The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Tribute to Fayemi at 49

    Tribute to Fayemi at 49

    February 9, 1965 came just like any other day but it was a day destined by the Almighty to bring into the world a shining star whose influence would reverberate across the world in the fields of politics, human rights, academia and governance.

    The city of Ibadan, then the capital of the old Western Region, was the setting for the birth of John Olukayode Fayemi to a civil servant, the late Chief Francis Falade Fayemi and a trader, the late Mrs. Dorcas Aina Fayemi.

    It was very ironical that the child was born during the turbulent period of the Western Region politics when the fire of political rivalry between the conservatives, the Nigeria National Democratic Party, NNDP and the Action Group, AG.

    Although ‘Kayode was born in Ibadan to parents who hailed from Isan-Ekiti, his regular contact with his native Ekiti land began in 1975 when he gained admission into the famous Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti where he had his secondary education.

    A Bachelor of Arts degree in History from the University of Lagos, a Master of Science degree in International Relations from the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife and a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D) in War Studies from the King’s College, University of London prepared him the challenges he encountered in his adult life.

    Dr. Fayemi began his activism as an undergraduate in the University of Lagos where he participated in several anti-military and pro-democracy rallies.

    It was no surprise that Dr. Fayemi found himself in the forefront of the struggle to maintain the sanctity of the June 12, 1993 presidential election won by the late Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, famously acclaimed to be the freest, fairest and most credible election in the nation’s history.

    As somebody who doesn’t give up in the course be believes in, Dr. Fayemi used his membership of the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO, Afenifere, among other pro-democracy groups, to campaign against the annulment of the June 12, 1993 poll both within and outside Nigeria.

    Dr. Fayemi joined hands with personalities like the late Chief Adekunle Ajasin, the late Chief Abraham Adesanya, the late Chief Bola Ige, the late Chief Alfred Rewane, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Lt.-Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Dr. Amos Akingba, Rt. Revd Bolanle Gbonigi and others too numerous to mention to rescue Nigerians from the jackboots of the military.

    Following some attempts to eliminate them, Dr. Fayemi and some leading lights in the struggle for

    democracy relocated abroad where they continued their campaign against the Abacha junta.

    Dr. Fayemi is notably remembered for running Radio Freedom International which was later renamed Radio Kudirat International in memory of the wife of the symbol of the struggle, the late Alhaja Kudirat Olayinka Abiola.

    The radio station was used to draw the attention of the whole world to the massive human rights abuses and the repression of the Nigerian citizens that was going on during the reign of terror unleashed by the military to prevent the June 12 dream from being realised.

    After about six years in the trenches, Nigerians’ dream of democratic governance became a reality with the handover of power by the military on May 29, 1999.

    Having been an active player in the restoration of democracy after long years of military rule, Dr. Fayemi saw the need to participate in politics to positively affect the lives of the people of his home state, Ekiti.

    He had served as an adviser to the Commonwealth, Governments of Zimbabwe, South Africa and served on the Presidential Committee that midwifed the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) for the Olusegun Obasanjo administration.

    After due consultations with stakeholders, Dr. Fayemi joined the race for the governorship of Ekiti State in 2005 and contested for the ticket of the then Action Congress (AC) which won in the primaries conducted in December 2006.

    He flew the flag of his party in the April 14, 2007 governorship election in which the Peoples Demoratic Party (PDP) candidate, Engr. Segun Oni, was declared winner by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    Dissatisfied with the result announced by the electoral agency, Dr. Fayemi filed a petition against Oni’s election at the Election Petitions Tribunal.

    The tribunal in a judgment delivered by Justice Usman Bukar Bwala dismissed the petition on grounds that the irregularities complained by the petitioner were not enough to affect the overall result released by INEC.

    Unable to stomach what many of his supporters believed to be “gross miscarriage of justice”, Dr. Fayemi filed an appeal at the Court of Appeal, Ilorin Division to challenge the verdict of the Lower Tribunal in Ado-Ekiti.

    In a judgment delivered by Justice Musa Dattijo Mohammed on 17th February, 2009, the Court of Appeal ordered a rerun in 64 wards cutting across 11 local government areas of the state.

    More drama was to follow at the governorship rerun poll on 25th April, 2009 when the election witnessed more rigging and violence than the one conducted in 2007.

