The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • 2015: Jonathan’s emerging re-election strategy

    2015: Jonathan’s emerging re-election strategy

    With five rallies held in six geo-political zones (and still counting) by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), presidential visits to traditional rulers and worship at carefully selected churches within Abuja and environs, the declaration of a second term ambition by President Goodluck Jonathan, it is no longer a matter of if, but when, Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo, reports

    About 11 months to the next general elections, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is taking nothing for granted.

    Obviously jittery that the next election may not be a stroll in the park, like its previous controversial victories in elections held in the country since the return of democratic rule in 1999, the PDP now seems to be on edge in spite of the bravado of its leaders that it remains unperturbed over the emergence of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    In the last one month, there was no week that the ruling party did not engage in political manoeuvres which many Nigerians have dubbed subtle political campaigns, contrary to the directives of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    From its control of about 22 states, post-2011 general elections, the PDP’s control has shrunk to 18, following the defection of five of its governors to the opposition APC, which currently holds sway in 16 states.

    Until mid-January this year, the PDP had battled with an internal insurrection that almost brought it to its knees. But the resignation of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur as the National Chairman of the party with former Bauchi State Governor, Alhaji Adamu Muazu, assuming the helm of affairs, has somehow come as a respite of sorts.

    Once Muazu settled down, the PDP quickly regained its groove and now appears poised to regain its lost ground within the political space.

    Though the ban on political campaign is still in force, there are concerns that the ruling party has had a clear head start ahead of the other political parties in the race for next year’s general elections.

    Visits to traditional rulers

    The visit was unannounced just as it took many Nigerians by surprise.

    A few weeks ago, the president had paid a one-day whistle-stop visit to Kano, Oyo, Osun and Lagos States. In Kano, the president conferred with the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, from where he headed to Ile Ife in Osun State to see the Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuade. The president held a closed-door session with the traditional ruler which reportedly lasted for about 45 minutes.

    From Ile Ife, the president proceeded to the palace of the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, in the ancient Oyo town. From Oyo, the president’s next port of call was Lagos, where the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, also played host to him in his Iga Iduganran palace.

    And 24 hours later, the president was the guest of the Akran of Badagry, Oba Aholu Menu Toyi. The purpose of what opposition politicians have called ‘belated visits’, according to the president, was to express his appreciation for the support of the people of the South West towards his election in 2011.

    In the last one week, the president has also visited the Sultan of Sokoto and the Obi of Onitsha, Alhaji Saad Abubakar and Igwe Nnaemeka Achebe respectively.

    The Nation, however, gathered that the visits to the monarchs was the beginning of a series of consultations the president will embark on preparatory to his formal declaration to contest for a second term in office in the next two months.

    Rallies in six geo-political zones

    In spite of repeated denials that it has not started its 2015 campaign, the PDP has, in the last three weeks, held what it called ‘unity rallies’ in five state capitals covering five geo-political zones of the country.

    The first of such rallies, with all the trappings of a full-fledged campaign, took place in Yola, the Adamawa State capital in the North East zone in February. Next point was Sokoto (North-West) during which the president formally received the former governor of the state, Alhaji Attaihiru Bafarawa, from the APC to the PDP.

    The PDP train, led by the President, his deputy, Namadi Sambo, and other top party and government officials, moved to the Imo State (South-East) on February 18 to receive new defectors from the APC, which included former governor, Achike Udenwa, Senators Ifeanyi Araraume and Chris Anyanwu.

    After Imo, came the turn of PDP members in Kwara State (North-Central) to host the president on the 3rd of this month. The rally, which held at the Metropolitan Square in Ilorin, the state capital, witnessed the official defection of the former governorship candidate of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Dele Belgore and Senator Gbemi Saraki, to the PDP.

    Kaduna State in the North-West zone was the next to play host to the president about two weeks ago, followed by Minna, the Niger State capital in the North-Central zone, last weekend. The next ‘unity rally,’ according to reports, will hold in Lafia, Nasarawa State, on May 10.

    Composition of a ‘war’ cabinet

    Part of the strategies to ensure the re-election of the president, according to reports, may be the sacking/resignation of some ministers in recent times.

    Brought on board to replace the sacked ministers are Gen. Aliyu Gusau, Musiliu Obanikoro, Ambassador Aminu Wali, with fresh faces, including Attahiru Bafarawa, Ibrahim Shekarau, Gbemi Saraki, to mention but a few, likely to be made ministers in the next few weeks.

    Gusau’s appointment as the Minister of Defence is particularly strategic. According to sources, he is expected to serve as a bridge builder between the president and key northern power brokers who are fiercely antagonistic of the president’s re-election next year.

    Obanikoro, Bafarawa and Shekarau, in the calculations of the president’s strategists, will serve as counter-forces to the APC machinery in their home states of Lagos, Sokoto and Kano respectively.

    The ‘restructuring’ of the Federal Executive Council (FEC), The Nation gathered, will be a continuous exercise as, according to a source, “Nobody is too big to be sacrificed by the president if that will ensure his re-election in 2015.”

    Pilgrimage to churches

    In what many have described as a thinly veiled strategy to mobilise Nigerian Christians behind his likely candidature in next year’s election, the president recently revealed his plan to worship at selected churches outside the Aso Rock Chapel at least once every month.

    The reason for this, according to the president, is to thank his Christian brethren for their prayers in the maintenance of peace in the country.

    And in the last two months, the president has made good this promise by worshipping at different religious centres, including Our Lady of Nigeria Pro-Cathedral, Apostolic Faith Church in Jabi area and the Dunamis Gospel Centre in Area 1 also in the Federal Capital City.

    Many readily recall the president’s well publicised visit to the Holy Ghost Congress organised by Pastor Enoch Adeboye-led Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) prior to his election in 2011.

    The picture of the president kneeling down before Adeboye for prayers, no doubt, resonated among the Christendom across the country who voted massively for him at the polls.

    Regardless of the concerns raised by the APC that the president’s visit to churches is a ‘dangerous ploy to divide Nigerians along religious lines,’ there are no indications that the president will put a stop to this anytime soon.

    Interesting times, indeed, lie ahead as preparations for the 2015 elections steadily gather momentum.

  • ‘Obiano: Fit to lead Anambra’

    ‘Obiano: Fit to lead Anambra’

    Elected under the banner of the markedly Igbo-interest APGA party, Willie Maduabuchi Obiano, a banker of international repute, a philanthropist and cultural custodian, a devout Catholic, a friend with a versatile sense for humour and a good son of modest background shall be sworn in — in the afternoon of March 17, 2014 – as the governor of Anambra State.

    First and foremost, to understand the realities and dynamics of Obiano’s emerging governorship, we must situate him in the recent political ecology of Anambra.

    Anambra is homeland to some of the formidable financial heavyweights in Nigeria and holds an impressive mix of talented leaders.

    Also, truth must be told that Anambra has, to this day, more than its fair share of spoilers and squads of acid-tongue, elbow-throwing politicos who thrive in crises and malice. Lest I forget, there’s the motley of pint-size political god-fathers and buccaneers for whom business gets its highest returns from politics.

