The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • A country at crossroads

    A country at crossroads

    Nigeria is beset with many challenges. The basic tenets of nation-building have been ignored. As the country celebrates 100 years of amalgamation, it is drifting towards anarchy. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reflects on the plight of the most populous African country battling with crises of development.

    Then a convoy of nine new Hilux pick up vans hit the sleepy towns of Shuwa, Kirchinga, Kabla and Michika in Adamawa State last week, with men in military uniform firing sporadically and throwing explosives, security agents at checkpoints scampered for safety. Residents of the communities headed for the hills. The gunmen, according to reports quoting eyewitnesses, are members of the Boko Haram terrorist group, who were exhibiting their regular deeds of madness to sound a note of warning to Nigerian authorities, as world leaders gathered in Abuja last week to witness part of the activities marking the centenary of Nigeria’s amalgamation. Abdul Kassim, a Michika resident, said the militants arrived about 9.30 pm, “armed with rocket propelled grenades and explosives, which they hurled indiscriminately at homes and public buildings.” They burnt three banks, a police station, shops and part of Michika Local Government secretariat, in Michika alone, during the attack which claimed no fewer than 32 lives.

    The night before the Adamawa massacre, the insurgents killed 43 persons, mostly students, in an overnight attack on a boarding school in Yobe State. Like previous ones, the recent coordinated attacks of the sect are their way of registering disaffection with the way the country is being governed. Owing to rising insecurity and breakdown of law and order in the three flashpoint states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, the Federal Government declared a state of emergency in those states in May 2013 and launched a military offensive to curtail the activities of the terrorists. Since then, the insurgency, which escalated after the general elections in 2011, has almost degenerated into a full-blown war.

    Besides, as the country gradually approaches the 2015 general elections, different ethnic nationalities have been dropping the hint, every now and then, that they would resort to bloodshed, if things do not go their way politically. As Monday Ubani, chairman, Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ikeja Chapter, aptly puts it, the American prediction looms large as the country approaches 2015. He added: “Remember the threats from several geo-political zones; the east is threatening, the north is threatening and the south-south is also threatening… Nigeria is currently sitting on a keg of gunpowder. The disaster that may take place after 2015 may be more than what took place during the civil war, if care is not taken. This is because there is bottled up anger.”

    After 100 years of cohabitation, Nigeria is at crossroads; most of the ethnic nationalities are complaining of being marginalised and want a better deal within the union. For instance, during its 13th annual congress last Thursday, the Yoruba Council of Elders, a non-partisan, non-sectarian and non-profit socio-cultural organisation, declared that the Yoruba are being marginalised in the entity called Nigeria. In the words of the National President of the group, Major-General Adeyinka Adebayo: “In its 100 years of existence, Yoruba people have been relegated from the foremost, most urbanised, most educated, most economically vibrant, most populous and being the first in everything needed for outstanding nation-building, to the state of neglect, deprivation and marginalisation.”

    Indeed, as the country marks the centenary of its amalgamation, it is very evident there is much apprehension and dissatisfaction in the land. For instance, Tanko Yakassai, a former special adviser to President Shehu Shagari and commentator on national issues, is very much disappointed about the way things have turned for the country. He captured his feelings very aptly in the following words: “Countries like Singapore and Malaysia became independent around the same time with Nigeria. But today, they are far ahead of us because we did not stick consistently to running the country on a democratic basis. If democracy had been nurtured and allowed to take root in the country, it would have been a question of competition on the basis of ideas and programmes, not a fierce struggle to grab power at all costs.”

    Nnaemeka Amechina, a Lagos-based legal practitioner, is also disillusioned about the inequality, lack of social justice and discrimination prevalent in the Nigerian society today. He is particularly sad about the varying cut-off marks for admission into public universities in the country, which gives students from a certain part of the country better chances of admission and the issue of state of origin generally that invariably crops up in all facets of life in the country. “This should not be. The people of the country should be able to walk the length and breadth of the country without any limitation,” he lamented, adding: “The country is actually struggling to remain together as one because of the problems of inequality and wrong polity that engenders these inequalities. It is only when there are equal opportunities that everybody can feel committed to the union.”

    Tade Makun, lecturer, Department of Engineering, Offa Polytechnic, Offa, Kwara State, aptly captured the mood of the nation in the following words: “There is palpable anger and frustration. In a land so blessed, it is a great irony that whereas a few, very few, are living prodigally on our common patrimony the vast, indeterminate majority are subjected to the punishing pains of poverty in the midst of plenty!” As the Federal Government embarks on the celebration of the centenary of the amalgamation, Nigerians are getting increasingly exasperated about their country, particularly over the parlous state of the economy and how it is impacting on their daily lives. Year after year, the economy has been posting impressive growth rates, according to government officials, but this has not been impacting positively on their lives.

    With current unemployment rate at 23.9 per cent and unemployed youth population put at 20.3 million, Nigeria has been living on the edge for over five years. A report compiled in December 2008 by the Federal Ministry of Youth Development, stated as of then that the country generated about 4.5 million new entrants into the labour market annually. The figure, it stated, was made up of one million people out of the school system, 2.2 million primary school leavers not proceeding to secondary school, one million secondary school leavers not proceeding to the tertiary level and 300,000 tertiary graduates finding no placement anywhere for productivity. Another survey by the Federal Ministry of Education puts the yearly graduate turnover at over 600,000. Even at that, the official statistical presentation is nothing compared to the reality of the situation.

    It has been generally acknowledged that unemployment is one of the most critical problems facing Nigeria. The years of corruption, civil war, military rule, and mismanagement have hindered economic growth of the country, which is otherwise endowed with diverse and abundant resources, both human and material. Years of negligence and adverse policies have led to the under-utilization of the country’s resources. Most basic amenities and infrastructures are grossly inadequate. In most cases, these are in advanced stages of decay. “From roads, to education, to healthcare, to power supply, to security, the story is the same across the land: Citizens are left to cater to these various needs by their personal resources,” Makun enthused. The unemployment situation is aggravated by the lack of functional infrastructures, the collapse in educational and health sectors.

    With this state of affairs, the energy of the growing army of unemployed youths is being channeled to crime and other anti-social activities. Many observers have described the youth unemployment situation as a bomb waiting to explode. Indeed, the unemployment situation has been blamed for the escalation of the Boko Haram insurgency, ethnic and sectarian violence armed robbery and the rise in spate of kidnappings round the country. According to a report published recently in the Economist, Nigeria had the most kidnap attempts in the world within the first half of 2013, as it accounted for 26 per cent of all such recorded incidents. Mexico was second with 10 per cent, while Pakistan was ranked third with seven per cent of recorded incidents of kidnapping within the period globally.

    While progress in curbing the spate of violence has been appallingly slow, the road to the 2015 general elections continues to be laden with mantraps. Apart from terrorism and other violent crimes, geo-political power contest, particularly within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the centre is a major threat to the country’s existence as a nation.