    The then Resident Electoral Commissioner, Mrs. Olusola Ayoka Adebayo, who had earlier cried out that she was under pressure to declare a fake result, later turned 360 degrees to declare the rigged result after being intimidated by the federal government and its agencies.

    Not ready to abandon the people and the mandate they gave him to be their governor, Dr. Fayemi again went to the Election Petitions Tribunal to challenge the “egregiously rigged” rerun poll in five wards of Ifaki 1, Ifaki 2, Usi, Orin/Ora, in Osi council area and Ipoti A and Ipoti B in Ijero council area.

    May 5, 2010 was the judgment day on the rerun dispute but the five-member panel delivered two different verdicts.

    In the majority judgment read by the tribunal chairman, Justice Hamma Barka, three judges held that Oni won the rerun election and dismissed the petition of Dr. Fayemi.

    However, Justice Abiodun Adebara, who delivered the minority judgment of two judges nullified Oni’s return and declared Dr. Fayemi as winner and ordered that he be issued a new Certificate of Return by INEC.

    The minority judgment formed the plank of Dr. Fayemi’s fresh petition at the Ilorin Court of Appeal where he was seeking to be declared winner.

    Dr. Fayemi was declared winner by the Appeal Court in a judgment delivered by Justice Isa Ayo Salami on 15th October, 2010 and was subsequently sworn in the following day before a mammoth crowd in Ado-Ekiti.

    Since assuming office as the Chief Executive of the Land of Honour, Dr. Fayemi has used the eight-point agenda to launch the state on the path of development never witnessed in the history of the state.

    Dr. Fayemi has redefined governance in Nigeria with novel and unprecedented policies which have changed the face of the state and turned around the fortunes of her people.

    Ekiti, under the watch of the scholar-turned politician, became the first state in Nigeria to domesticate the Freedom of Information Law, one of the governors to sign Fiscal Responsibility Bill into Law, among other landmark governmental frameworks that have engendered transparency, probity and accountability.

    About 25,000 aged people in the state are receiving N5,000 stipends every month under the administration’s Social Security Scheme for the Aged, the first in the West African sub-region.

    The Fayemi administration also scored another first in the education sector; 33,000 laptops have been distributed to students in the state-owned secondary schools under the administration’s e-learning scheme.

    A total number of 180 public schools which were hitherto dilapidated have been rehabilitated and given facelift under the first phase of Operation Renovation All Schools in Ekiti (ORASE) to make the school environment conducive for learning.

    In a bid to make the state less dependent on the proceeds from the Federation Account, Dr. Fayemi invested heavily in the tourism sector and has turned the Ikogosi Warm Spring into a world-acclaimed tourist destination expected to generate more revenue and employment opportunities.

    Job creation is another area that Dr. Fayemi has made giant strides as the Governor of Ekiti State with 5,000 youths employed under the Ekiti State Youth Volunteers Corps Scheme.

    About 700,000 people in the state have benefited from the Free Health Mission, a scheme taken to all nooks and crannies of the state to make health care available to the people while Free Health Programme runs in government-owned hospitals for children who are five years old and under, pregnant women, people who are 65 years old and above and the physically-challenged.

    Dr. Fayemi has revived Ire Burnt Bricks factory, which was moribund for 21 years while Oodua Enterprise Centre emerged from the relics of the old Oodua Textile Mills to provide the needed skills and employment for the youths.

    Infrastructure development and urban renewal remain the strongest achievements of Dr. Fayemi as virtually all towns and villages have been touched by his administration through construction of roads and other social amenities.

    The governor confronted the challenges of bad roads and has within two years delivered quality road projects which have aided economic and social activities in the state.

    Ado-Ekiti, the state capital, has witnessed a massive transformation through construction; construction of dual carriage ways and rehabilitation of roads with major roads in the city.

    The massive construction of new streetlights in Ado-Ekiti has beautified the city, boosted nightlife and enhanced security.

    Other parts of the state are also enjoying the urban renewal magic of the Fayemi administration making Ekiti to boast of one of the best road networks in the country.

    Dr. Fayemi has turned Ikogosi Warm Spring Resort to a world-class tourist destination which has received holiday makers from all over the world. The resort has now become a reference point in Nigeria for important meetings, conferences, seminars and other top-notch entertainment activities.