    Over the past 20 years, Anambra has witnessed, except for two or three, an unimpressive confetti of political charlatanry and, in some cases, murderous events which turned away many well-meaning citizens of the state from competitive public service. Many refused to be involved in the partisan swindle for which the recent political business of the great state had become synonymous….

    Consequently, Obiano’s emergence, his selection by outgoing Governor Peter Obi and subsequent election, I believe, reflect the popular vote of Anambrarians to maintain a responsible handling of the resources of  Anambra. Evidently, the performance bar for governors in Anambra has been lifted higher by a hardworking, resourceful and populist Obi. Obiano’s performance expectation, I must note, has been pushed very high.

    Second, in the big picture of  geo-politics, especially ahead of Nigeria’s 2015 potentially explosive presidential election, the Obiano-APGA votes fulfilled and secured the broad sentiments around the Igbo interest for a  relatively independent and symbolically autonomous political community of  Anambra. Therein lies the importance of Obiano as, potentially, a key leader of the Igbo eastern states, at this crucial period as Nigeria bifurcates along the geo-ethnic lines of the ruling PDP and the opposition APC.

    Third, all politics are local, as the political maxim states.

    Chief Obiano told me recently, during an exclusive USAfricaonline.com interview, that APGA and the Igbo voters “will get more mileage” by supporting Nigeria’s President Goodluck Jonathan (of the PDP) for the 2015 elections.

    My 100 minutes interview is, to date, the most comprehensive insight to Obiano, the accomplished banker, who bagged the USAfrica Best of Africa International Banker of the Year 2012 (long before he had an eye on partisan politics).  Obiano charts a path for his priorities as Governor from March 17, 2014, speaks candidly on his relationship with the outgoing, popular Governor Peter Obi who strongly backed him to victory in the November-December 2013 elections.

    He reflects on how he got into politics and governorship campaign, and outlines why he considers security as critical to making Anambra State a business destination of choice in Africa.

    On a personal level, he speaks about his wife, Chief Mrs. V. Ebelechukwu Obiano (Osodieme) who introduced me directly to Akpokuedike Obiano in 2012.

    Fourth, on the all-important issue of the direct impact of his plans, the retired banker cited, like he did during his campaign, that a number of the public policy pillars and economic enablers of his agenda for governing will drive economic development and growth, exponentially, for Anambra.

    But governance and campaigns are two different realities.

    For the campaign, it’s largely an information warfare and mobilization battle, and….

    For governance, first, it’s about definable achievements to be seen by the constituents; then followed, realistically, as both information messaging and mobilisation battle for the hearts and minds of the governed/voters.

    Why is this relevant to Obiano?

    Even the best plans and initial achievements have, sometimes, been drowned in the fire and thunder of the boisterous politics of Anambra (and parts of Nigeria). But I believe that Obiano’s pedigree and achievements show him as man who is determined to make history in Anambra for good reasons.

    The man, who goes by the courage-filled traditional title of ‘Akpokuedike’, cannot offer any less as Anambra beckons….

    On balance, I believe that Willie Obiano  has the integrity, the intellection and clarity of purpose to lead the great homeland of Achebe, Azikiwe, Ojukwu, Ekwueme, Osadebe, P-Square, etc. My brief inquiry to his history and upbringing show a family value of spartan discipline and resourcefulness —instilled by his late father, Sir Philip Onuorah Obiano, a well-known headmaster in their hometown of Aguleri. Those two uncommon attributes are needed for leadership roles, particularly as governor of a state with scarce resources and fiercely competing priorities.

    Evidently, Obiano’s governorship promises to usher in the dawn of a new era where policy lucidity meets relevant experience.

    • Dr Nwangwu, is a public affairs analyst.

  • Unending plots against Al-Makura

    Unending plots against Al-Makura

    Nasarawa State governor, Umaru Al-Makura, is currently walking through political land mines set up by the opposition ahead 2015, reports Assistant Editor,  Dare Odufowokan

    Ever since his erstwhile party, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) joined some other political parties to form the All Progressive Congress (APC) last year, the Nassarawa State Governor, Umaru Al-Makura, may have become a marked man. This is because of the unending plots to stop his re-election bid by opposition forces within and outside the state.

    In fact, observers of the politics of the North-Central state are quick to assert that things have not been the same for Al-Makura and the state following the emergence of an APC government in the Government House in Lafia, the state capital. Sources say the governor’s many troubles stem from the determination of the Peoples Democratic Party to ensure that he does not remain in office beyond 2015.

    But in spite of the many political forces arraigned against him from within and outside the state, sources say it appears Al-Makura is not relenting in his determination to win the 2015 governorship election and rule the state for another term of four years. Following the realisation that it may not be easy to dislodge Al-Makura and the APC from the Government House come 2015, the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has allegedly been plotting ways of checkmating the governor’s second term ambition.

    For instance, at the turn of the new year, there were strong indications Governor Umaru Al-Makura, may be impeached. It was then alleged that the PDP, suspected to be behind the impeachment plot, was wooing the deputy governor, Dameshi Barau Luka, to take over as a PDP governor after he must have defected from the APC.

    Days after the rumour hit town, Al-Makura and Dameshi Barau Luka, publicly disagreed over what the state chapter of the APC described as the latter’s anti-party activities. The relationship between the duo has remained frosty since then.

    Determined to defy the governor, Luka has been seen hobnobbeing openly with PDP chiefs, including President Goodluck Jonathan, former national chairman, Bamanga Tukur and Information Minister, Labaran Maku, in spite of several warnings and condemnations from his then party, the APC and the governor’s camp.

    In January, the deputy governor worshipped at a church near Keffi with President Jonathan. After the church service, Luka criticised the APC for asking its federal lawmakers to block executive bills over “impunity” in Rivers State.

    Following what it described as a flagrant anti-party act, the state chapter of the APC suspended the deputy governor from the party, citing the statements he made on the APC directive. The party also said the deputy governor’s actions are pre-meditated and aimed at provoking the leadership of the ruling party.

    The stand-off continued until March 3, 2014, when Luka finally renounced his membership of the APC. His defection notice came in form of a statement signed by his Director of Press, Danjuma Joseph, and made available to newsmen in Lafia.

    “The deputy governor has submitted his letter of withdrawal from APC and will brief the press on Tuesday on his next line of action,” the release said. It also said that he would brief the press later to give more explanation on why he decided to leave. He therefore urged his supporters to remain calm and be law abiding as their destinies were in the hands of God.

    The people didn’t have to wait long to know where Luka was  headed politically as the PDP, through its chairman in the state, Yunana Iliya, last Wednesday, announced that President Goodluck Jonathan will formally receive him into the PDP at a reception to be held on May 10, in Lafia.

    Also, the defection of Senator Ewuga, who was an ally of the Nasarawa governor before the Ombatse uprising in May last year, according to sources, is part of a grand plan to pitch people of the northern senatorial zone of the state against the ruling party.

    “What you are witnessing today in Nassarawa is a grand plot by the PDP and the presidency to stop Al-Makura at all cost. They will stop at nothing to achieve this.

