro origin, who knows where the shoe pinches they believe will certainly do more to tackle the problem of adverse effect of oil exploration and underdevelopment in the area. This can be achieved without compromising all necessary developmental needs of the other zones.

    Chief Omoh Edem, a community leader in the area said the state has respected the party’s zoning arrangement in the last two dispensations. He noted that in a meeting of party stakeholders, paramount rulers and opinion leaders, convened by Governor Attah at the Ibom Hall, party leaders confirmed it that it was the turn of Ikot / Ikpene senatorial zone to produce Governor in 2007 and with emphasis on Annang and thereafter, Eket zone with emphasis on Oro.

    “Governor Attah allayed the fears of minority on the party’s commitment to zoning when he declared categorically at the Ikot /Ikpene Council Hall on Thursday April 13, 2006 during the swearing-in of chapter and ward Chairmen that, “Ikot / Ikpene senatorial District will produce the next Governor and after that Eket senatorial District will take its turn. I stand here to tell you that I will support you to get what you want. After giving such assurances that bother on personal integrity and equity to all, will it be proper to renege on zoning after Ikot / Ikpene has had its turn?

    If zoning was upheld as a fundamental policy to guarantee equity, justice and a sense of belonging, it cannot now become a bad policy. Thus, the current opposition to zoning by beneficiaries of it cannot be allowed to stand. Zoning cannot be bad because it is not in the favour of a clique. The propaganda that the people of Oro did not support the election of Godswill Akpabio and that they do not have the financial muscle to contest and win the Governorship election is laughable, ridiculous and portrays the desperation of a few. It suffices to say that Oro’s true wealth is not in the vanity of naira and kobo but in its quality of heart to serve all fairly”.

    In a move that clearly reveals the sympathy currently being enjoyed by Eket zone, the State Chairman of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Obong Paul Ekpo vehemently warned against any smear campaign against the party zoning policy. He confirmed party’s commitment to zoning and equity.

    “A few dissenting voices should not distract us. We must uphold the principles of justice, fairness and equity that are enshrined in our party constitution”. There is need for committed to this position. By all indication, zoning appears the strongest re-assurance for equity and justice in a state hosting different ethnic nationality.

    To that extent, the leadership of the party should commit themselves to the zoning agreement in the state which was that power should rotate among the major ethnic nationalities of Ibibio, Annang and Oro / Obolo. The party will miss its objectives of equity, justice and fairness when a zoning arrangement to Eket is manipulated in favour of the Ibibio minority in the zone giving that Ibibio and Annang have had their turn. The party must guide against this ugly scenario from playing itself out,” the Chairman said.

    Apart from just agitating for the plum position, the people of Oro maintained that Oro has sellable people with experience and proven track records that the party can select from to build on the pioneering effort of Governor Victor Attah and widely applauded achievements of Governor Godswill Akpabio by fast-tracking existing development and breaking new grounds in the state.

    “Uyo and Ikot / Ikpene zones need to support Eket zone to have it this time. The need for national and state leadership of the PDP to prevail on the anti-zoning group to respect party policy on zoning cannot be overstressed. As it is, Governor Akpabio has a duty both of defending the constitutions and of ensuring a peaceful Akwa Ibom state after his exit as Governor.

    Like his predecessor, Governor Attah did, Akpabio has to be explicit and unequivocal in his support for zoning to Eket and Oro in particular come 2015. Gratuitously, Uyo senatorial zone has not produced a Deputy Governor; it should produce one in 2015 while Eket senatorial zone that has not produced a Governor should produce one in 2015,” another chieftain of the ruling party said.

  • ‘Terrorism threatens gains of democracy’

    ‘Terrorism threatens gains of democracy’

    In this interview, Dr Udenta O Udenta,  Director of Public Communications and Strategy, Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) laments what he described as false narrative about government’s capacity. Sam Egburonu reports

    Recently, Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN)  has been associated with advertisements promoting President Goodluck Jonathan’s national transformation agenda. What is TAN all about and is the national transformation agenda really working?

    Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) is a non-governmental movement made up of Nigerian patriots who are persuaded that the national transformation agenda of the Jonathan administration contains core paradigmatic elements that need to be propagated and extended.