    The redevelopment of the tourist resort has shored up the revenue base of the state and put Ekiti on the global tourism map. The People’s Governor has modernised agriculture through the Youth Commercial Agriculture Development (YCAD) in which 150 youths have been empowered with funds and equipment making them to become employers of labour.

    Despite the achievements recorded by his administration, Dr. Fayemi sees Ekiti as work in progress as various projects which will make life easier for the people he governs are still in progress.

    Happy birthday to Dr. Kayode Fayemi, the Light of Ekiti.

    •Ogunmola Writes In From Ado-Ekiti

  • Kaduna and the politics of 2015

    Kaduna and the politics of 2015

    In many ways, the politics of Kaduna State mirrors that of the country not only because the state is sharply divided along religious lines but also because of its ethnic composition that engenders a fierce competition for power between the geo-political sections. Even at that, the significance of Kaduna goes beyond its locality, essentially because it has for decades been the political headquarters of the North.

    However, while the politics of the state has always been fascinating, never in recent history have we had the kind of situation that obtains today when some charlatans who parade themselves as political leaders would be selling all manner of dubious stories. Even when most people know that the forebears of some of these characters hail from Niger, Chad, Cameroun etc, that fact has never been an issue against them. But now, out of desperation, they want to divide the North with their half-digested “historical tales” that are neither here nor there, in the bid to get at the Vice President.

    In what is no more than sheer political chicanery, a former elected governor of Kaduna State has suddenly become an “alien” in the state he ruled only until less than four years ago just because of the inordinate ambitions of some politicians. That sort of politics should have no place in any decent society and it says so much about the character of those behind the campaign of calumny that they would rather hide behind the anonymity of faceless groups to do their dirty work.

    Ordinarily, it would not have mattered if the essence of the madness is merely to profit from the electioneering season. But the agenda of the politicians in question is more sinister than that: they are bent on bringing others down in the bid to promote their own interests. And in doing that, nothing seems sacred to them so long as the end justifies the means.

    While most of these political gamblers are already in the camp of the opposition and are surreptitiously working against the interest of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), they are still posturing as members, indeed leaders, of the ruling party and they would want the world to believe that they alone can deliver Kaduna to President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. And the plot they have devised is simply to denigrate the person of the Vice President in pursuit of their ambition.

    So desperate have these politicians become that almost on a daily basis now, they invent stories about how “unpopular” the Vice President has become in the North just as they are now screaming themselves hoarse about the “dwindling fortunes” of PDP in Kaduna State. They persist because the Vice President would neither be distracted by the antics of those who do not wish the PDP and the Jonathan administration well nor join issues with political time-servers who would want to drag him down with them. Yet, there should be a limit to the kind of dirty politicking that is becoming a daily fest now as we move towards the 2015 general elections.

    As one of the five founding leaders and financiers of the PDP in Kaduna State, I consider it rather unfortunate that some misguided political manipulators in Abuja are buying into the fraud that because some people can make noise and have access to the media, nothing moves in Kaduna without them. But since these Abuja armchair “strategists” know little about the politics of Kaduna State, we can pardon their ignorance by telling them some home truths.

    The first issue to tackle is whether the PDP is as “unpopular” in Kaduna State as some of these politicians would want the world to believe. A party that has always controlled the state since the inception of the current dispensation in 1999 with a history of performing governors should have no problem winning any election, even if there are some disgruntled elements within its fold.

    Since I am not aware that any of the prominent politicians from Kaduna State who are holding elective or appointive offices has defected from the party, I therefore wonder where these faceless politicians get their stories from. But given the nature of the time we live in, it is easy to situate why there is a well-oiled campaign that PDP has suddenly become “unpopular” in Kaduna State. We have been on this road before, even though the stake seems to be higher now.

    Indeed, in the build-up to the 2003 general elections in the state, the same scenario played out. At that time, some of our politicians threatened to defect from the PDP, (a few actually did) but not long after the party recorded victory, they all crawled back. The same thing happened during the 2007 and 2011 elections. Yet despite the huffing and puffing of such characters, hallucinating that the fortunes of PDP had dwindled, the PDP emerged victorious as expected. And in their shameless manner, they came back to the same party that they worked against in the course of the election.