    Their idea of political rivalry is to make the state ungovernable ahead of the 2015 election. They know how popular the governor and our party is around here. They know we will win in any free and fair election in Nassarawa State. That explains why they are going about creating confusion amongst our people. Now they are talking about a zoning agreement purportedly signed by the governor in 2011. And we say bring out the agreement, they couldn’t find it,” an ally of the governor told The Nation.

    Another plot the PDP is allegedly putting together against the governor involve members of the state House of Assembly. Aside from being cajoled to see through the planned impeachment of the governor once the deputy governor finally moves into the opposition party, the legislature is also being lured into plans that will see the House moving against every move of the governor until his planned removal is effected.

    The governor had been finding it difficult to work with the assembly since his assumption of office in May 2011. The PDP has 19 members in the assembly, while Al-Makura’s APC has five lawmakers. Also, sources said all the principal officers of the Nasarawa State House of Assembly are involved with the impeachment plot, and already impeachable offences are being compiled against the governor.

    The governor and the State Assembly are currently in a face-off, occasioned by the inability of the duo to agree on the number of years elected local government officials in the state will spend in office.

    While the government, through the Nasarawa State Independent Electoral Commission (NASIEC) has said those elected in the forthcoming council polls would spend two years in office, the House recently passed a bill to allow elected local government council officials spend one year in office.

    Speaking at a stakeholders meeting organised by the commission in Lafia recently,the chairman of the commission, Abdullahi Moddibo, said the electoral body would work with the existing law of two years, stressing that the bill passed by the State Assembly has not been accented to by Governor Umaru Tanko Al-Makura.

    But the legislators said the NASIEC boss is chasing shadows as they will not succumb to what they described as a ploy by the state government to undermine the authority of the legislature in the running of the state.

    Another challenge currently being faced by Al-Makura in his bid to rule the state for another term is the mounting agitation in some quarters within the northern senatorial district to have the next governor of the state emerge from the area. While promoters of the agitation say it is a demand by the people of the zone, the ruling APC and the governor’s political camp are of the opinion that it is nothing more than a part of the many plans to destabilise the state ahead of the 2015 general election.

    Former House of Representatives member, Usman Isah Ambaka, went public with the agitation when he recently warned against alleged attempt to thwart the zoning principle in the state.

    “I want to believe that the zoning arrangement is about to be thwarted or violated because of the quest of the incumbent governor to go for a second term. I believe the concept of zoning is what is sustaining the system nationally. So, in Nasarawa State, the Nasarawa South West Senatorial District produced the first democratically elected governor in the person of Alhaji Abdullahi Adamu now a sitting Senator. He served for two terms from 1999 to 2007 without any rancour and without any struggle.

    It then shifted to Nasarawa South in 2007. Alhaji Aliyu Akwe Doma from Nasarawa South emerged as the governor without any struggle because we believe we ought to respect the zoning arrangement so that stability will be ensured and development can be guaranteed. He was supposed to have come back for a second term from 2011 to date but unfortunately something happened somewhere and he was edged out and we have the incumbent governor who is also from the same zone but from a different party, the CPC.

    We are saying that we should allow Nasarawa North to produce the next governor of the state in the spirit of fairness and equity. Our argument is that Nasarawa South has finished their term, irrespective of the party, whether its PDP, APGA or whatever, they have done their two terms. If he wants to come back again it means Nasarawa South would rule the state for 12 years. That is total violation of the principle of zoning and the spirit of living together,” Ambaka said.

    But the Senior Special Assistant on Media to the Governor, Sani Musa Mairiga, said Al-Makura did not sign pact with anyone not to re-contest as governor in 2015. Mairiga, while speaking with journalists in Abuja recently, said it is only the people of Nasarawa that can decide whether the governor should contest or not.

    “It is not true that the governor had any pact with anybody to serve only one term, he will contest if the people want him. The people of Nasarawa would have to be patient with the governor in order to deliver fully on his agenda. They should understand that things were shapeless and very bad at the time Al-Makura assumed office.

    “Al-Makura is a man of his words, he has kept to his promises.  It is a gradual process, within a very short time, every part of the state will feel the positive impact of the administration,” Mairiga said.

    When contacted, the Presidency said it was not plotting to instigate Al-Makura’s impeachment but said Luka had decided on his own to defect to the PDP.

    “The Presidency has never wooed or invited the deputy governor of Nasarawa State to join the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). It is the deputy governor himself that has decided to defect to the PDP and Mr. President cannot say no to it,” President Jonathan’s Political Adviser, Ahmed Ali Gulak, said.

  • APC presidential candidate: Consensus or primaries?

    APC presidential candidate: Consensus or primaries?

    I love the aggression and the dynamics of the evolving political genius of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The political space, hitherto stiffened by a monotonous and nihilistic conglomerate of a directionless bunch, is assuming an exciting character. The terrain is becoming jazzy and the fun of the possibility of a change in climate and power is generating some sensations and ripples in the land. In the midst of our tragedies comes the rage of our politics. The President, Goodluck Jonathan, is unfazed by the many killings of the Boko Haram-our major national tragedy. But the citizens rose in unison to express their fury against state conspiracy. Why must a citizen die for believing in his nation? This is a matter for another day.

    Frazzled by the unconcernedness and insensitivity of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the challenges facing the nation, the opposition(s), through a merger arrangement, came up with the APC. Since then, both the PDP and the government have become flustered. When the new party christened itself “All Progressives Congress”, I was one of those who felt that the word “progressives” was again being abused, having been exploited and stripped naked from its content to its context in the past by politicians of assorted ideological orientations and creed. Initially, Nigerians, who were excited about the emergence of the APC, did so not because they believed that it was ideologically different from the PDP but because they were bored by the irritating dominance of the political space by the PDP since 1999. Before the APC, the opposition was nothing but a kibbled kernel. Even before the five PDP governors defected to the APC, the party was still not taken serious. Nigerians wanted a party with a functional spread; a party that can move into the remotest corners and crannies of the whole country. They loved what Bola Tinubu and Muhammed Buhari were doing but they wanted to be convinced that their efforts and drive for change were not motivated by their desire to promote their own political agenda. Frustrated and disappointed by past populist pretentions, Nigerians demanded and craved for a messiah that would galvanise the citizenry into a revival and crusade for national restoration. They (Nigerians) had become tired of helping politicians to realise their ambitions while nobody is paying any attention to their own deprivations.

    Buoyed by the defection of the five governors of the PDP to the party, the APC has increased the tempo of its activities and it is showing more exertion and commitment to dislodge the PDP from its Olympian scaffolding. The APC has recently become very aggressive and forceful in its propaganda and enlightenment campaign which is making the whole nation to begin to imagine the APC as the next party in government because of the quality of options and alternatives it offers the country in contrast to the failed policies and programmes of the PDP.