    National transformation is both a deconstructive and a reconstructive exercise. It deconstructs the nation’s 100 years of colonial and post-colonial  inheritance in the spheres of democratisation, building of economic structures, and the setting and execution of development goals.

    The Jonathan administration is reconstructing and reconstituting the foundational logic of Nigeria’s democratic system by strengthening the tools and instruments of electoral governance that made the 2011 general elections better than the 2003 and 2007 elections as the expression of the true will of the people. While the National Orientation Agency strives to codify positive national values into patriotic norms, the on-going National Conference aims at re-calibrating and resolving the contentious issues in the national agenda as the corner stone for the evolution of a more equitable, inclusive and compassionate social and economic order.

    But are Nigerians feeling the impact of all these…

    You must appreciate that some of these programmes and projects have an all-encompassing impact while others have sectoral impact. If you hardly travel by air you may not appreciate the fundamental changes that are occurring in that sector. If you are not a farmer, you won’t appreciate the revolutionary energy that is coursing through that sector. If you have never bothered with rail transportation, you may not have noticed that trains run in Nigeria today.

    Two challenges face the government in this regard. The first is to develop and sustain an integral mechanism for the promotion of these institutional changes, the creation of popular awareness about services already delivered and a structured buy-in process that ensures that Nigerians co-own the benefits of national transformation. The second is to develop a counter public sphere narrative that unconceals the truth of its achievements from the falsity of public perception procreated by the antagonistic segments of the political elite who have persistently dominated the public discourse spaces and sites.

    This is where TAN comes in.

    But some would argue that the transformation agenda has been overshadowed by security challenges in the country.

    Surely, the new terror threat that the government has been battling for some years now has created layers and levels of disequilibrium in the allocation and management of scarce national resources but it cannot unhinge the totality of national developmental planning and the implementation of policy choices and thrusts. As lamentable and tragic as the situation is with regard to lives lost, communities dislocated and economic activities negatively impacted upon in the affected areas, there is yet another challenge; that is, oftentimes, not easily noticeable. The past three years have witnessed an escalation in the amount of money budgeted for security operations against terrorist insurgencies; funds that could easily have been deployed in the education, health, job creation and other human services sectors. However, even in the context of the excesses of the terrorists in our midst, the process of national transformation is being significantly facilitated in various national directions.

    Considering the rating of President Goodluck Jonathan recently, is it not possible the implementation of his national transformation agenda may be affected?

    There are misrepresentations and misreading of the situation in Nigeria by the Western media and unfortunately a segment of the local media and elite forces have bought into this false narrative about government’s capacity and commitment in ending terrorism in Nigeria. What is conveniently forgotten is that Nigeria, like the USA and her global partners are fighting a war without boundaries, a war without rules and a war that can strike you anywhere, anytime, without notice. While the USA public, media, and the whole of the Western world and media rallied around President Bush after the 9/11 attacks, Nigerians are being tutored to disparage their government. Yet, 9/11 was a clear case of a gross failure of intelligence, given that the World Trade Centre was previously bombed in 1993, a clear 8 years before the second attack. It took the USA government nearly 12 years and hundreds of billions of dollars to locate and take out Osama Bin Laden. The bombing of the USS Cole was a failure of intelligence, as were the London train terror attacks and the killing of the USA ambassador to Libya in 2012.

    Nigerians must begin to appreciate that the war against terror is a long, painful but ultimately winnable effort. That the USA failed in this regard in Iraq and is failing in Afghanistan does not mean that we cannot win the war against Boko Haram. Nigerians should not be seduced by the false impression being created by a few individuals who are deluded by the objective nature of terrorism and who seek and even demand instant solution to a very complex situation.

    Hasn’t the Chibok incident exposed Jonathan as weak and tactless, and wouldn’t the situation have been better if he had acted earlier?