    In essence, what the foregoing reveals is that we are confronted with the same old tricks as we prepare for the 2015 general elections. Yet it is almost certain that once we are done with the 2015 elections, pin-drop silence will replace the present cacophony. Sadly, they will wait till 2019, and start all over again what has become their stock in trade.

    However, what makes their antics very unfortunate this year is the fact that they have some cowardly puppeteers who determine the level of the noise they make. These puppeteers are watching to see which side the political pendulum will swing in Kaduna State and although they may think they are clever, the good people of Kaduna State know them for professing loyalty to the PDP by day and hobnobbing with APC kingpins by night.

    Interestingly, what seems to unite this self-serving group is their inability to come to terms with the rising profile of the Vice President, Arc. Namadi Sambo. Evidently not comfortable with his position in the hierarchy of things in the state and the country, they erroneously assume that encouraging some light weight politicians to decamp from the PDP in his home state, and drawing media attention to such inanity would be a way of assailing the reputation of the Vice President.

    The cold calculation of those behind this campaign of calumny is to create the erroneous impression that the Vice President is a politician without strong following in Kaduna in particular and the North in general. If they succeed in their machination, on which they have some willing collaborators in Abuja, the idea is for these political desperadoes to position themselves as the 2015 “Northern Messiahs” for President Goodluck Jonathan.

    While it is easy for critical observers to see through this cheap blackmail, those who seem determined to set back the hands of the clock would not allow peace to reign in Kaduna State. We should stop them in their tracks before they derail the PDP and the Jonathan administration.

    What I find particularly tragic is how some politicians would imagine that the upward trajectory of their political fortunes is entwined with the downfall of the Vice President. And to achieve their objective, they are even ready to help the opposition make inroad into the state as we approach 2015, so as to justify their cold calculations. But this strategy will not work because the people of Kaduna can see through the antics of those bent on creating a confusion from which they intend to benefit.

    It is noteworthy that since the emergence of democracy in 1999, Kaduna State has been a solid bastion of the PDP, and will remain so, given the reality on the ground. While there exists a vocal minority who delight in promoting discord and hate, majority of our people recognize those who fight for their interest. Just because those people have chosen to work behind the scenes does not, and cannot, suggest a dwindling of fortunes for the PDP in the state.

    The point to underscore is that those brandishing such whimsical fantasies will do same to the APC once they have achieved their selfish goals and are looking for the next ‘greener pastures’. The absence of any ideological direction in their political life lends credence to their penchant to swiftly get into bed with the strangest political bedfellows and change camps whenever the music changes. But they are assured of meeting their political waterloo at the next general elections in Kaduna State.

    From 1999 to date, I have participated in all the elections that produced the PDP governors in Kaduna State and it is also on record that I successfully coordinated (in the state) the elections that ushered in Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (of blessed memory) and Goodluck Jonathan. All these candidates defeated their opponents at each of these elections in Kaduna State. I can therefore say from experience and a position of practical knowledge that those playing the ostrich today will not have the last laugh in 2015.

    The sheer strength of the PDP and its widespread acceptance has become so intimidating to other parties that the movement of a few individuals with doubtful political following is immediately highlighted as gain. But the reality will dawn on everyone when the PDP wins the state in 2015, because we are ready to continue working assiduously toward improving and expanding the fortunes of the people of Kaduna State. That is the charge the Vice President is leading, not only in Kaduna but indeed in the entire North, no matter what the mischief makers may want their crowd to believe.

    •  Senator Balat, a former minister is currently a Special Adviser to the President, in the office of the Vice President

  • Osun APC ready for voters’ registration

    Osun APC ready for voters’ registration

    The Interim Chairman of the Osun State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Elder Adelowo Adebiyi, has said the party is ready for the voters registration exercise planned by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    INEC had, during the week, announced that voters registration in Osun and Ekiti states will begin on March 12 in preparation for the governorship elections.

    Speaking to The Nation in Osogbo, during the party registration exercise, the party boss said the ruling party is ready to mobilise people of registration age to go all out and get their names into INEC’s register so that they can be part of the next election in the state.

    “As a party that is in government, we will ensure that the people participate fully in the planned voters registration exercise. It is by getting their names into the INEC register that they will be able to exercise their right to choose good leaders for the state again later this year. We are ready to do our duties as a party towards the success of the exercise,” he said.

    He, however, called on the INEC to ensure that its registration officers are patient with the people especially in the rural areas.