    Conscious of the fact that it would have to work very hard to get the PDP out of power, the APC launched a ten-point road-map to convey its message of hope and vision to Nigerians. The high points of the road-map include (i) creation of 20,000 jobs per state (ii) free relevant quality education (iii) restoration of agriculture (iv) better housing plan (v) independence for EFCC, INEC, ICPC, SIECs (vi) peace and security (vii) ¦ 5000 monthly for 25 million poorest people (viii) establishment of technological driven industrial estates (ix) ex-youth corps members to get allowance for 12 months (x) zero tolerance for official and private sector corruption.

    Though Nigerians are used to beautiful presentations of programmes, agenda and plans by political parties, this time around they now have a road-map well structured and one that acts as both catalyst and template for growth and development at the same rate and at the same pace. A road-map that is ostensibly more operational and functional. This is why I believe that those behind the APC road-map have been wonderful in evolving a road-map that is rich and robust in terms of its intellectual content.

    The road-map seems a bit ambitious and utopian. I would have preferred a plan that is structured on gradualism. My fear is not about the funding of the programmes because I know that with its zero tolerance for corruption, the party can always have funds for its programmes. Neither do I think that some of its social or welfare programmes are unrealistic. With what Kayode Fayemi is doing in Ekiti with the Social Security Scheme and what Rauf Aregbesola is doing in Osun State with Agba Osun, I have no doubt that the APC can perform a similar feat at the national level.  Most of these welfarist programmes were simply replicated from the agenda of some APC – controlled states and whoever is going to be the APC presidential candidate must be ready to implement these programmes intoto.

    This leads us to the big question: Who may likely emerge as the APC presidential candidate? As at today, nobody has officially declared his intention to run, but from speculations and antecedents, everybody feels that Muhammed Buhari and Abubakar Atiku are well positioned to compete for the ticket.  Other people on the radar include Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (Governor of Kano), Rochas Okorocha, (Imo State Governor), Nuhu Ribadu (former EFCC Chairman). There are signals that the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, may still defect to the APC and also compete for the ticket.

    From all indications, the APC is taking its time in ensuring that it follows due process in the selection or election of its presidential candidate. There are two possibilities: one, the APC may still be expecting more defectors who for strategic reasons are still in the PDP. Their bodies are there in the PDP while their spirits and souls are in APC. It is all a matter of strategy.

    Second, the APC may be waiting to see if the PDP will go through primaries in selecting or electing its own candidate or if the party will just nominate President Goodluck Jonathan based on consensus. If the PDP should choose Jonathan as a consensus candidate, this may likely result in mass exodus of PDP members to the APC.

    There are those who believe that Jonathan should not run for second term. The governors of Jigawa and Niger states, Sule Lamido and Aliyu Babangida, belong to this category. Though they refused to follow their other five colleagues to the APC, in politics, you can never tell what may happen tomorrow. It is, however, obvious that they are no longer committed to the PDP as they were before. Since the APC has not shut its doors against any interested member, it is not impossible to still see some PDP members overflowing to the APC in search of “greener pasture”.

    Expectedly, the APC will soon declare its policy on zoning. The general assumption is that the party will zone the position of the president to the north. This may not be absolutely correct in view of the fact that Rochas Okorocha is also interested in the position, except of course all his posturing and grandstanding are mere groundwork for 2019. Okorocha has not only expended his resources on the APC project, he is strongly committed and dedicated to its cause. He is a good mobiliser, a fantastic and trusted friend of the poor. If he is actually interested and he is schemed out of the race via an unfair zoning arrangement which eventually makes one of those who joined the party long after it was formed, the presidential candidate, this may lead to bad blood. The party cannot afford to expand the network of its antagonists at a time that some disenchanted former members of the party,  like Belgore of Kwara, Attahiru Bafarawa of Sokoto and Ibrahim Shekarau of Kano,  left the party to join the PDP.

    Going by feelers in the public space, most people who have sympathy and sentiments for the APC would prefer Buhari and Atiku playing the role of elder statesmen by withdrawing from the race and allowing the “new generation” to go for it. The first reason for this is that the public seems to have become tired of recycled politicians.

    The second reason is that Nigerians want vibrant and dynamic young and enterprising politicians whose ideas of governance are of the sophisticated module. The world all over is changing the concept of governance by injecting fresh blood into its political system and assigning them higher responsibilities that will task them intellectually and morally.

    I wish to disagree with all the sentiments that have been expressed so far. Aspiring to the presidential position is a right that is guaranteed by the constitution. I do not subscribe to the view that a citizen’s inalienable right should be compromised because of age, colour, prejudice, bias, sentiments, race or religion.

    This is one of the reasons why the APC must tread softly on the selection issue. There is no doubt that the APC is now a popular party enjoying the support of all and sundry. The only fear people are expressing is about the process of selecting its candidate. The party should not under any circumstance contemplate using consensus to select its presidential candidate. The consequences may be very damaging and grave.

    Consensus in politics is a general agreement and understanding among party chieftains on the choice of candidates to be selected for certain elective offices instead of going through the rigours of primaries. This option is mostly preferred to primaries because it helps in reducing tension, acrimony, acerbity and conflict which primaries normally provoke. It may appear undemocratic but every party is at liberty to adopt a selection process for its candidates that will guarantee the stability of the party and cohesion among its members.

    In any situation where this system is adopted, all the candidates that are interested in certain elective offices must be carried along and treated with respect. The elders of the party must show compassion for the candidates’ aspirations. This is why consensus is all about persuasion, not coercion, about compromise, not oppression, negotiations, not rejection, agreement, not imposition and understanding, not tenacity. Consensus is complex and complicated but not undesirable. The only problem with consensus is that it seems unjust when a man will have to fulfil his own political ambition at the expense of others’. Party elders, in their wisdom, opt for consensus because they know that some of the candidates are not serious contenders but only want to use their participation as leverage for negotiating for other positions. But because the APC is a new party still battling for credibility and the citizens’ support, consensus may not be ideal for selecting its presidential candidate. Consensus may be applied or adopted at other levels if it is believed that primaries will throw the party into a state of anarchy and pandemonium. For instance, at the state level, consensus is not a bad idea because most of the party chieftains see the state as their own domain where they can wield some influence and appropriate some privileges to themselves. When you disallow them from influencing the choice of candidates who will rule the state, you are indirectly curbing their influence and rendering them unimportant politically. It is not fair to deny such major financiers of the party, the godfather status or diminish their political relevance. I agree that some of them abuse this privilege, but asking them to exercise some discretion in the course of wielding this influence is more appealing and attractive than castrating them into impotency.

    However, in view of the fact that the whole world is waiting to see how the APC will pick its presidential candidate, I think it is in the interest of the party to conduct open and transparent primaries for all its presidential aspirants in order not to engender its credibility and jeopardise the popular support Nigerians are willing to give to it.

  • Obi, an enigma on the move

    Obi, an enigma on the move

    As Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State prepares to bow out  Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, takes a fresh look at his politics and reports that his unpredictable style has made him one of today’s most complex political leaders from the South-East Zone

    Viewed from afar, Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State can be described as a very simple politician, not prepared for great intrigues. His soft voice, plus boyish, almost fragile looks lend credence to this impression. To a casual observer, even some of his public actions may also confirm this view.