    How did the country arrive at this sorry pass? In the opinion of Ubani, after reading a recent book written by Olusegun Adeniyi, the former spokesman of late President Umaru Yar’Adua titled “Politics, Power and Death”, he has come to the inescapable conclusion that what is troubling Nigeria are too many and would therefore require several approaches to tackle them effectively. “To start with, there was no foundation laid for this nation. The British were driven away and they left in a hurry and in our bid to take over their position and the country, no serious thought was spared for the foundation of the country,” he argued.

    As a result, Ubani added, symptoms of a poorly planned country manifested early after the flag independence, which culminated into an unnecessary civil war that caused lives and materials. “The country has never been a sane country after the pogrom and civil war. The military leaders who took over went on stealing spree and surpassed by the civilian bureaucrats and politicians. Selfish, thieving and morally bankrupt leaders have actually been the bane of Nigeria,” the NBA chairman noted. Rather than build on what the whites left behind, he argued further, “our successive leaders have destroyed and stolen almost all the resources of the country.”

    Makun, on the other hand, is categorical in his submission that the reason for Nigeria’s failure to attain true greatness, in spite of her potentials, is absence of a National Vision, coupled with the depressing selfishness and greed of the misruling elite. To Yakassai, however, there are a lot of factors responsible for this. One of the factors, he reiterated, is the fact that successive leaders have not been able to run the country on a democratic basis for a long time after independence. The result, he argued, was that most of the development programmes fashioned by the country’s founding fathers as a way of uplifting the wellbeing of the people were jettisoned midway.

    For instance, he said the administration of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the first prime minister of Nigeria, started with about five or six of such programmes. “He conceived the idea of restructuring Kainji Dam in three phases, for the purpose of power generation and irrigation. Since he was killed in the coup d’état, successive leaders did not implement the programme of restructuring Kainji Dam; they were not even able to complete the first phase,” he said, adding: “If the three phases had been completed, enough power would have been generated for the industrialization of the country.”

    In the area of transportation, Balewa, Yakassai observed, conceived the idea of extending the railway system to all parts of the country, such as from Jos to Bauchi, Gombe and Borno. Apart from the first phase, from Jos to Maiduguri, the octogenarian noted that all the other components of the railway extension project, which would connected parts of the South-west to the South-east and the South-south, were abandoned after the coup in 1966. “There was also the idea of dredging the River Niger to accommodate ocean-going vessels and thereby make the transport of goods and persons cheaper through the waterways. Since his demise, that idea has been abandoned.

    Yakassai also noted that politicians see elections merely as an opportunity to grab power, instead of one of providing service to the people. “It is unfortunate that in our democracy we spend much of the time fighting who should run for an office, rather than allowing the ideas and programmes of the aspirants to determine who gets the ticket,” he added. For instance, he said Nigeria has about five or six major political parties today, “but if you look closely you’ll find that there is no marked difference between Party A and Party B and so on, in terms of ideology and programmes.” He explains: “You will find out that what is happening in one party is equally happening in the other parties. Take the issue of local government elections, for instance. Almost all the parties are averse to holding elections when due. When they do hold such elections, the party in power employs everything at its disposal to put its men in power in all the local governments, irrespective of the strength of the opposition.”

    Felix Morka, executive director, Socio-Economic Rights and Action Centre, SERAC, agrees with Yakassai, when he said people with selfish interest are running the country. “Their interest is merely to build up their personal wealth, and use such wealth to get more political and with their political power to expand their personal wealth,” he noted.

    In line with Ubani and Yakassai’s positions, one of the things that have destroyed productivity and the healthy rivalry that existed among the regions that constituted the federating units following independence in 1960 was basically the change in revenue sharing formula at the outset of the war in 1967. This was a politically expedient policy that was introduced then to accumulate more funds at the centre to prosecute the civil war. Indeed, the years following independence in 1960 have been dubbed the country’s golden era. Then, the country was divided into three regions (later four with the creation of the defunct Mid West), with each one having autonomy over its affairs in many respects. Back then every region had its own plans for generating revenue internally via agriculture and other activities. Today, in contrast, most of the 36 states that were created subsequently are almost solely dependent on oil money that is distributed by the central government. With the present situation of things, that widespread desire that propelled the federating units to be as productive and self-sufficient as possible no longer exists.

     

  • ‘Amalgamation brought too much drastic clash’

    ‘Amalgamation brought too much drastic clash’

    •Tam David-West, a professor of Virology and former Minister of Petroleum Resources spoke with Deputy Politicl Editor RAYMOND MORDI on the ‘mistake of 1914’ and its effects on the country’s socio-economic and political develoment.

    Nigeria is celebrating 100 years of the amalgamation of Southern and Northern Nigeria. Looking back, was it a wise decision?

    It is a wise or unwise decision, depending on how you look at it. We must ask ourselves whether the amalgamation of 1914 was necessary. Was the amalgamation done for Nigeria or the British trading companies? Lord Luggard had the mandate to amalgamate Southern and Northern Protectorates for administrative convenience; I emphasize the words administrative convenience. This is very commonsensical because he had two large groups that posed a challenge administratively and he was there representing the trading interests of Britain. They were two major blocs of diverse backgrounds; religious, ethnic and political structure. So, it was more convenient for him to amalgamate and deal with one unit. Therefore, amalgamation was done not in the interest of Nigeria, but that of the British.

    But unfortunately for us, Nigerians have been expecting too much from the amalgamation over the years. I am even embarrassed that our intellectuals, political scientists, lawyers and historians have not addressed the major issue that the amalgamation was not done in the interest of Nigeria, which never existed before Luggard anyway. As a result, they are expecting too much from the amalgamation. So, the frustration that has been experienced by Nigerians over the years is because we are expecting too much from the amalgamation. I always like to give a simplistic example from elementary chemistry; the difference between an amalgam and a compound. In elementary chemistry, when you talk of an amalgam, you are talking about bringing two elements together without integrating them. For example, when you bring an amalgam, A, B and C and put them together without integrating them, it means that in spite of what you have done, they still exist independently as A, B and C. But if you for a compound from A, B and C, they would loose their identity at the end of the day, such that there would be no A, B and C anymore.

    Any wonder then that the great Sarduana, one of the founding fathers of this country described the amalgamation as ‘the mistake of 1914.’ Richard Akinjide, one of Nigeria’s legal luminaries and one-time minister of justice, called it ‘the British conspiracy’, while Tafawa Balewa, First Republic prime minister, said in the Legislative Council of 1948 that since 1914 the British government has been trying to make Nigeria into one country, but that Nigerian people themselves are historically different in their backgrounds; their religious beliefs and customs and do not know themselves, do not show any sign or willingness to unite. He said Nigerian unity is only a British intension for the country. Of course, Chief Obafemi Awolowo had also once said that Nigeria is ‘a mere geographical expression’. From all this, we can see that our founding fathers, the best crop of leaders Nigeria has had, saw it from the beginning that this coming together is a mistake. I blame our intellectuals, our historians, who are over-interpreting the amalgamation and expecting too much from it.