    Here you go again! Your question appears as a rehash of the verbalized mindset of a section of the Western media and their panegyric singers in Nigeria. Of course, President Jonathan is neither weak nor tactless. He has approached this national challenge with studied deliberation, focused commitment and quiet engagement with all the security and political related issues it has thrown up. The war against terror is not fought and won on the pages of newspapers, and neither is bellicose agitation nor self-opinionated hysteria the way to go forward. Our armed forces are daily placing their lives in the line of fire to bring these girls back. Our regional and international partners are on board to achieve a positive outcome with regard to this situation. Of course, the media have a huge role to play in raising awareness, in processing open source information and in calling for more action; that is, if a section of the media desists from its judgmental, mob trial approach in handling this very sensitive and emotional situation. What is required is cool headedness, tack, commonsense, patriotic solidarity among Nigerians and the pooling ofour individual and collective assets to aid the government to achieve the objective of bringing the girls back and defeating terrorism in our homeland.

    Let’s talk about politics ahead of 2015. The interplay of powerful forces in the polity calls for concern. What should be the minimum parameters for adjudging elections to be free and fair?

    Nigerian politicians and political stakeholders have a crucial role to play in driving forward the national democratisation process. As patriots, Nigeria should come first in all their political calculations, utterances and conducts. Whether in government or in opposition, politicians and political parties have a key stake in the success of the Nigeria Project, in the war against terror, in guaranteeing national security and in creating an enabling environment for successful elections to occur in 2015.

  • Nigeria has civil rule, not democracy, says Falana

    Nigeria has civil rule, not democracy, says Falana

    Lagos lawyer and human rights activist, Femi Falana (SAN) said there was nothing to celebrate about the 15 years of the country’s democracy if 130 million Nigerians are living below poverty line. In this interview with Onyedi Ojiabor, Assistant Editor and Dele Anofi, Falana, who spoke on the intrigues at the on-going National Conference, warned that as long as government refused to change its tactics, the war against terrorism might remain a mirage. Excepts: 

    As  a delegate at the National Conference looking at how to reshape the country, do we have every reason to celebrate 15 years of our democracy?

    We are here especially to expand the democratic and consolidate civil rule and ensure that it translates to democracy. If democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people, you will agree with me that, we have not had the government for the people in the past 15 years but the government of the elite, which I call Elitocracy.

    This is a government whereby big guys in government have been able to smile to the bank whereas the masses of the people have continue to wallow in abject poverty. Out of the official figure of 170 million people, according to government official source, about 130 million are living within the poverty bracket. To those 130 million people, democracy remain a tantalizing reality that can never be actualized in term of how many people have been offered gainful employment in the last 15 years? Has the government been able to guarantee security of lives and property? Have we had any new major high way in the last 15 years? Not even a single expressway has been constructed in this country in the last 15 years. No new major hospital has been built in the country in the past 15 years, I stand to be corrected, I’m not aware of one. In that kind of a situation, we can’t say Nigeria has made a substantial progress in democracy. No doubt a number of people have become multi-millionaires, about 135 Nigerians now have their own private jets. But has that translated to any qualitative improvement in the lives of 130 million poverty-stricken people of huts country?

    The answer is No. Therefore, If we are talking about consolidating democracy, we have to build democracy first before consolidating it. What we have got so far, for the past 15 years is civil rule.

    With the mutual suspicion and unwilling postures of some delegates to drop some of their sensitive demands at the Conference, how do we then build the democracy.

    I have gone through the reports of all the 20 Committees and I can tell you without any fear of contradiction that the recommendations are largely profound, some of them are even earth-shaking. What is worrisome for me however is the lack of political will on the part of the ruling class, political elite, the government of the day to see through the recommendations. As for me, at the end of the day, a new struggle would begin. Once the recommendations are popular, relevant and acceptable to the Nigerian people, a new struggle would have to begin for the implementation of those recommendations. I can not see the government welcoming us and accepting those recommendations because some those recommendations questioned the status quo, established values and settled positions with respect to enjoyment of privileges by government officials. For us now to insist that they should wipe out or dispense with  those privileges, it is going to be a struggle. Just yesterday (Wednesday), the position of the Committee on Religion was accepted that government should stop sponsoring of pilgrims to Jerusalem and Mecca every year. Those who benefit maximally are going to fight back. For political reasons, the government itself would not be comfortable, wondering whether these religious people would vote for them, or the beneficiaries of pilgrimages would vote for them. That is why a new struggle is going to begin. For instance, I have identified, in at least seven Committees that recommended that Chapter Two of the constitution be made justiciable. Those provisions have been there since 1979 but for the ruling class, the people should be satisfied with political and civil rights which are meaningless to them. For instance how do you talk of Freedom of expression to an illiterate, how would he express himself or Freedom of movement to a man who has no means of livelihood, how does he travel for leisure, holiday. That is why, like a Nigerian proverb says among the poverty-stricken people that ‘You rest the day you die’. Meaning there is no holiday for the poor.