    For example, there is a popular story often told discreetly amongst politicians in Anambra on how Obi gave out his seat to a political godfather ready to make trouble.

    On that occasion, the powerful politician, a dreaded godfather in the state, deliberately sat on a seat obviously reserved for Obi, daring anybody to challenge him.

    Most observers had expected some trouble, but to their utter disappointment, when Obi arrived at the event, he stopped his angry aides from confronting the political godfather as he simply shook hands before taking another vacant seat.

    There are also stories of when the escort of some of the powerful politicians and moneymen in the state would deliberately refuse to give way to Govenor Obi’s entourage. It is said that in many of such occasions, the governor had rather ignored the obvious confrontation.

    In one private meeting, where Obi tried to explain why he takes such decisions, he said, “Anambra is not like any other state. You will need extra wisdom and tact to succeed in the state. For example, the escorts of some of the political and money lords there are more than double that of a governor. So, why would such a governor bother to encourage a confrontation? It will only amount to an unnecessary distraction. In fact, after governing Anambra State for eight years, it would be wise for such a governor to go to a hospital and take some well deserved rest before thinking of doing any other thing. Anambra is a unique state to govern.”

    Given that he, against all popular calculations, survived most of the deadly political intrigues in the state for the eight years he has been in office, he may have greatly justified such unconventional philosophy and style. But some students of his brand of politics have said the issue is more of Obi’s politics and style than the alleged uniqueness of Anambra State.

    When he first emerged on the politics of Anambra State, a mere greenhorn, seeking the exulted office of the state governor on the ticket of a newly registered political party, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), many had dismissed him as a joker, probably unaware of the land mines on the political terrain he chose to thread.

    But he plunged in, utilising a mass support of restless Anambra youths, who saw him as their representative. His campaign strategies then were also youth- based and aggressively innovative. On several billboards in Upper Iweka Onitsha and other strategic parts of Anambra, the youthful face of Obi can be easily deciphered from a sea of heads, mostly that of angry Anambra State youths crying for change from the politics of the godfathers.

    That notwithstanding, the official result of the election declared Obi the loser.

    He would not give up, but quietly moved to the courts and with that move, he began a political revolution that positioned him and his party, APGA, on the political map of the country.

    So, as he and his political party won case after case to emerge victorious in the politically volatile state, Obi became a political phenomenon, an enigma of some sort, too complex to place but too relevant to ignore in the political equation of Anambra State and that of the South-East.

    His public life, political battles and governance have been quite intriguing. Born July 19, 1961, Obi became governor March 17, 2006 after almost three years of litigation. But that tenure was rudely cut short months after, on November 2, 2006, when he was suddenly impeached. His impeachment was, however, overturned on February 9, 2007, thus enabling him to continue his first tenure until May 29, 2007. To add to the intrigues, although a fresh election was held in Anambra on April  29, 2007, Obi was reappointed governor on June 14, 2007 following a court ruling that he should be allowed to complete a four-year term. He also won the February 6, 2010 governorship election for a second term that will end this month.

    Towards the end of this his second term in office, Obi, as the Chairman of South-East Governors Forum and a special member of the Eonomic Advisory Team of President Goodluck Jonathan, is considered one of the most influential elements in the politics of the South-East geo-political zone and the country. As the National Leader of crisis-threatened APGA and the PDP-led federal government’s super adviser, how he effortlessly combines and makes such seemingly divergent ends to meet remains a subject of study.

    As he bows out as Anambra State governor, with stories of elaborate plans at the presidency to immediately take him to the centre, many have been wondering if Obi’s complex style left a mark worthy of emulation in the politics of his state and that of the South-East.

    His politics

    At the last governorship election in Anambra State, Obi was at his best as a shrewd politician. Taking masterful advantage of the altercations that trailed the publication of Chinua Achebe’s “There Was A Country,” the deportation saga and his ennobling role during the last days and at the death of Chief Chukwuemaka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Obi succeeded in projecting himself as the genuine protector of Ndigbo’s interest.

    He also used the same strategy to play on the sentiment of Anambra electorate, projecting that APGA is the political party of Ndigbo, though the party is still facing delicate leadership crisis.

    Commenting on the intricate politics played by Obi during the elections and if that has placed Obi as the new leader, Osita Nwaka, said, “APGA leadership position does not automatically translate to Igbo leadership status. It was not the APGA that endeared the late Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu to the Igbos; rather it was Ojukwu by his unprecedented and unmatched altruism towards his people that endeared the APGA to the Igbos.”

    While the interest of Ndigbo vis-a-vis the fortunes of APGA remains a major concern, especially now that Obi, the National Leader, is believed to be on his way to serve under President Jonathan, observers are sharply on Obi’s contributions to Igbo political fortunes in the last eight years. Chief Onyedika Udochukwu, a community leader in Anambra North, alleged that because of Obi and the politics he played with APGA, Ndigbo lost their chance of producing a president in the near future, at least within the PDP. A close aide of Obi, who pleaded not to be named, faulted such analysis, arguing that Obi is the best thing that has happened to the politics of Ndigbo in recent years. He added that soon, Nigerians and Ndigbo will begin to appreciate the benefits of Obi’s political relationship with Jonathan.

    It seems the real assessment of Obi’s political roles and relevance will be unveiled only when Ndigbo truly count their political and economic gains and losses in the Jonathan era.

    As a resource manager

    One of the intriguing details of Obi’s politics and style is that he is rather too difficult to predict. This image has played out in the way he has managed the scarce resources of the state since his emergence. Insiders to his administration alleged that Obi is unapologetically frugal. Until the tail end of his stay as governor, this image was widely acknowledged, but as Obi prepares to leave office, especially since his party began campaign for the election and swearing in of his successor, Willie Obiano, Obi suddenly became very generous, donating hundreds of millions of naira to schools, hospitals and churches. For example, the Catholic Bishop of Nnewi, the Most Rev. Hilary Okeke, earlier this month appealed to Obi of Anambra not to quit politics. The clergy made the plea at Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital, Ihiala, after the governor gave him cheques totalling N130m.

    Barely two days earlier, Obi had also presented a cheque of N100m to Archbishop Valerian Okeke for the ongoing work at St. Charles Borromeo Hospital, Onitsha, saying that other hospitals in strategic partnership with the Government of Anambra State would receive theirs as part of the “final push” by his government towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals by the years 2015.

    Such donations had remained consistent for some months now, and that notwithstanding, Obi in his end of tenure account said he is leaving N75bn in savings for Anambra State. He said the money includes N25 billion investment for the state. According to him, expected bank balances as at March 14, 2014 would be N11.5bilion federal government-approved refund,  N10 billion and foreign currency investment of (US$155m) N26 billion.

    Obi also gave account of the investment Anambra made in some projects being executed, some of which are N3.5 billion in INTAFACT, N9b in Nigeria Independent Power Project; N4billion in Orient Petroleum Resources PLC, N1b in Onitsha Hotel; N1b in Agulu Lake Hotel; N0.9billion in Awka Shopping Mall, and N350m in quoted investment portfolio, among others.