    If the amalgamation had not happened, are there chances that the constituent parts would have evolved into nation-states?

    Yes! That is why I say everything on earth has the good and bad sides. If the amalgamation had not happened, I believe that the Northern Protectorate and Southern Protectorate would have among themselves found out the acceptable modus Vivendi on how to live together. But the amalgamation brought too much drastic clash. We’re not serious when we say, One Nation, One Destiny! There is no one nation and so there cannot be one destiny; there are many nations and there are many destinies. That’s why we continue to clamour for conferences on how to live together. That’s nonsense; we can have 100 conferences on how to live together, it would not make any difference at the end of the day. It is Nigerians that must decide whether they want to live together; if we have not felt the need for us to live together, the conference would be a waste of time. When we had two regions, they were essentially developing at their own pace. And that’s the best time Nigeria has had a federation, not the autocratic set up we have today.

    We’ve been together as a country since 1914, yet there seems to be more issues that divide us today than those that unite us. Where did we go wrong as a nation?

    First, we have no nation. We went wrong as a people. Where we went wrong is this: the pristine suspicion among the different groups was not addressed. We never made any attempt to address those big divisions. Instead of this conference, we should have series of conferences in different parts of the country, with people coming to talk to us about the advantages of living together. We gain more by being together. Let me give you an example. Even if you are baptized as a Christian, except you believe in what you are doing; except you believe in the Almighty God and His only begotten son, Jesus, you would not make a good Christian. In other words, you must believe in the fundamentals of that religion. If those fundamentals are not in place, go to church seven days a week, it doesn’t mean anything.

    Thus, Nigerians must see the merit of living together as a country, to be committed to that ideal. Right now, we do not yet believe that we should live together. That’s the problem we’ve been facing from the beginning till now. The basic suspicion is still there in our minds. We still use ethnicity for promotion; somebody is qualified, but because he is not from your area, you won’t promote him. The moment Nigerians settle fundamental problems, by respecting merit, everything would fall into place.

  • ‘PDP can survive without Obasanjo’

    ‘PDP can survive without Obasanjo’

    Ogun State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Chairman Chief Adebayo Dayo, in this interview with Jeremiah Oke, speaks on the crisis rocking the party, defections to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and preparations for next year’s elections.

    What is your reaction to the election timetable recently released by the INEC?

    When Professor Jega assumed office as the INEC Chairman, we are all rejoicing that the Messiah, who will salvage the commission and perform wonders, has arrived. Now that he is ready to carry out his duties, why are people complaining about ordinary timetable? If you are sure of your party, whatever timetable presented by the INEC, you have to accept it. It is the right of the INEC to tell us how the election will be conducted. Either the presidential election comes first or the governorship election comes last, I do not see anything bad in it.The most important thing is to prepare for the election. It is the people that are not prepared that are complaining about time-table. But, as for the PDP, we are ready.

    You said the PDP is ready. But there are factions in the Ogun State chapter. Is the party really ready?

    There are no factions. Chief Fadairo completed his tenure when we had the last congress, even though there were disputes after the congress. Dayo Soremi took over from Chief Fadairo. Later, Dipo Odujirin was talking about the non-existence of the executive in Ogun State. Odujinrin did not participate in the March 2011congress. Meanwhile, there was no reason for him to participate in the election because the whole 36 states of the federation had their congresses the same day the ward, local government and state levels. There is no reason why that of Ogun State should be different.It is unfortunate that people who are holding sensitive positions in the country insist on imposition, instead of the due process. Odujinrin was imposed, but we said no, we don’t want imposition. We insisted on the congress, which was held in the presence of the INEC officials, security agents, and press men.

    But, to our surprise, the National Secretary then, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, ensured that our executive was not recognised at the national level. They also went to court and the court ruled that we had a legitimate congress because there was an order from the national headquarters that Dayo Soremi-led executive should conduct the congress. It was in February, last year that I received a letter from the NEC which stated that our committee has been recognised by the NWC. That was when we started representing Ogun State at the NEC meetings and other national assignments.

    Your explanation has confirmed that there is division in the chapter. How do you intend to win election in 2015 when the house is divided?

    The PDP is one in Ogun State. Dipo Odujirin has nowhere to go, even though we heard that they had decided in Baba Obasanjo’s library to defect to the APC. But as at today, I know they are still in the PDP. Obasanjo himself said he will keep his membership card and he will stay in the PDP. Other dissenting members have come to terms with the court ruling. We are one and we work together. Few days ago, I was in Imeko-Afon to visit Chief Adejobi, one of the staunch members of Baba Obasanjo’s group.The situation is unlike when the former governor, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, had his own PPN as a faction of the PDP. Today, most of the people in the PPN are back in the PDP. For instance, the representative of the PPN in my own local government is now my Personal Assistant.

    Do you agree that the Ogun PDP crisis led to the sack of Oyinlola, Oni and others from the national executive?

    To certain level, it is correct. We had one national convention and six zonal congresses. The Southwest congress did not follow the rule of law and the party’s constitution. We in Ogun State went to court to challenge the validity of the zonal congress that produced Oyinlola and others as national officers. We believe Oyinlola and others were not duly elected at that congress, since the congress was faulty.

    The case of Ogun State is different from Adamawa. In Ogun, Chief Buruji Kashamu is fighting for the rule of law. He is fighting for the masses. He is fighting for the people to know their right. We have people here in the state who believed in staying in their living room and writing down names of those who are going to represent the state at the federal level. The court had pronounced the congress held in the Southwest illegal. I am close to 70 years now. Why must I be afraid to call a spade a spade? This country does not belong to a single individual. It belongs to all of us.

    Former President Obasanjo has not be participating in the activities of the party. Don’t you think it will affect the party?

    If a single individual says he does not want to go ahead any longer, would that consume a national party? The PDP still remains the only national party in Nigeria.

    So, what you are saying is that the PDP can win election without Obasanjo…

    With or without anybody, the PDP will win elections. When Chief Obasanjo won the Presidency, he did not win his polling booth, he did not win his ward, he did not win his local government and he did not win his state. Yet, he became the President because God wanted him there. For Jonathan to contest and win election, it is up to God and not that an individual will be telling us that it is over. If anybody loses his life today, people will continue to live. Despite the fact that we are having three solid groups in the Ogun PDP, we are still going to win election.

    Northerners are clamouring for power shift and Obasanjo is backing them. In view of the North’s voting strength, do you think it will be possible for Dr. Jonathan to secure second term?