    In essence, if we make Chapter Two justiciable, Right to work would be guaranteed, an able-bodied Nigerian that has no works should be able to get a stipend from the government at the end of the month. If you say every body should go to school in the country, if everybody who is sick can access medical health and facilities, the situation will never be the same in the country again. And that would force government officials to think, have sleepless nights on how to fund Social security system for the people of our country. I have no doubt that many of them would have their hairs turned grey in a couple of months.

    We have seen some delegates unwilling to take patriotic decisions on some national sensitive issues with potentials to move the country forward. How do we reconcile that sir?

    As I did say when we were debating the President’s inauguration speech, many of those who brought Nigeria to its knees are here, many of them have been in the system since the First Republic benefitting from the decadence of the system. It is therefor going take appreciable time to convince them, to make them see reason for change. You can not but expect the kind of discordant tones oozing out of the confab, but usually at the end of the day,  we have substantially allowed reason to prevail.

    What other steps do we take, in addition to the Conference to build this democracy?

    The media has a great role to play. In the interest of the society, the media has to go beyond the ephemeral policy of trying to join them if you can’t beat them. The media played a leading role in the fight against colonialism, and even greater role in the struggle against military dictatorships which culminated in the restoration of civil rule. Unfortunately, in consolidating civil rule, and pushing the frontiers of civil rule leading to genuine popular democracy, the media has been found wanting.

    Today, only the views of the elites are largely published, so a stranger to Nigeria might just think the masses are comfortable. Stories about grinding poverty, the violations of the rights of our people from across the country, the abandonment of principles by government officials are hardly published in the Nigerian media. Indeed now, unlike before when the media would pursue a corruption case until whoever was involved is pushed out of government, we have a lot of media houses now shoutingHosannah. You remember the days of ‘If you Taka me, I Daboh you’, that is no linger there because we must also be critical of those institutions that can institutionalize democracy-the judiciary. There is not much to write home about the Bar Association, because in the interpretation of the law, in the enforcement of the law, including obedience to court orders, the official bar and the private bar played significant roles. But if the judges are just there to sustain the status quo without interpreting the law in the interest of the people, in the interest of the rule of law, in the interest of democracy, it is difficult to have a politically stable society.

    Aside the media, what about the masses perceived to be incapable of sustaining the struggles?

    No, no, as Carl Max said, “In any historical epoch, the ideas of the ruling class are the dominant ideas”. Even in every homes, if the parents are irresponsible, how do you expect them to turn our good children. Nigerians are the easiest to rule in the world, I have never seen a more patient people anywhere. All manners of military dictators that takes over reign of power and the attitude of our people is, let’s give them a chance, until they all messed up themselves, one after the other. So, Nigerians are very patient, very trusting but have been betrayed time and time again. So you can not accuse the people of complacency, they also have to be mobilized  by the elite who may have committed class suicide by doing that.

    On security, what is the way forward?

    I condemn the abduction of the Chibok girls but with profound respect to the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), and this is where I have to appeal to the media to be more critical. I have to say that before reporting news emanating from the Defence Headquarters, you have to cross check and verify your facts first. For instance, the cover story yesterday (Tuesday last week) about the statement credited to the CDS that the girls have been located. This is the same Chief of Defence Staff who made a similar statement four weeks ago. At that time, he appealed to parents of the abducted girls to give them a chance, that in a matter of days the girls would be returned to their parents. Four weeks later, he made the same stamens and you are celebrating it.