    Since he gave that account, analysts have commenced fresh assessment of his tenure as governor. The last is yet to be heard.

  • Facts, factors, actors in Ekiti election (2)

    The ride to the June 21 Ekiti governorship poll may be bumpy. The signs are beginning to appear. Stakeholders in the state are shouting that the continuous registration exercise has shown indications that the electoral commission is yet to transcend the sloppiness that characterized previous polls and turned the results to guess work. It is obvious that the commission needs help. Civil society organisations, election monitors and international observers should see themselves as partners with the people of Ekiti and assess every move made by the commission from now.

    Apart from the political parties, another major factor that could decide who wears the crown is the choice of candidates. On this, the APC candidate has a clear advantage. As the incumbent, it is clear that he already has the ticket. The only person who disagreed with the choice, Opeyemi Bamidele, has exited the party, seeking accommodation in the all-comers Labour Party. Dr. Kayode Fayemi, thus, has the advantage of setting up his campaign team ahead of others. The team has done extensive work and, being the incumbent, every government action also amounts to a campaign.

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) started with a crowd of 26 seeking the ticket. Twelve have been cleared. It is unlikely that the plan to reach a consensus would work. At least four, of the 12 aspirants who have paid 11 million Naira and obtained the go-ahead of the Ndoma Egba screening panel, see themselves as serious contenders. Former Governor Ayo Fayose is in the race for real, Prince Dayo Adeyeye from Ise who looked lost since he “ported” to the PDP believes it is his time and former Police Affairs minister Caleb Olubolade is believed to have the backing of the Abuja lords. Former Wema Bank chief Abiodun Omoyeni plans to use his private sector experience and ability to mobilise funds to fight the battle. This would make the battle fierce and could threaten stability of the party.

    Ado-Ekiti’s votes could play a crucial role. Going by the voter’s register and votes cast in previous elections, the capital city, and Ikere, could swing votes in one direction or the other. This is probably one reason why the incumbent picked the late Mrs. Funmi Olayinka as his running mate for the 2007 election. Upon her death, another Ado indigene, Professor Adelabu, was appointed her successor. Since the PDP is yet to pick its governorship candidate, it is yet uncertain where the running mate was be selected from. This is yet another joker available to the APC. I intend to examine the figures in subsequent previews of the poll.

    Would the Ondo State government play a major role? The party in control of the state is known to be a surrogate of the PDP. Governor Olusegun Mimiko is believed to owe his re-election to the support of the federal government and the national leadership of the PDP. His initial plan was to mass logistics support behind the Labour Party in Ekiti. The bid has failed. Could Mimiko now openly back the PDP? This remains to be seen. However, such support would count for little once the PDP and the federal government opt to back their official candidate.

    Is money a factor? This is a potent force in Nigerian elections. But, it may count for little in the Ekiti governorship tussle. The PDP has the backing of a federal government desperate to secure a foothold in the West. The Ekiti election could influence the outcome of Osun’s coming up on August 9, and both would largely decide the fate of President Jonathan in the 2014 presidential election. The President is therefore unwilling to leave anything to chance. Money would be spent as if it is getting out of fashion. The APC, too, is unlikely to allow funding of its campaign derail its bid. As the party in power in the state, it could do many of its campaign using the official platform.

    Would the judiciary lend its weight to the antics of frustrated and desperate politicians to thwart the process? Would the security agencies do the bidding of the central authorities and aid subversion of the People’s Will?

    A notorious fact that all involved should note is that the Ekiti people have a high sense of political consciousness. In the First Republic when the Northern People’s Congress-controlled federal government decided to steal the votes in the Western Region, the people rose against the attempt. They rejected the collusion between the NPC and their cohorts in the region-the Nigerian National Democratic Party. The conflagration consumed the Republic. In the Second Republic when the National Party of Nigeria gale swept through the land, resistance came from old Ondo State that then included Ekiti. Despite an Ekiti, the late Akin Omoboriowo, being the NPN candidate, the people rejected the bid to subvert their will. Eventually, the ship capsized and the military struck within three months of the enthronement of perfidy in the country.

    In the more recent time, the typical Obasanjo bravado that installed the Oni-led PDP administration in the state was stoutly resisted, leading to retrieval of the stolen mandate. Anyone who understands the political history of Nigeria would not attempt to tamper with the people’s choice in the coming election.

    He, who has ears, let him hear.

  • Choice before Ekiti voters is simple

    Femi Awoniyi, Germany-based publisher of The African Courier magazine, was recently in Nigeria. The metallurgical engineer-turned journalist visited the The Nation in Lagos and spoke at length with Seun Akioye on the politics in his native Ekiti State. Excerpts

    What lessons can our governments learn from Germans?

    Our governments should work with properly-formulated polices that are tied to well-defined desired outcomes, and the people should be actively engaged in governance. Governor Kayode Fayemi is doing that very successfully in Ekiti. His administration’s 8-Point Agenda is one of the most innovative, original programmes of governance that I know of.

    Why do you think Fayemi has done well?

    I live abroad but I visit home regularly and I notice that many things have changed for the better since he became governor. And from my interaction with Ekiti people, I know that the overwhelming majority of them are pleased with what he is doing.

    What changes have you noticed?

    Many! First, the peace that reigns in the state today is a marked departure from the insecurity that ruled before Fayemi’s coming to power, when political violence and urban banditry were pervasive.

    For me, a revolutionary feat of the Fayemi administration is the introduction of social security scheme for the elderly. It has greatly helped to alleviate abject poverty in the rural communities. Look at Ikogosi. The place has been completely transformed and it is drawing tourists from all over the country. That is a boost to the state’s economy.

    Programmes such as the Youth-Commercial Agricultural Development Programme and Youth Volunteer Corps Employment scheme have taken thousands of youths away from the streets into productive economic activities.

    The roads are much, much better also. In fact, Ekiti has never had such number of good roads. Fayemi has shown what a huge difference good roads make. Education is another big achievement of the government. And a good indicator of that is the pass rate of secondary school leavers in the state. When Fayemi assumed office in 2010, only 27 percent of students passed their WAEC. Last year, more than 70 percent were successful. Like an icing on the cake, the overall best male student in Nigeria in 2013 also came from Ekiti. That, for me, is the true meaning of transformation. I can go on and on.

    Do you think that the people see these achievements like you see them?

    Of course, the people are grateful for the enormous work the government is doing. I witnessed an expression of that gratitude during the APC registration exercise in my home town of Ipole Iloro on 5 February. As early as 7.30 am, residents, both old and young, had started trooping to the registration centres in the small town. There was no inducement of any kind. Not even sachets of pure water were distributed to the people. The whole town literally came out to register for a party. That is for me an evidence of people’s appreciation of the importance of the Fayemi government to their lives.

    We drove to Ikogosi and Aramoko the same day and mass enthusiasm was palpable at the centres we visited also. In Erinjiyan, it was like the town’s residents were being counted. It was an inspiring experience.

    I must commend the APC workers in Ekiti for a superbly organised exercise and the national leadership of the party should be happy to have an able manager like Chief Jide Awe in its ranks.