    Where have you ever heard an African President losing election? Not that they usually rig, but the power of incumbency is very strong in Africa. People love Jonathan and they will vote for him in 2015 because of his performance.

    Are you saying both at the national, regional and state levels, Obasanjo is not a factor…

    What I am telling you is that, when he contested the presidential election, he did not win his ward, polling booth, local government and the state.

    G5 governors, Atiku and many National Assembly members have defected to the APC. Don’t you think it is a threat to your party?

    Well, politics is a game of number. But, don’t forget that, when we lost one person to the APC, 10 members of the APC will also defect to the PDP. So, if anybody leaves, there are thousands who are ready to join the party. The governors did not believe in the party supremacy. They are indisciplined and they wanted to dictate for the party, which is not acceptable in the PDP.

    Do you think Chief Obasanjo can move to the APC because you said he is planning to defect?

    Yes, they are already negotiating with the APC. Have you not heard that? They negotiated with Amosun and they have succeeded in working together. Is that the guarantee that Amosun will retain in Ogun State? If Obasanjo supports him, it is never a guarantee for him that he will return to government.

    Don’t you see Otunba Gbenga Daniel as a threat in Ogun State as he has instructed his men to defect to labour party ahead of 2015?

    When Daniel was in government, he has money and followers but today, all his commissioners who helped him are nowhere to be found. I am not saying he does not have money again but not like when he was in office as governor. His commissioner in my home town cannot win his ward again. Is that not the kind of people he relied on to win election in 2015? Although he has some people working with him but many have defected. I told you earlier that my PA was his leader in my home town. So, what left for him? As far as I am concerned, in Ogun state of today, labour party is not in existence.

    Atiku said the crisis in PDP has gone beyond redemption, and the new chairman Adamu Mu’azu is moving from state to state and region to region to ensure reconciliation of members. Do you have confidence in the leadership of Mua’zu that he can bring back the fortune of the party?

    Atiku has said such thing sometimes ago before he came back to the party, so I am not surprised. I believe so much in the leadership of Mu’azu. He does not need any magic to turn around the fortune of the party. Everything he needed is fully on ground and all he needs to do is to coordinate the party members and he has been doing that.

    Do you think national conference can address many challenges facing Nigeria most especially when some states have declared that they won’t send delegates to the confab?

    National confab is the only solution to Nigeria problem. People will be able to say their mind and I trust Mr. President; he must have done necessary things to ensure that the delegates are people of high moral standard. I know there is equal representation and they are going to give us the way forward. If they refused to send delegate the presidency knows how to handle that.

     

  • ‘Defection at National Assembly an infection’

    ‘Defection at National Assembly an infection’

    Hon. Eseme Eyiboh is a former member of the House of Representatives from the Eket/Ibeno Federal Constituency. He spoke with reporters in Lagos on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) crises and other national issues. Musa Odoshimokhe was there.

    How would you react to the defection in the House of Representatives?

    First, I was the Chairman of the House Committee on Media and I was also, for over a year, the Chairman House Committee on Donor Agencies. So, I am talking from an enriched position. This background has exposed me to the character and content of the institution, as well as the understanding of the dynamics of the legislatures. When people are talking in public domain of defection, I am always worried about it. I am not worried just as a politician, but as a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). I am equally worried as a democrat, somebody who understands the import of democracy as a form of government. The defection itself is an infection, it is either a political plus or minus for one political party or the other. This particular defection is an infection on our democracy and the electoral process.

    Are your saying that the defection affects development and democracy in this case?

    The dividend of democracy is not just about road construction, because the military government also constructs roads. Besides, the sinking of boreholes and other projects also takes place during military administration. The dividend of democracy is the rule of law, liberty of the citizens and freedom to move. These are dividends of democracy and it is anchored on the rule of law and order. The National Assembly is the foundation for the preservation of our constitution. Now, when it comes to the issue of defection, it has altered and brought to the fore, what some of us have been complaining about: the issue of the leadership recruitment process. That is, putting the wrong people in the right places. If our political culture, if our electoral process, is to throw up men and women with capacity and pedigree driven by political conviction or ideology of their respective political parties, this particular defection would not take place. But this defection reveals that majority of those who are defecting are following their governors. They are not doing so on the basis of personal principle. They are not doing it out of conviction. If we have a situation where these gentlemen are products of an electoral process, propounded on the foundation of leadership recruitment process, they would have taken personal decision. That would have been at variance with the situation we have at hand today.

    But it is also very good for our democracy because it has taught the PDP some lessons. That you must rise up to the issue of the management of your political party; that no matter the streak of successes made, you must conduct your affairs in an orderly manner.

    The implication of your statement is that the PDP compromised in its responsibilities…

    The people voted PDP massively because of their conviction that the party would be able to protect their interest. The political party was seen as a vehicle to bring the government and governed together. But because of the poor leadership recruitment process, the PDP threw up the leadership at a time that the country needed to project our unity. The country need to rise up to the problem of surveillance, the country needed to buy into globalization. When Alhaji Bamaga Tukur came, he saw PDP as a shopping mall, he saw the Presidency as an alter where he has to go and put a request. This was a wrong approach. He is a good man, but that is not the pedigree to run a political organisation. Political party is like a business, he has to stoop to conquer. He has to communicate and must step out there to engage.

    How can the country engage the caliber of people that will bring the desired changes to the country?

    The issue of leadership is beyond political parties. Up till now, I am one of those people who congratulated the legacy party that formed the All Progressives Congress (APC). For one moment, this is going to be a conglomerate that will give PDP a run for its money. But today I am thinking differently. This is because APC has allowed PDP to reinvent itself. The moment Alhaji Adamu Mu’azu emerged as the PDP chairman, half of its problems were solved. So, I can tell you that without the fear of being contradicted, his emergence is going to be a positive step. Mu’azu has the pedigree to manage the situation; I stand to be corrected. He has the capacity and leverage for flexibility. PDP’s problem has always been the party chairmen and the governors of their state. For Mu’azu to be nominated by the governor of his state, it is a plus for him. It is a signal that the days of the PDP reinventing itself is nearby.

    But the emergence of Mu’azu has not fully doused the tension because the influence of the likes of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

    Well, it depends on your perspective. One of the causes of the grievances is the way the party was being managed. Obasanjo’s decision not to participate in activities of the PDP does not mean he is not a member of the party. A lot of issues came up like the issue of Bamaga Tukur must go, but with what Mu’azu is doing through networking, courting people to buy his programme, there has been significant progress. Throughout Bamaga Turkur’s time, I was not passionate about PDP. But today, the PDP has provided a platform; it has provided leadership that would be able to welcome members. Mu’azu is a talent manager and venture specialist. Tukur was busy building an empire he lacks the capacity to sustain. He was building an ant-hill without being conscious of the fact that this is dangerous. Nigeria is a country where we have abundant of talents, people with pedigree. And it is because we have wrong people in leadership position that is why we have all these problems.