    On the war against terror, my view is that, are you not surprised that we fought the civil war for three years, exactly 30 months and heroes were produced on both sides. But since this battle on terrorism started, no heroes have been produced. That in itself question the commitment of the government to fight terrorism. On a yearly basis, not less than N3 trillion has been released by government to fight terror but unfortunately and painfully we are not getting value for that money. We are told now that we are not having vital equipment to fight the war, that our soldiers are not adequately equipped, not adequately trained, with low morale, not motivated, how do you win any war in an atmosphere of frustration. Our own media must help us. We don’t have to depend on the international media to let us know that despite the imposition of state of emergency in the three North East States, the people are not secure. To me that requires a change  of tactics in fighting the war. We all know that in the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, when a soldier is killed in battle, the family members are informed before the name is published. The soldier that lost his or life for service  to the fatherland is given a hero’s burial. Here, the media simply report that x number of solders were killed, they have no name. We lost about a thousand soldiers in Liberia and Sierra Leone, no media house ever published the name of any of  them. So when the soldiers are given the impression that their lives seems inconsequential, why would they lay their lives for the fatherland? Don’t be surprised to know that family members of soldiers killed in battle were chased out of where they were quartered by government as soon as their loved ones were killed in combat. These are some of the problems.

    Nigerian soldiers are a global force to reckon with in international peace keeping operations around the world. Nigerian soldiers were instrumental to the restoration of peace and democracy in Liberia and Sierra Leone, how come the same Nigerian soldiers can not defeat the rag-tag group of Boko Haram?

  • ‘Why I want to be Abia governor’  

    ‘Why I want to be Abia governor’  

    Senator Nkechi Justina Nwaogu is the Senator representing Abia Central senatorial District and a frontline  governorship aspirant in the state. She is gunning for the 2015 gubernatorial ticket of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). She spoke with journalists in Aba recently. Sunny Nwankwo was there.

    You just had a town hall meeting with the people of Osisioma Local Government. What prompted you to consult with the people at this stage?

    There are quite some reasons to consult the people of my local government area. First, is to acquaint them with the happenings in the polity. Another one is to discuss my next line of political action with them. I also felt that before I delve into the political arena of Abia State, I need to interact with them, get their opinion and of course their support and blessings. These are the major reasons for the town hall meeting.

    What are the things you intend to bring into the governance of the state if you emerged the governor?

    With my experience over the years at the national level, I should be able to bring value and dividends of democracy to Abia State by attracting federally sponsored projects because I know the process of getting a federal project into a state. I will be able to build upon the level attained by the current government.

    It is a natural thing that I will be able to continue with the legacies and framework that the present government is establishing. I have the capacity and experience in both the private and public sectors. I should be able to bring these experiences to bear on Abia State. Knowing and having lived in Abia State, I know what Abians need. Abia is a state where a lot of people are into private sector businesses; I should be able to provide them with conducive environment which in turn create employment and wealth. I should also be able to bring a new style of governance as a woman and mother. I intend to make it an inclusive governance. I should be able to look at the critical needs of our state which is majorly infrastructure. Once we get the infrastructure right, it would drive other sectors of the economy and in turn, bring in development.

    Aside infrastructure, don’t you think there are other challenges facing the state?

    I am also going to look at areas like the perennial floods that we always experience in Aba which has many of our roads. I think that we should revisit the issue of the World Bank projects that was here during the military era. If we reactivate that programme, we would be able to have assisted projects in Aba which will enable us to tackle the flood menace majorly in Aba and other areas.

    I should also be able to look at the problems of erosion in Isiukwuato, Uturu and other erosion prone areas. Why I am saying this is that I have the ability to attract international agencies to come to our aid. It is not what the federal government or what monies we get as monthly subvention can do for us. With my experience in the banking sector, I should be able to train our youths in skills and vocations and also attract some turnkey loans from the development banks in the country. There are a lot of things I know I can do to restore confidence in Aba economic environment. Aba used to rank as the fourth economic nerve center of this country, but today it has become a ghost of itself. We should all work together.