    Why do you think Fayemi has had so much success?

    I am awed like everybody else by Fayemi’s gargantuan intellect. But what I admire most about him is his passion for the people; a fervent desire to make a difference in the lives of the people. That is for me the true mark of religiosity, this deep-soul conviction of man’s duty to his fellow humans.

    Fayemi’s success makes a compelling case for more activists to get directly involved in governance.

    Why?

    We need self-sacrificing leaders! Remember that after Fayemi earned his doctorate in London, he could have gone on to a very lucrative career in international diplomacy. As one of the very few specialists in security sector governance then, he could have found a very good job within the UN system. No, he didn’t choose that path; he chose the cause of Nigeria at a time when that cause appeared hopeless due to the duplicity of Western countries that were more concerned with their economic interests in Nigeria than the plight of Nigerians under a brutal dictatorship. That heroic bent is what makes selfless leaders.

    Ekiti will go to the polls in June. What is your take on the election?

    The positive changes in the state in the past three years are visible to all. This was a state that wandered aimlessly in the political wilderness for seven years – a period bereft of any progress and when insecurity ruled. The choice before Ekiti people therefore is a very simple one. They are to choose either to continue on the path of sustainable peace and development or go back to the unsavoury past. Ekitis are a highly educated and smart people; I have no doubt that they will choose progress.

    How is life in Germany? People have the impression that Germans are particularly racists. Is that true?

    I get asked that question often. One thing I would say is that it is not that bad as it is often imagined in Africa. You can live in Germany for ten years without having experienced a single racist encounter.

    A very close friend based here in Lagos visited me and my family in Germany last year. After five days, one morning at breakfast, he suddenly exclaimed “why do people say that Germans are racist? Everywhere we have been to, people were very friendly.” That shows how wrongly the issue of racism is perceived.

    There is no colour-blind society in Europe – or even anywhere in our world. However, one must give it to Germans that they are making strenuous efforts towards more equality. When I arrived in Germany in the early 1990s, you wouldn’t see a person of migrant origin manning the counter at the train station or post office. But today, an African, who came to Germany in 1985 as a student, sits in the Federal Parliament. That is for me a sign of an open, progressive society.

    Europe is in crisis but Germans are doing so well. What makes Germany tick?

    I don’t think that you can attribute German success to one single reason. It has to be a cocktail of many factors. For one, its highly competitive industry is a game winner. And the Germans are a frugal people; they have one of the highest savings rate in the world. That makes resources available for investment. These are some of the factors responsible for the prosperity of the country.

    Why is German industry so competitive?

    Remember that Germany has a long history of innovation. More than 75 per cent of the major technological breakthroughs of the 20th century were made by Germans or people who were born German and migrated to other places such as the US. That is why Germans pride their country as the land of ideas.

    Also, the country’s corporate culture, which places the interests of a company over and above those of its owners, makes a big difference compared to countries where shareholder value rules supreme. That is why Germany companies endure.

    And Germans are a very hardworking people. They are an exacting people who don’t leave anything to chances; everything has to be well planned and meticulously done. That is why German products are so exceptional.

  • Epic battle for Senate in Cross River Central

    Epic battle for Senate in Cross River Central

     Correspondent NICHOLAS KALU examines the profiles and chances of the three gladiators jostling for the Cross River Central senatorial ticket on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The Cross River Central Senatorial District is widely known as the hotbed of politics in the Southsouth state. It is a politically sophisticated zone.

    Who is the next senator from the district? This is the question on the lips of observers. The stage is set for an epic battle for the slot.

    Since 2003, Victor Ndoma-Egba, a successful lawyer, has been representing the district. His is the Senate Leader. Although he is yet to unfold his aspiration, there are people already campaigning against his re-election.

    The Senate Leader was quoted in an interview as saying that the state would suffer, if he does not return to the Upper Chamber next year. But, he later refuted the it. Yet, he has remained silent on his next move.

    There are speculations that the governor, Liyel Imoke, his wife, Obioma, Ndoma-Egba, and other big wigs are interested in the seat. In fact, it was believed that the First Lady was being broomed for the role. When she launched her pet project, ‘the Power Political Advancement for Women (PPA4W) Project’, an initiative to encourage and support interested and qualified female politicians, late last year, people thought that she had kicked off the mobilisation for her ambition.

    Eminent Nigerians witnessed the ceremony in Calabar, the state capital. The senator fromAdamawa South District, Mrs. Grace Bent, drummed support for the governor’s wife. She also extolled her virtues, urging the district to give her a trial. Bent said that, if she could succeed as a politician in Adamawa State , the birthplace of her husband, Mrs. Imoke can also succeed in Cross River State.

    However, Governor Imoke clarified that his priority was not political ambition. He said he would focus on his present duties as the governor.

    In the Central District, the governor’s senatorial bid is the talk of the town. When he declares his aspiration, he will have to contend with resistance from Ndoma-Egba and the House of Representatives member from Obubra/Etung Constituency, Owan-Enoh, and other aspirants from Boki/Ikom and Abi/Yakurr Constituency, which constitute the district.

    Ndoma-Egba is from Ikom. Imoke from Abi and Owan-Enoh from Obubra.

    The aspirants are fortifying their structures. They now visit home regularly. They attend social functions and donate at public functions. Speculations are rife that the governor, who is the party leader, may use his clout to a maximum advantage. The scenario being built by analysts is that the clash of ambition between the governor and Ndoma-Egba may strain their relationship, if it is not properly managed.

    Many groups have endorsed both the governor and senator for the job.

    Observers argue that Ndoma-Egba’s ambition may crumble, if the governor deploys his arsenal. The critics of the senator want him to allow a fresh blood to make novel contributions on the floor of the National Assembly. But, those supporting Ndoma-Egba argued that the governor should not nurse senatorial ambition again because he had served as a senator before.

    The Senate Leader’s supporters ppoint out that the vantage position, which Ndoma-Egba occupies in the Senate, would be lost, if a new person succeeds him next year.

    Many lawyers in the state are backing Ndona-Egba. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ikom Branch, has thrown its weight behind Senate leader. Rising from its third general meeting at Obubra, Central District, the body said that the legal luminary is the best man for the job.

    “The Bar pledges its total support for the re-election of Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba to the senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for providing exemplary and good leadership to the nation and for his support, hospitality and commitment toward the success of Ikom branch in promoting the rule of law,” it said.

    Also drumming support for Ndoma-Egba is the Cross River State Legion for Democratic Advancement (CRSLDA). According to the group, a legislator should be assessed by bills sponsored and not the number of motor cycles, vehicles and largesse doled out to constituents.

    Its President, Mr. Leko A Inah, said in a statement that senators who performed below expectations in the National Assembly should not seek for a fresh mandate. He said Ndoma-Egba is not one of them. “Flaunting wealth in the name of human development is not the same thing as enacting development-oriented laws that will spur government into development activities.

    “We in CRSLDA have observed keenly with pride and admiration the contribution of Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba, which transcends his senatorial district and the state. We strongly believe that his continued service in the Senate will continue to consolidate the gains of the Fourth Republic.