    But, those who can offer the right leadership are sidelined from leadership…

    I want to say the system has collapsed. We no longer have a society of excellence or merit. There is no society of competitiveness; instead we have a society which celebrates affluence. The religious institutions have collapsed as well. Now, the only process of bringing about this change is through the electoral process. Now, how many people exercise their voting rights on merit? Somebody will go to the House of Assembly, House of Representatives, and the Senate without visiting his community. But the moment the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) comes out with time table for election, he will start going around shopping for votes. Gone are the days when politicians mount the rostrum to articulate their programmes and the capacity to deliver. People don’t even know who is contesting election these days, apart from the bill boards that herald their presence.

    Some Northern leaders have said that President Jonathan signed a pact to run for one term. Do you think the emergence of Mu’azu will make them shift ground?

    Constitutionally, Jonathan is obliged to go for second term; I stand to be corrected. To quote Babangida Aliyu, who stated that Jonathan said he would not run, it was not on the basis of constitution requirement. He probably said this on personal volition. I don’t think it was proper, when Babangida Aliyu said that. But it is up to Jonathan to decide whether to exercise his liberty and the constitutional right of a citizen by running. Then secondly, I think that Jonathan is going to run and win. There are reasons for this. Within the PDP, including those who say he should not run, are yet to have alternative to Jonathan. He has done well in respect of the indivisibility of this country. He has done well to offer a stronger economy that would be able to enhance opportunities. The oppositions have not also come out with a policy direction, to articulate what in their opinion is a better policy than what Jonathan is doing. He may not have given 100 per cent improvement, but has done well. With the bulk of the private investors in the power sector, the situation has improved.

    What are your plans for 2015?

    Two things determine the life of a proactive politician: the aspiration of the person; and the opinion or disposition of the people in his electoral constituency..Whatever my action is going to be would be complemented by the disposition of the people of my constituency.

  • 2015: Suntai, Umar and succession drama in Taraba

    2015: Suntai, Umar and succession drama in Taraba

    In Taraba State, the camps of Governor Dambaba Suntai and Acting Governor Garba Umar are working at cross- purposes. The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is in chaos. Senior Correspondent FANEN IHYONGO writes on the intrigues and the scramble for power by the gladiators.

    Taraba State slipped into a constitutional crisis on Au-gust 26 last year. The ailing governor, Dambaba Suntai, returned from his medical trip abroad. But, he was not fit to resume work as the helmsman. His deputy, Acting Governor Garba Umar, also refused to revert back to his constitutional position as a spare tyre.

    Ahead of 2015 governorship election, the camps of the governor and the acting governor are spoiling for war. There is a constitutional crisis. Efforts to resolve the crisis out of court have failed. In Jalingo, the state capital, the succession drama is playing out.

    Umar has insisted that he will revert back to the position of deputy governor, until the House of Assembly, which made him the acting governor, communicates to him the change in status. Sources said that the deputy governor is not ready to play the second fiddle again.

    The House of Assembly is backing the acting governor. It has rejected the governor’s letter intimating the lawmakers about his intention to resume office. The House alleged that the letter was forged. The late Speaker, Haruna Tsokwa, had maintained that Suntai was sick, adding that the House would not allow him to toy with the destiny of the state. Ironically, Tsokwa later slumped and died of heart ailment.

    The governor, who has refused to release his medical records to the public, dissolved the cabinet and appointed a new Secretary to Government and Chief of Staff. Umar cried foul, saying that a cabal had hijacked the state.

    When a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) fact-finding committee led by Senator Hope Uzodinma asked Umar to continue to steer the affairs of the state, there was confusion. The Majority Leader, Joseph Albasu, and seven pro-Suntai lawmakers rejected the decision on the ground that the Uzodinma Committe lacked the power to do so, insisting that the letter transmitted by the governor was not subject to debate by the House.

    Ceremonial figure

    Since the constitutional conundrum unfolded, Suntai has remained in Government House only as a ceremonial figure while Umar is effectively in charge. The governor, who made Umar the deputy governor a few days before the air mishap, is now at the mercy of his deputy. Before anybody can see Suntai, he must get approval from the acting governor.

    Senator Emmanuel Bwacha, a strong ally of the governor, accused Umar of running a parallel government without consulting Suntai. He attributed the laxity to the power errorneously conferred on him by the Uzodinma Committee and the House of Assembly.

    Suntai’s foes are increasing on daily basis. Many are gravitating towards the governor for largesse. The foes echo the sentiment that the governor is too fragile to continue in office. They also said that his wife, Hajiya Hauwa, appreciates this predicament.

    But, the governor’s supporters have objected to these claims. They pointed out that Suntai has made a broadcast to the state, inspected some projects and can walk unaided.

    Former Adamawa State Governor Boni Haruna said that Suntai is fit to resume office, adding that “his deputy (Umar) can compliment” his activities. The President of the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria (PSN), Olumide Akintayo, also proclaimed his pharmacist-colleague as “mentally alert, physically fit and therefore, capable to perform his constitutional duties as governor.” He said Suntai should not be expected to be 100 percent physically strong now because of the multiple injuries he sustained. He said the governor was getting better.

    Manipulations

    Recently, Suntai visited Abuja for his routine medical checkup. It was quickly rumoured that he was in Abuja to confer with President Goodluck Jonathan on how to resume duty. His deputy was also in Abuja lurking to foil the ‘move’. In the state there was panic among the two camps.

    Suntai returned to the State House unceremoniously. But, his deputy was received back by a rented crowd on his return into the state. A lawmaker and close ally of the governor, Hon. Abel Peter Diah, said that the crowd was hired from Gombe State. Welcoming Umar, the crowd poured venom on former Defence Minister General Theophilus Danjuma and former Governor Jolly Nyame, alleging that they were “obstructing the government and sabotaging Umar.” A party source said that the two leaders have only insisted on the rule of law and due process.

    Umar’s supporters mounted a strong propaganda in the media against the governor. They also hired notable Lagos lawyers and human rights activists to malign the governor to give their campaigns of calmuny a sort of credibility. But, Suntai’s supporters flayed the “video propaganda” describing the video as “fake, scandalous, libelous and mischievous”. Former Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice Gebon Kataps, who has been appointed as the Secretary to Government by Suntai, said the video comprised “desperate items taken out of context and manipulated to deceive Nigerians.

    The Permanent Secretary, SSG Office, acting on Umar’s directive, placed a disclaimer in the dailies that Kataps was not the true SSG, but an impostor.

    Legality and legitimacy

    Suntai’s supporters and trusted aides have accused Umar of operating an “illegal, criminally-unconstitutional and parallel government”. “Or, how else do we describe a situation where Governor Suntai is back to resume office, but his deputy is calling himself the acting governor and carrying out the functions of the governor? Our constitution does not condone such a strange contraption, no matter the circumstances. It is sacrilegious,” they said.