     

    I will also continue with programmes of the current government to ensure that we do not stop projects simply because that administration is no longer in place. I will continue them to ensure that we do not waste the meager resources Abia is getting by abandoning projects that are already running. We can also look into the agricultural sector of the state to see how we can become at least, reasonably self-sufficient in agro products rather than importing or buying everything from outside our state.

    Do you think Aba as a commercial city need alternative source of power supply?

     

    I know that Abia has oil and gas. We have abundant gas at Owazza in Ukwa West Local Government Area. I will use my contact to ensure that once the petroleum bill is passed into law, we will be able to go into partnership with some investors that will be able to establish gas processing plants at Owazza. Once we have that, we should be able to establish a power plant to provide power to Aba and its environs. And even with the privatization of the federal government on power, I believe that by the time my government comes on stream in 2015, power will be like communication where operators will come up with different networks and people will be subscribing to the network of their choice. Power and road infrastructure are the most critical areas that if we get them right in Abia State, we will increase revenue base, crate job and increase wealth.

    In all these, what do you consider as your unique selling point as you go into this contest?

    My unique selling point is the unique contact or the unique reach that I have. I should be able to attract, like I said earlier, federal and international agency projects which ordinarily our state may not have the capacity to fund. I should be able to attract such. I should be able to look at areas like sanitation and environment and attract international aid agencies to our state. You see the menace that we have in various places; it is only those who have the knowledge and capacity to go to those agencies to attract funding from them for handling the environment and sanitation as we have them. A typical example is the Aba Waterside River along Aba-Ikot Ekpene Expressway; that place can be turned to a tourist site once the environment is changed. We can relocate the abattoir to a purpose built area. That Waterside River leads into the Akwette-Azumini Blue River which can form a transportation means from the Waterside to Azumini and even beyond. It can even create employment and wealth once we reactivate the place. We should as a matter of urgency rebuild that bridge. This will enhance the flow of traffic in and out of Aba. A lot of people think that it is only what we get from the monthly subvention that will be used, I do not believe so. I believe that there are a lot of economic mixes that we can take. One will be the Public Private Partnership (PPP). If we do that, we can get a lot of things done. We can also aim at reactivating some of our ailing agencies. A typical example will be the textile mill that has remained moribund in the last 15-16 years. If we reactivate it through PPP, that textile industry can create employment for over 200 youths and there will be spiral benefit that will come out of. There is the Ceramic industry in Umuahia, I know its been privatized to the Catholic people. We will work with them to ensure that it becomes operational so that they can truly go into active production. There are a lot more things that we can do with my finance experience, my banking exposure, legislative reach and executive contact/relationship. I believe that I should be able to provide unique governance more than anyone that is aspiring now. Of course as a woman, I believe that I will be more accountable. I will be more responsive to accounting to the citizens of Abia State.

    Are you not worried that after Gov. Orji has reinstated that power shift to Ukwa Ngwa in 2015 is non-negotiable, the people of Isiukwuato are still kicking against zoning?

    I think what they are doing is getting themselves to be recognized because there is what we called justice and equity. You don’t do things you will regret in years to come. All these years, as far as the governorship in Abia State is concerned, we have two major political blocks; Old Bende and Old Aba division. The Old Bende is made up 8 local government areas starting from Umuahia South to Arochukwu and in Old Aba division, we have 9 local governments starting from Isiala Ngwa North to Ukwa.  We do not do senatorial because in Abia Central, there is a mixture of Ngwa people and the Bende people, therefore you cannot say Abia North, Abia Central or Abia South. So, our brothers running around in Isiukwuato are political neophytes. It is not unexpected. They are just introducing themselves, we are not worried. They know they cannot go further than what they are doing because they of the old Bende and their own political block have been in charge since 1991.

    Are you also not worried about the number of aspirants that has so far emerged from Ukwa Ngwa zone for the same position that you are vying for?

    I am not worried because there are a lot of our brothers who are also trying to advertise themselves in the political arena. You know you can plant ten corn seedlings in one hole; at the end of the day, you get about two or three sprouting into chords. A lot of them know that they cannot go anywhere. Governorship is not for beginners or kindergartens; it is not for somebody with a local reach or a local champion. It is much more than that. Most are trying to boost their CV’s for future things, definitely not for governorship.