    “Voter registration is the first step to ensuring credible and violence free elections.  So, everybody should come out to register. I, however, want to appeal to the registration officers to cooperate and especially be patient with the people when they get to the rural areas in order to ensure that everybody is registered,” he added.

    INEC’s Director (Voter Registration), Emmanuel Akem, said the exercise would enable the commission to accommodate complaints arising from previous voter registration. He said the commission would use Registration Area Officers (RAOs) at ward levels, adding that the INEC might use mobile platforms to register voters.

    “We want to use the opportunity of the CVR to correct mistakes in terms of biometrics in the previous registration. The choice of the registration centres at the wards is to increase participation.”

    He said those who could not register at the wards could come to INEC local government offices to register.

  • Furore over zoning in Plateau

    Furore over zoning in Plateau

    Ahead of the next governorship election in Plateau State, stakeholders are locked in succession battle. Who succeeds Governor Jonah Jang next year? Yusufu Idegu examines the intrigues and issues that will shape the contest.

    Politics is in the air in Plateau State. Aspirants for the various elective posts have returned to the drawing board. As Governor Jonah Jang bows out of office next year, those itching to succeed him are on the prowl. Analysts predict an epic governorship battle.

    Plateau State has a peculiarity. Since the Second Republic, the stakeholders have adopted a zoning formula, which has remained sacrosant. This formula has made the governorship contest less rancorous. However, the zoning principle is gradually becoming a source if disunity among the ethnic groups and key players.

    According to the arrangement, each of the three geo-political zones; Plateau South, Plateau Central and Plateau North; is to enjoy the slot for a two term of eight years. Thus, power is rotational in the state.Based on this agreement, each of the three geo-political zone has produced the governor.

    In 1979, the Plateau South produced former Governor Solomon Lar. He hailed from Tarohk, Langtang area. He was the first elected governor. He was elected on the platform of the defunct Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP). He was re-elected in 1983, but the military truncated the second term.

    In 1990, the slot was zoned to Plateau South. Former Governor Fidelis Tapgun was elected governor on the platform of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP). The administration was also sacked by the military in 1993.

    In 1999, Chief Joshua Dariye became the governor. He is from the Central District. Although a state of emergency was declared in the state for six months, Dariye, a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was re-elected in 2003. Thus, he enjoyed two terms. He is now a senator.

    In 2011, power returned to the North District. Berom, which is the major tribe in the zone, was given the chance. This led to the emergence of Jang as the governor. In 2011, he was re-elected. By next year, the governor will complete his second term in office. Thus, all the zones have enjoyed the slot at differenty times.

    However, as the state prepares for 2015 polls, the same formula become the bone of contention. The three zones have produced governors. The main issues is: which zone should produce the next governor?

    Sources said that the governor and other prominent Berom leaders are making deft moves to retain the slot in the North District. Although Jang has not spoken elaborately on the successuion battle, many believe that he has tacitly backed the wish of his people to retain the number one seat.

    Recently, the governor reportedly said that he does not know who will succeed him next year. At the inauguration of the President of the COCIN Church, he said: “I dont know who will replace me in 2015. I ‘m praying to God to annoint the next governor for us. I dont know who the next governor is, but God knows. So, I call on Plateau people to also keep praying to God to give us his own choice.”

    Jang added: “I have taken the pains through my government to lay a solid foundation for a new Plateau. That is exactly what we have been doing in the last seven years or so. Already, a solid foundation has been laid in the various sectors, especially in the areas of agriculture, education, civil service, infrastructural development, and youths empowerment.

    “My concern now is to complete all the projects I started. I have vowed not to leave any project uncompleted before the end of my tenure. I don’t know who will succeed me in 2015. I am only hoping and praying that God will anoint somebody that will continue to develope Plateau from where I am going to stop.”

    The governor urged the stakeholders not to bother about any succession crisis. He said the succession would be smooth. However, he said that the next governor should be ready to defend the legacies of his administration. In his view, it will be retrogressive for Plateau State to have a governor, who will abandone the projects and reject the doctrine of continuity of service delivery. He stressed: “So, I have not and I will not impose any one on the people of Plateau State. We should leave that one to God to do his wish. I have a lot work to do before my tenure expires. So, I have little time to think of 2015. I leave that one to God to decide.”