    Umar has often pledged his loyalty to his ailing boss, saying he would not undermine his authority. But, the governor’s aides have insisted that Umar is guilty of disloyalty because “his activities are a direct opposite of the things he keeps preaching”.

    Cabal at work

    Umar attributed the crisis in Taraba State to the activities of a cabal insisting on hijacking the machinery of government, using Suntai’s name. This, he said, would not be tolerated. Umar pointed out that he is the acting governor in Suntai Administration.

    Divided House of Assembly

    Out of the 24 lawmakers, eight are challenging the legitimacy of transferring power to Umar to act, despite Suntai’s return to the State House. The G-16, led by Speaker Josiah Sabo Kente, has pitched its tent with Umar. The Speaker has carried out some legislative and over-sight functions to favour Umar, in defiance to many court orders restraining the House. For instance, he screened a list of commissioner- nominees submitted by the acting governor, despite the court’s injunction.

    In Umar’s camp, there is also mistruct. Umar is afraid that Kente may turn against him any time. The Speaker is also not unaware that Umar may sponsor an impeachment against him, given the fact that his elder brother, David Kente has joined the governorship race. There are schemings and suspicions. There is anxiety in the two camps. Suntai’s group is uncomfortable about the prospects of the Speaker becoming Umar’s running mate, when hedecides to run for the governorship.

    Power shift controversy

    Umar became the deputy governor and acting governor by providence. When his boss was hit by tragedy, he moved swiftly to consolidate his hold on power. He fired Suntai’s loyalists from office and embraced the governor’s foes. But, he is walking a tightrope.

    The acting governor is scheming to succed Suntai as the governor next year. He has proved that he can muscle up the ruling party to his advantage. His anointed candidate, Daniel Tsokwa, recently won the House of Assembly by-election against the wish of Suntai’s loyalists who sponsored a different candidate. The main opposition to his governorship ambition will come from the South District. Taraba North and Central have ruled the state for 18 years. The South has been only playing second fiddle. The South is vociferous in its agitation for power shift. But, those supporting Umar are saying that, since Suntai is a Christian, Umar, a Muslim, should succeeed him in 2025. Aspirants from the South include Baba Adi, Joel Danlami Ikenya, Ishaya Darius, Emmanuel Bwacha, Obadiah Ando, Damian Dodo, Ibrahim Kefas, Idris Waziri, Kefas Agbu, David Sabo Kente, and Efraim Kifasi. But Senator Aisha Alhassan is also a spoiler for Umar. The two are all Muslims and they are from the North. Alhassan is a woman of note. She is now teaming up with Senator Joel Ikenya in the All Progressives Congress (APC) to plot against the PDP.

    Suntai had promised to relinquish power to the South. Umar is kicking against his promise. He has vowed to continue as the acting governor so that he can postion himself for power next year.

    Next month, the court would interpret Section 190(2) of the 1999 Constitution, which deals with the transmission of letter by a governor to the House. The outcome may either fuel or douse the tension in the state.

  • ‘Osun Government House not for sale’

    ‘Osun Government House not for sale’

    In this piece, Olumide Lawal contends that the governorship is not for sale in the next election and that honour and integrity of contenders will count at the poll.

    Recently, I made a self-appointed good governance tour of Osun State, with a view to truly intimating myself with the progress made by Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola’s government in the last three years. My findings were heart-warming and reflective of an administrator, who knows his onion. I found to my happiness, that hitherto, inaccessible roads in remote parts of the State now has Aregbesola magic wands played out on them.

    From my native Ede through Iperindo, Ifetedo, Ejigbo, Orile-Owu, Ikire-Ile, Ife-Odan, Ikotun in Egbedore LGA, Ajagunlase, Ikirun up to Otan-Ayegbaju, Ife Ondaye, Ifewara, and some parts of Ijesaland the story is the same. The 10km-stretch of road rehabilitation embarked upon by the 30 local government areas in the State have impacted positively on the lives of the people.

    The indigenes of these areas are united in one thing, that good roads are beneficial to all, be you the rich or poor. Good roads do not discriminate on who uses them, they opined. The ordinary folks in Osun are at peace with Aregbesola’s modest achievements, since they exist through their legitimate petty businesses. They don’t dream tall like the city dwellers.

    Of particular importance, is the OBA ADESOJI ADEREMI ROAD now under construction. That particular road will go down in the history of Osun State, as a master-piece of infrastructure. A feel of the one kilometre part of the road, which has been stone-based and aesthetically asphalted, will convince the worst of Aregbesola’s critics, that this governor knows the rudiment of what it takes to put a road that will stand the test of time in place. 21st century technology is being deployed in the construction of this particular road in memory of the first African Governor of old Western Region.

    Work is going on at a feverish pitch on the road, which has now reached an advanced stage, as it has been opened, up to the Testing ground area of Osogbo. Aregbesola has broken a jinx, because those in the saddle of affairs between 1999 and 2011, considered what Aregbesola achieved with this road impossible.

    This is not to lose sight of transformation, the Osogbo township roads are witnessing. But some people keep on complaining, that is it “road alone we go chop”. That is their own understanding of governance. Government does not go about “spraying” naira on the streets for people to pick. You have to work for it. All over the world, people don’t want change, until they have actually experienced it. A reformer has enemies in those who profiteer by the old order.

    Yes, contractors may not be Osun indigenes, but majority of the artisans and other labour-hands been used by them are indigenes of Osun. Laterite, granite, planks, and cement are purchased from Osun markets, with such money realized by the owners, ploughed back to Osun economy. All over Nigeria, Julius Berger is at work. It uses Nigerians and not Germans for various aspects of its construction business. Why the hue and cry over who is doing what in Osun, if we are getting good return for our money.

    What has so far become of the various sites demolished in Osogbo? Going round the various sites and buildings affected, there seems to be abandonment of the locations, with new structures springing up in disguise by entrepreneurs. Why was the hurry in demolishing the structures affected, when government was not prepared to make a good use of the locations?

    The various stadia projects initiated by former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola should be re-visited and made to come to fruition. Sport is part of our economic development if well harnessed and promoted. Also in the course of my self-appointed good governance tour of the state, it is evident that Aregbesola is yet to let Ilesa township have a feel of “Ona Baba Ona”. In its real sense of it. A food for thought.

    I chuckle, when I hear some people complaining, that Aregbesola has ‘mopped up’ naira from circulation in Osun. We should not forget, that Osun is part of the federation called Nigeria, which is currently experiencing drastic shortfall in her receipt of federation account, owing to one factor or the other in the upstream sector of the oil economy. Almost all the states are now crying of reduction in their shares of allocation from federation account. Or is it a sin for a governor, to block loopholes and areas of wastage, which in the past, has made some public officers loom larger than life as they feed fat on our collective purse.