    “It is on record that Senator Ndoma-Egba has single-handedly sponsored more bills in the Senate. He has sponsored 24 bills that have far-reaching impact on the nation. They represent a tribute to a senator’s career in the Senate because his name is associated with important bills.

    “As we gear up for another the general elections, CRSLDA calls on Cross Riverians and the good people of the Central Senatorial District to count their gains of having a senator with the intellectual capacity of Senator Ndoma-Egba, who the senatorial district must feel hugely proud of to have contributed to the nation.

    ‘’His return to the Senate in 2015 will eloquently illustrate the value of legislative continuity, effective representation and project, not only the Central Senatorial District, but Cross River.”

    However,those backing the governor are growing in leaps and bounds. One of the groups, the Cross River State Political Network (CRISPON), has held a rally in his support.

    The group’s leader, Michael Abuo, has forwarded “a letter of adoption and request” to Imoke, urging him to publicly declare his interest. He said Imoke’s return to the Upper Chamber will put the the senatorial district on the front burner..

    IThe letter reads in part: “On February 22, 2014, members of CRISPON from the Central District met at our secretariat and resolved that you should contest the 2015 senatorial election.

    “As a unifying factor and experienced personality, the district needs you now than ever. Your experience and person is in dire need for the advancement of our region and state at this very critical moment of our fledging democracy. We need you, our people need you.

    “Your Excellency and the good people of Cross River State, members of the Cross River State Political Network (CRISPON) from the Central District are calling on our dear performing, amiable governor and leader, Senator Liyel Imoke, to run.

    “Having seen your leadership qualities in the following political capacities, which you have done reasonably well, as a senator, special adviser to the President, minister and governor, we are optimistic that having you in the Senate will revive and reinvigorate our senatorial district, the state, and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and consolidate democracy and good governance in Cross River State and Nigeria.

    “Sir, be assured of our absolute loyalty and support at all times. We have unanimously adopted you and we are calling on the entire state and the people of the Central District that have offered us their son to serve the entire state so well to give him a chance in the Senate.”

    Owan-Enoh is not left in the cold too. He has been endorsed by some groups. One of the groups is the ‘Mandator Group’. Its Chairman, Etaba Okpa, the former Vice Chairman of Obubra Local Government Council, has led a delegation to the PDP Chairman, John Okon, to drum support for his candidature. Noting that Ndoma-Egba has dome well in the Senate, Okpa said that Enoh will do better. He also said that it i reasonable that the Senate Leader should bow out after completing three terms.

    Okpa added: “We have looked at the entire Central Senatorial District and we have ex-rayed the quality of our representatives; we have looked at our amiable leader of the sSnate, Senator Victor Ndoma- Egba. He has done so well. In fact, there is no way you can mention three senators in the Senate without mentioning Victor Ndoma-Ebga. He has done extremely well and our thinking is that, for a man that has done so well, we need to encourage him, he needs a pat on his back to move forward.

    “Gone are the days when we sit down in Cross River and run down our leaders. The Mandator Group has a simple answer to this issue. Ndoma-Egba needs to move forward. We are not ready to bring down anybody. We are ready to move those that has done well forward. We have also looked at his activities and we discovered that he has been elected three times. If you remain too long in the toilet, there is the tendency that you will be seeing demons. And because we love him, we will not want our senator to see demons.

    “We want a situation where those that have served well in a particular position should move ahead. There are a whole lot of vacancies up there. Based on the relationship that our senator has with the President, he can become the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice from Cross River State.

    “We have also looked at our House of Representarives members. We have three of them and we discovered that, for the position of the Senate, the Abi/Yakurr Constituency has enjoyed that position very well. Boki/Ikom is still enjoying that position and the only federal constituecy that has not enjoyed it is the Obubra /Etung Constituency. So, we are thinking that there is a man that is asking the hand of the Senate in marriage. His name is John Owan Enoh”.

    The PDP Chairman, Okon, said that the aspirants will test their popularity at the primaries. He added: “There will be no foul play and shifting of the goalpost. Here, we give all the support to all our candidates. Let me assure you that we will give all our candidates a level playing ground.”

    But, when the big masquerades invade the playground, would there be a level playing ground?

     

  • Confab: Middlebelt minority groups reject delegates’ list

    Confab: Middlebelt minority groups reject delegates’ list

    Northcentral minority ethnic groups have rejected the national conference delegates’list, saying that they were marginalised by the majority tribes.

    They compalined that the list has confirmed the deliberate efforts of Federal Government to silence the minority.

    In a statement, the Kwararafa Kingdom Cultural Development Association said that the conference is designed to protect the interests of the majority ethnic groups.

    Its National President, Stephen Sariki, lamented that traditional rulers from the minority tribes did not make the list.

    He said: “Of the seven-member Northern delegation of traditonal rulers, five are Hausa Fulani and only two are of the minority extraction.

    Describing the list as “unfair, unjust and a negation of the spirit of the conference, he added: “ The Aku Uka of Wukari, Taraba State; Osana of Keana, Andoma of Doma and Aren Eggon from Nasarawa State; Attah Igala, Kogi State; Ochidoma, Benue State; Long Gamai and Ngolong Ngas of Plateau State, and the Emir of Zuru, Kebbi State, are tactically schemed out of the conference, thus denying them the opportunity of representing their people and presenting the myriads of problems facing the minority”.

    Sariki acknowleged that all the traditional rulers cannot attend the conference. But, but he maintained that the minority tribes were sidelined.

    He urged the Federal Government to review the list so that the marginalised tribes can be accommodated.

    Also protesting its exclusion, the people of Igala said that it smacked of injustice.

  • Group disowns Elechi’s senatorial bid

    Group disowns Elechi’s senatorial bid

    A group, the ‘Igboesa Integrity Forum,’ has denied endorsing Ebonyi State Governor Martins Elechi for the Senate. The group led by Chief Ogbu Godwin rejected the governor’s bid, following consultations with stakeholders.

    In a statement, Godwin said the people of Igboesa deserved a senator, who will uplift the social, economic and infrastructural standards of the community and make meaningful contributions on the floor of the National Assembly.

    Lauding President Goodluck Jonathan’s achievements, he said, if the area is represented by a good senator, more dividends of democracy would be attracted. He praised the President for the reconstruction of the Enugu- Abaliki Expressway and the upgrading of the Enugu Airport to an international airport.

    Godwin added: “It is pertinent that the group scrutinises all aspirants that would want to represent the zone and come up with a consensus candidate that is experienced, intelligent and presentable to the people of Igboesa, based on his achievements and contribution to the infrastructural development and social wellbeing of the Igboesa clan”.

    The community leader called on the people to disregard the purported endorsement of the governor, saying that it is misleading.

    He said the media propaganda in Elechi’s favour does not have the blessing and consent of the clan.

    Godwin also dissociated the association from the pro-Elechi campaigns, urging the people to be vigilant.

    He added: “Our people should remain calm. Those that signed and placed the announcement on radio stations in the state did not have the consent of the people and it is an affront to the good people of Igboesa, especially the major stakeholders of the clan.”