    But, this posture has been rejected by many politicians in the state. They described it as a trick to fool so that he can successfully arm twist the zoning arrangement to favor his Berom insmen.

    Some politicians have vowed to resisit the move. They accused the governor of harbouring a hidden agenda. A group, the Redemption Integrity Group (RIG), has challenged the governor to a duel over the issue. The members of the group, including former commissioners, council chairmen, and legislators, told reporters in Jos, the state capital, that Jang was inviting trouble.

    The group’s spokesman, Hon. Nuhu Gagara said: “We want to be recognised as the Redemption Integrity Group (RIG). Some coined the “Redemption Agenda” for Governor Jang in 2007. That name is our brain-child and we are not going to drop it because it has been abused by Jang. We will go with that name, until out dear state is fully redeemed.

    “Now, we are in 2014. The tenure of Governor Jang is coming to an end. We asked for a term in 2007 and the people of the state gave us the mandate. We completed that four years in 2011 and we graciously ask Plateau people, if they could give us another four years, and they obliged us. That four years is about to end. But, the governor took us by surprise as he keep repeating that he does not know who will succeed him in 2015. We are surprised because Jang is a beneficiary of a zoning arrangement.

    “We expect the governor to simply declared that the slot should return to Plateau South. But, he refused to say that. Rather, he declared that he doesn’t know who will replace him. This means he is taking us for a fool. It means he has a hidden agenda and we will not allow him to succeed in his agenda at the expense the peace and unity of the people of the state.

    “Our major concern now is seeking replacement for Governor Jang. We have names of likely candidates, but we want the best for the state. We have resolved as a group that a replacement for Jang must come from the ‘Redemption Family’ for the sake of continuity. But, most importantl,y the next governor must come from Plateau South”

    Gagara, a former Commissioner for Information, recalled that, in 2007, the redemption project was motivated by the desire to transform the state. He said the governor has not accomplished this mission. “Everybody saw the weaknesses in the implementation of that agenda. But, we already have in mind the kind of quality and character the state requires in the next governor,” he said.

    Jang camp has objected to these criticisms. Prominent PDP chieftains said that the governor has tried his best, adding that he is often distracted by the insecurity in the state. although the insecurity in the state has distracted him.

    A PDP chieftain, who craved for annonymity, said: “These complains are genuine. The truth is that things have gone really bad. There is a lot of mistrust among the indigenes. We used to be one. There is mutual suspicion every where. We have been divided along ethnic lines, we are no longer speaking with one voice, the people of the state are polarised.”

    Wagara said that the only condition for unity is the sustenance of the zoning agreement. He listed the qualities expected from the next governor. The former commissioner said that he should be a bridge builder, a man of fairness and a promoter of harmony through equity and justice.

    “He should be able to work with all ethnic nationalities on the Plateau, irrespective of their religious beliefs. He should be able to galvanize all the religious groups. In the past, Plateau was not known for religious differences. Religious violence has never been part of the history of Plateau State. In every family, we have followers of both religions.

    “So, we need a bridge builder, someone with total humility. A governor that will be responsible and answerable to the people. We know that power comes from God, but God uses people to give you that power. So, the power of the people should be respected by any governor. This is the kind of person we are shopping for to replace Jang.”

    The group warned that the agitators of power shift to the North are fuelling the embers of disunity. Wagara said: “Anyone that says rotation should start from the North is morally bankrupt and he is invting the wrath of the people.

    “The current zoning arrangements started in the South with Solomon Lar, who had two terms. Then, Fidelis Tapgun came and had one term. Then, power shifted to the Central and Dariye had two terms. Then, it went to the North. Governor Jang is about to complete his two terms of years. While the Central enjoyed it for eight years, it was the North that produced the deputy governor for eight years before Jang, another Northern man, took over as the governor.

    “No other zone has enjoy that advantage. So, if the zoning has gone round, I expect the central zone to agitate for zoning to start from them, not the Northern zone. I think our brothers from the northern zone should not think of retaining it at all. But, if they think because they are the incumbent and they can turn things around, I wish them well. But Plateau people are not fools”

    Wagara said that the group will mobilise against any candidate from the North. He added: “No one from the Northern zone should contest the next governorship. This group will not support anyone from the incumbent zone, it immoral, it is unjustifiable”

    Sources said that the group is mobilising for former Governor Tapgun to bounce back to power. Asked to justify this, a member of the group said: “Fidelis Tapgun is credible. And he is from the South.”