    Even at that, Governor Aregbesola keeps trudging on, using the little resources available to him judiciously, to make Osun looks truly what it should be. But our fore-fathers have a wise saying – “if a hunter kills a fat grass-cutter, his detractors will say of him, what a small rat he has killed”, (i.e, Ota Eni Ki Pa Odu Oya!).

    Nigeria economy is facing hard time, and this informs, why all the states and local government areas should improve on their internally generated revenue, because if the black gold wells- i.e. crude oil dry up today, what becomes of us as a nation? Entrepreneurship should be in-built in all of us, so as to make a decent living without depending on government patronages.

    We are yet to see action on the efforts to revamp Osun Cocoa Industry, Ede three years on. Sir Adewale Adeeyo, the Chairman board of Directors of the company should speak out. If the Chinese lease of the company is not forth coming, is there a PLAN B to take the industry out of wood.

    Indeed, anything is possible if we have faith, the will and the heart. I know we all have the will to play our parts in this campaign for accelerated development in Osun State. I know we have faith in the present regime and we have the hearts to face the challenges ahead.

  • Forget North-East in 2015, APC leader tells PDP

    Forget North-East in 2015, APC leader tells PDP

    Dr. Umar Duhu, national Vice-Chairman, All Progressives Congress (APC) North-East, has told the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) administrations in Gombe, Bauchi and Taraba States to be prepared to vacate the Government Houses in 2015.

    Duhu, who expressed optimism in the ability of the APC to win the 2015 general elections in Gombe State, said the people of the region are yearning for the change being offered by the new party.

    “All we will do is to capitalise on the lapses of the incumbent governments in the states still under the control of the PDP. Our chance of winning in these states like Gombe, Bauchi and even Taraba is 75 percent because we believe that the entire North-East sub region is solidly behind the APC.

    “As you can see, three states in the region are controlled by the APC; the other three will not be exceptions. We are optimistic that with the structures we have on ground, our chances of winning are very high.

    “By and large, we will form the governments in these states come 2015. We will also deliver Gombe, Bauchi and Taraba States to the presidential candidate of the APC come rain, come sun,” he said.

    Hajiya Aisha Dukku, former Minister of State for Education, also said that the APC had come to stay in the north-east geo-political zone and the country in general.

    “This is the beginning of success; we will bring an end to injustice in the country. The APC is the vehicle that will take us all to the new beginning we want. The people want change and that is what the APC is offering,” she said.

  • Council boss hails Tinubu, Fashola over rural development

    Council boss hails Tinubu, Fashola over rural development

    The Executive Chairman of Ikorodu North Local Council Development Area (LCDA), Hon. Adeola Jokomba, has praised Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State and his predecessor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, for what he described as the unprecedented rate of development in the rural areas of the state since the creation of the 57 Local Council Development Areas (LCDA).

    Jokomba, who disclosed this during the week, while presenting the 2014 budget of the council area at the LCDA secretariat, appealed to the government not to relent in its ongoing developmental projects in the rural areas of the state.

    The council boss, who is also the vice Chairman of the Lagos State Council Chairmen’s Forum, explained that the creation of the 57 LCDA by the administration of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the unrelenting effort of the Fashola administration to ensure their survival, has taken development to the grassroots.

    “We must continue to thank those who thought of creating LCDAs in Lagos State. God bless Asiwaju Tinubu and Governor Fashola for us. Before the creation of the LCDAs, development was very far away from the people at the grassroots, but today, I can sit here and think about how to touch the lives of the people of Isiu, Maya, Erikorodo and Agbala communities. Imagine what will happen if we have to wait for the man in Ikorodu Central to do all these?”

    People can now access the government easily. The government is now really for the people and other states are now copying us. Osun and Nassarawa States are now introducing LCDAs. That is a sign that what we did is good and enviable. The advantages are too numerous to mention,” he said.

    The council boss unveiled a budget of N828 million, out of which N500 million would be expended on personnel cost; N300 million on capital project and the balance to be spent on empowerment and poverty alleviation.

  • Centenary inanities

    It is once again a season of comedy of errors. The Jonathan administration is at it again; it sees the Nigerian public space as a theatre stage where actors just hop on the podium to induce laughter. The joy so elicited does not go beyond the skin and the room. As soon as people step out of the hall, those who have worries and woes to sort out resume their anxieties.

    The Jonathan team comprises actors and actresses. They are not much bothered by the issues at hand. They make light of the worries of millions of Nigerians. Otherwise, why wildly celebrate a colonial contraption? What is in the amalgamation to commemorate? Frederick Lugard was on a mission to colonise and rule. He had to device the easiest and best means of getting the job done, and that, to him, was by putting together the Northern and Southern Protectorate. It resulted in Nigeria. What is therefore there to celebrate?

    In any case, assuming what has become of Nigeria is worth remarking, why put those who came on a mission to enslave in the Hall of Heroes? Lugard is not only being honoured, but Flora Shaw, his girl friend who merely suggested the name Niger Area for the conquered territory is also a hero by the Federal Government definition. Is the government returning a verdict that colonialism has been a virtue, that it has done us more good than evil? In that case, is it not better to step back a little in history to honour the slave traders who took our forefathers to the American plantations?

    How do we reconcile handing national awards to both colonisers and the freedom fighters? Men like Herbert Macaulay, Obafemi Awolowo, and Nnamdi Azikiwe have been lumped together on the same honours roll. I find it even more ridiculous that the Queen of the United Kingdom is deemed worthy of recognition for being on the throne when the decision to lower the Union Jack was taken. Did the Jonathan historians know the woman was and is only a ceremonial leader? What part did she actually play in the process? Did they ask themselves the part played by Great Britain in the economic enslavement of Nigeria? Did they realise that Britain did a lot to subvert the young Nigerian state immediately after independence?

    Then Sani Abacha, a Nigerian hero? Has enough not been said of his misdeeds and crimes? His loot in Swiss banks is still a cause for worry. It is obvious that Abacha belonged to the same class as Adolf Hitler in Germany, Mussolini in Italy, Idi Amin in Uganda, Samuel Doe in Liberia, Jean Bedel Bokassa of the Central African Republic, Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti, Marcia Nguema of Equatorial Guinea, among others. Each of them was a cause to his country and his generation. They were blood thirsty tyrants who ran their countries aground. Would any German government celebrate Hitler?

    Would Liberians set aside a day or event to lionize Doe? They remember him as the man who mismanaged opportunities. Doe meant so much to the average Liberian at the beginning. He was seen as a freedom fighter that terminated the yoke of ages for indigenous Liberians. Yet, he got so power-drunk that he destroyed the very essence of his being. For that transgression, his memory is cursed. The society was plunged into a civil war and its innocence raped.