  • Maku again?

    When, these days, I listen to Information Minister Labaran Maku speak on behalf of the Federal Government, I am reminded of the feats achieved by Uche Chukwumerije, now a Senator, and Tom Ikimi, a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who both served the most despicable government in Nigeria’s history and distinguished themselves in presenting black as white. Perhaps suggesting that the IQ of the average Nigerian is as low as a lamb’s, Mr. Maku does his job even when his contention evidently flies in the face of the facts.

    Last week, he came up with the theory that 90 per cent of the protesters against the abduction of the Chibok girls are members of the opposition All Progressives Congress. The spokesman for the government interpreted that to mean they were engaged in mobilizing against the government. He explained that they had no moral right to adopt the stance given the prevalence of the insurgency in states controlled by the Federal Government.

    First, let me comment on the man, Maku. He was only acting true to character. He once recanted the role he played in opposing the anti-masses economic policies of the Babangida regime. Today, as publicist for the Jonathan administration, he would justify anything. He is at home with privatization and commercialization agenda of this government. He sees nothing wrong in foisting an exploitative electricity tariff on the people without commensurate improvement in quality of service.

    It is sickening and disheartening that a former comrade could feel comfortable being associated with the views credited to him on the current spate of insecurity in the country. Let’s examine the logic. First, how did Mr. Maku come about his statistics? Yes, Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States are today governed by the APC. But, assuming as he has suggested, the insurgency is a result of poor governance, when did that start? In Adamawa where the governor was in the Peoples Democratic Party till last year, should the alleged incompetence be blamed on the APC or PDP? What about Plateau State/ The insecurity of lives and property in that state that has been under the PDP control since 1999 is probably the worst in the country. Yet, the Jonathan administration shamelessly chose to back Jonah Jang as chairman of the President’s Governors Forum.

    Second, who has the constitutional duty of controlling the security agencies? In most states of the federation, the Police Force derives its funding mainly from the state governments, while the operational command is from the centre with the Inspector General ultimately responsible to the President. By the revenue allocation formula, the federal government corners the funds, but hands the duties to state governments. We saw a recent demonstration of the incongruity of the arrangement in Rivers where the Police Commissioner openly confronted the state government and the latter could do nothing about it.

    Three, the federal government should face the real issue at hand. Under its watch, for the first time in the history of this country, more than 200 girls were abducted from a secondary school and the government lacks a clear, coherent policy to rescue them and combat the trend. Till date, we do not have the exact figures of girls in captivity. At a point the military said almost all had been rescued, when in fact none had. At another, the President and his missus were expressing doubt that anyone was actually kidnapped. Then, the military chief said they knew where the girls were kept but were helpless at launching a bid to liberate them.

    Mr. Maku should face the task of confronting the issues rather than chasing shadows. I suggest he heads for a top flight institution for a course in communication.

     

    AKPABIO AKPABIO

    Akpabio is a common name in the South South state, Akwa Ibom. But, when used in the manner I have here, it refers to only one person. It does not require prefixing it with Governor or Godswill for people to know it identifies the money man of the Niger Delta.

    Akpabio is not a money man in the sense of a Dangote or Bill Gates. He is by virtue of the office he holds. Even then, it is not on account of any ingenious manner in which he has raised the revenue accruing to the state government. Akwa Ibom still precariously depends on allocations from the Federation Account. But, he has the money and has mastered how to spend it on matters, physical and political projects and persons he may choose to. It does not matter if it is as frivolous as sponsoring a musician to Dubai to take his bride to the altar. He picks bills when the ruling party chooses to fritter money on party meetings. It is the only state willing to buy delegates to a regional party meeting in another state launch in the sum of one million naira each.

    Having done all these, he has now moved to secure his post-office life in opulence. Despite showing interest in going to the Senate, he has also decided that he would require so much as pension, medical and sundry allowances. There is perhaps nothing as ludicrous as the explanations by the Speaker and the Information Commissioner on this matter.

    True patriots should not relent on this until the brazen misappropriation of public funds in perpetuity by AKPABIO AKPABIO is reversed.