  • ‘Why insecurity persists in North’

    ‘Why insecurity persists in North’

    Human rights activist Sa’id Usman is the National Deputy Coordinator of the Northern Youth Development Forum (NYDF). He spoke with Austine Tsenzughul in Bauchi on the activities of the group, insecurity in the region and 2015 polls.

    Why is the North under-developed, unlike the South, despite the judicious allocation of resources to the region from the Federation Account?

    To start with, the moral standard of our people, as experienced in the 1960s to early 1990s, is no longer there. The quality of secondary school education our current leaders got in the 60s, 70s and up to 90s has been thrown away. Our health facilities are better imagined, the roads are death traps from the South to the North or from the East to the West. In those old good days, you had the responsibility to correct your neighbour’s child or ward, if he committed a wrong, and nobody complained. But, it is not so these days. You dare not reprimand your neighbour’s son or daughter, if they go wrong. We were our brothers’ keepers, but is it like that today.

    True justice was always meted out to offenders by either the law courts or court constituted by elders at home, and their judgments were upheld by the parties involved. There was what we called social justice too. Your neighbour had the right to watch over your house while you were away on a journey.

    Why is politics now a do-or-die affair in the region?

    There were political parties and there were politicians too. But politics was certainly not a do-or-die affairs. Yes, there were fights occasioned by irresponsible ,who practiced their trade on tribal sentiments. But, politics in the sixties and eighties and early nineties, except in the election of the late Chief M.K.O. Abiola, which was practiced basically on regional basis, but it was peaceful, as there were hardly intra or inter-party fights that spilt blood. The practice of politics was essentially along the North, South and Western and East divide. This, of course, was the same during the Shehu Shagari’s time. We witnessed that in the Western Nigeria, Middle-belt, and some areas in the North too. But, with time and sensitisation and understanding, the fights stopped. We noticed what I call ‘’de-tribalised partisan politics in the case of June 12, 1993, when Chief Abiola, a Yoruba man, won in the freest election in Nigeria. Politics was so many things to many politicians. To some, it is an instrument for societal development. To others, it is for individuals to amass primitive wealth or steal from our treasury and build a personal kingdom as it is being done today.

    What is the solution to the insecurity in the North?

    It is true that Boko Haram, a devious creation by few selfish and unpatriotic Northerners, businessmen and politicians in the Northeastern, Nigeria have created unwarranted insecurity in the North and its unwholesome activities have collapsed our socio-economic activities and driven investors away. No new investors are coming and we are getting poorer. Boko Haram activities have more profound negative effects in the Northeast because there is virtually nothing that is functioning. People in the area hardly sleep with their two eyes closed; neither do they move about freely. Boko Haram has literally imprisoned us. As we talk to you now, even going to pray either in the Mosque or Church is dangerous; people cannot even worship their God freely.

    Farming has stopped, as the sect members even hunt their victims on their farms. Business centres, markets, residential houses, hospitals, churches, mosques, recreational places, the airport and schools have been bombed and these places are still targets for bombing. Motor parks, railway stations, schools, airports, and state houses of assembly have been deserted due to insecurity. We succumb to the fact that our youths are involved in all this inhuman acts, but against their collective wishes. The youths have been used as mere canon folders by these politicians, through some religious leaders, who have succeeded in imparting negative teachings in them in the name of Islam. I know for certain and I can assure you that, Islam and Christian teach and preach love for your fellow human being and, if you love your fellow man, you will not fight or kill him because you are wealthier or stronger than him. Instead, you share what you have with him.

    What has NYDF done in this regard?

    Initially, we had no choice but to watch hopelessly while the destruction took place. Later, the shock wore off and we mounted pressure on our elders to put a stop to the carnage because youths, women and children were being wasted. So, we began with pressures on our elders, parents and the state governments. We also mounted various campaigns to educate and enlighten our youths on what was happening. Youths who are supposed to be leaders of tomorrow were being terminated irrationally. This campaign led to the federal government’s positive response, but not until Nigeria started getting a very negative status in the comity of nations.