    But, to Jonathan, the fact that Abacha shot his way to power guarantees him a place among builders of contemporary Nigeria. What is Ernest Shonekan doing on the list? He was head of an interim government that had no soul. His band danced to the tune called by the military. He lacked courage or principle. He was colourless and has remained so. Before he was first appointed head of a transitional council that had no basis in law and could actually do nothing without the approval of General Ibrahim Babangida, he had a distinguished career at the UAC where he had worked himself to the top. He had no business working for the military. He had no reason to leave the UAC; yet, he did. He did not to work for Nigeria, but to serve Babangida. He is today allowed to participate in the Council of State merely because he had agreed to form a government that played games with the destiny of our country.

    Now, he is on the Jonathan list of the Greats of All Time. The interim government had no legislature that made laws for it; lacked the executive power to appoint members of the regime and the head could sack no one. Shonekan knew he was brought to power only because his kinsman who won the 1993 presidential election was locked up, but he accepted the assignment. He consented to injustice and, by his action and inaction, kept the country in chains. He is one reason why the military embarked on that course of action. He is now being rewarded by a government that lacks knowledge of history.

    If we want to know a little more of our past without insulting the true heroes, Nigeria has a past, and men like Jacob Ade-Ajayi, Tekena Tamuno, Obaro Ikime, Emmanuel Ayandele and other eminent historians who can act as compass as we embark on a proper interrogation of our past.

    This inanity must stop. The task at hand is to get this giant on its feet. It is not about celebrating a non-event. It is not about elevating nothing. It is not about a government that has embarked on a journey without map. All Nigerians must work together to set a proper national agenda.

  • Governorship slot tears Oyo PDP apart

    Governorship slot tears Oyo PDP apart

    Intrigues surrounding the quest to win the governorship slot of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Oyo State is further tearing the party apart, reports Sunday Oguntola

    No one knows where the pendulum will swing. But everyone can confirm the battle for the governorship slot of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) will be tough and testy. The aspirants who have risen to over 10 at the last count are expected to give themselves a good run. It is expected to be the fiercest primary in the South-West PDP.

    The fading influence

    This is because of the lingering battles in the Oyo State chapter of the PDP. It all started in 2007 when former governor, Rasheed Ladoja, was impeached by the machinery powered by late Ibadan strongman, Lamidi Adedibu. Ladoja’s deputy, Adebayo Alao-Akala, stepped in until the fiasco was upturned by the court.

    Since then, the party in Oyo State has known no peace. When Alao-Akala returned to the Agodi Government House in 2007, the crisis escalated. Adedibu held on to the structure while Alao-Akala played the good boy. When Adedibu passed on, Alao-Akala naturally became the PDP leader in Oyo.

    But the former governor’s leadership left the party further decimated. When it faced election in 2011, Alao-Akala had alienated too many people to win reelection. Once out of office, the PDP continued to suffer blows upon blows. The numerous factions cancelled out themselves. Supporters tore at one another. Party chieftains exchanged fire with fire.

    This was the situation when the last congress of the party held in March 2012.

    Two executive councils emerged and are laying claims to the party’s affairs in the state. But the national secretariat of the party recognises the faction led by Yinka Taiwo, which was produced at the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium (former Liberty Stadium), the officially designated congress venue.

    The sterling performances of Oyo State governor, Abiola Ajimobi of the All Progressives Congress (APC), has left the party with little or no sympathies. Oyo indigenes freely compared what exists with the mess that used to be under the watch of the PDP. The multiple infrastructural transformations in the state shocked many and attracted more disdain for the PDP.

    But despite the PDP’s fading influence in Oyo State, the party is still attracting many aspirants. No fewer than 10 persons have indicated interest in flying the party’s ticket in 2015.

    Enter the aspirants

    They include former governor, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala; Ibadan-based businessman, Engineer Femi Babalola; former State Chairman of the Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB); Prof. Soji Adejumo; former deputy governor, Azeem Gbolarumi; Minister of State for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Oloye Jumoke Akinjide and Nigeria’s ambassador to Jordan, Taofeek Arapaja;

    Others are former Senate leader, Teslim Folarin; Seyi Makinde; former Minister of Sports, Taoheed Adedoja; former Minister of Power and Steel, Elder Wole Oyelese; renowned politician, Alhaji Yekini Adeojo, among others.

    Of the lot, some are considered heavyweights while others are simply dismissed as appointment seekers. Sources said Arapaja is not so keen on the governorship slot as he is enjoying his ambassadorial role in Jordan. He is believed to be working hand-in-hand in Akinjide’s faction and is willing to concede the slot to her provided certain conditions are fulfilled.

    Some, like Adejo and Oyelese, are seen as stalwarts who should not be vying for elections but supporting younger aspirants. This, in a way, effectively leaves the tussle to Alao-Akala, Akinjide, Folarin, Babalola, Makinde, Adejumo, Adedoja and Gbolarumi.

    Alao-Akala:

    The former governor is blessed with heavy financial war-chest and a large followership in Ogbomosho and some parts of Oke-Ogun axis of the state. His many road projects in Oke-Ogun have endeared him to the indigenes, who believe he was the first governor to open up the area. His Oyato political structure remains well-oiled and eager to roll out.

    But many in the party have not forgiven him for slighting them as governor. His troubles with prominent traditional rulers in the state as governor also remain a big political liability. The ongoing N11.5 billion fraud case against him is another baggage that could work against him.

    Whether or not Akala could seize control of the party again to win the governorship slot remains dicey. He is, however, the only aspirant outside the Ibadan axis, a development that could sway sentiments in his favour.

    Akinjide:

    The minister’s profile has been rising since she rose to political notice on the strength of her father, Chief Richard Akinjide (SAN), the former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice in the Second Republic.

    Sources said she has succeeded in building a strong structure that has become dominant in the state chapter. This structure, it was gathered, is well-funded and expanding in scope. But she has a formidable foe in Alao-Akala with whom she is not on good terms. Besides, analysts wonder if a conservative state as Oyo is ready to have a female governor.

    Outside Ibadan, PDP chieftains said she is not popular at all. Besides, she is seen as an aristocrat whose ability to relate with the grassroots is suspect. But she remains a force to reckon with, especially in view of her mending roles in the crisis ravaging the party.

    Folarin:

    Until he was remanded in prison over the murder of former NURTW leader, Lateef Salako, aka Eleweomo, the former Senate leader was by far the most formidable PDP aspirant in 2011. But things have taken a turn for the worse for Folarin. Though the party’s machinery is in his total control, he has been unable to win the followership of other factions. But he has Adedibu’s structure intact and behind him.

    Today, many insiders believe any of these three will clinch the governorship ticket of the PDP but it is believed Ajimobi’s solid performances will make the task of PDP winning the election, a miracle.