    The insecurity has brought untold hardship to all of us, irrespective of where you come from in Nigeria. Southerners and Northerners have been killed, properties worth billions of naira have been wasted; no more investment. Imagine a society without commerce, and you know even trade by barter is a form of commerce and there is no way trade by barter can flourish in a chaotic and dangerous environment.

    What is your view on the rotation of the Presidency?

    The North does not have the monopoly of wisdom. That is why we have the North, South, East and West. The leadership of the country has to rotate so that we can utilise talents from the six regions, have a strong sense of belonging and feel loved and wanted by each other.

    But, we have to put our house in order in the North before we can achieve our aims, aspirations and destiny, which is greatness. There is the need for us to de-emphasise religion, ethnicity and regionalism. These factors only fuel and generate negative and disastrous outcomes. If we achieve our aims, I am sure other countries of the world will bow for Nigeria, look up to Nigeria for leadership and tap from our managerial acumens.

    As the country prepares for 2015 polls, what is your advice to the political class?

    Without Nigeria, there can be no President Goodluck Jonathan, Senate President David Mark, the National Assembly, the Niger Delta or the North. There cannot be any Ndi-Igbo. And of course, if these politicians were wasted when they were youths, would they be where they are today? Let us reflect on our past, assess our present, analyse our being and plot our tomorrow. This is our stand, this is our desire.

    The Independence Electoral Commission has released the 2015 General Election Timetable. What is your reaction?

    The time table just released by INEC is a bad omen for the Nigerian democracy. Bad because our politicians want power at all cost and by all means. The presidential and National Assembly elections should have come last and not first. The President can use the instrument of his office to diabolically deal with some governors and other members of his party who cannot deliver their states for him. He can deal with them negatively, he can circumvent the constitution to his advantage, he can use his influence, including the use of security agencies to coarse or even intimidate them, withhold funds to states that opposed to his party in order to cripple them financially, thereby reducing their chances of legitimately winning at the polls. I think the INEC timetable is a lot doctored.

  • Ehinlanwo: APC ‘ll develop Ilaje Ese-Odo

    Ehinlanwo: APC ‘ll develop Ilaje Ese-Odo

    Soji Ehinlanwo was a governorship candidate of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) in Ondo State. He is now a House of Representatives aspirant in Ilaje/Ese-Odo Constituency on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC). He spoke with DAMISI OJO on the party’s preparations for the proposed by-election.

    What are the chances of the APC in the House of Representatives by-election in your constituency?

    Our party’s chances are extremely bright in respect of this election. It enjoys tremendous goodwill at the level of our federal constituency and our state. This is partly on account of the lack lustre performance of the Labour government, particularly in its second term, as well as the progressive change agenda that our party espouses.

    The Labour Party (LP) has performed so woefully in this federal constituency, that one can confidently say that there is no serious impact of government in terms of infrastructural development in the area. To make matters worse, LP representation at the federal and Ondo State House of Assembly has been poor and totally uninspiring.

    We have had unprecedented financial recklessness in respect of revenue accruing to our state on the basis of the oil derivable from the Federal Constituency, which should have been used to massively transform the area. Our people clearly need a credible change and I have no doubt that if I am picked as the standard bearer of the party, we will win the election

    What exactly do you intend to achieve, if you become your party’s flag bearer and win the election?

    I intend to bring real focus on the challenges and problems confronting our people and take the lead in addressing them. My voice will be a strong and visible one in challenging the contradictions and palpable failure of policy thrust and direction in the Nigerian state. Through strong legislative advocacy we will mitigate and indeed resolve many of the thorny issues and problems. In particular, I will make deliberate effort at addressing the infrastructure problems bedevilling our communities in the Ilaje/Ese-Odo Federal Constituency by initiating and galvanising strong collaborative effort as well as challenging governmental agencies to respond effectively to their responsibilities to our people. I will specifically focus on the areas of youth and women capacity building, improving access to qualitative health care services, facilitating social welfare for the aged and vulnerable as well as promoting initiatives aimed at poverty alleviation.

    Will time not be a hinderance, in terms of achieving your goals, in view of the fact that you will spend one year in the House?

    Yes, there is the time issue but unlike some who are aspiring, I see it more in terms of the opportunity dimension than in relation to its limitation dimension. With my experience and skills, many know I can hit the ground running and so can use this to prove that even in spite of the short time frame, remarkable achievements that can inspire confidence and set a new tone in terms of representation for our federal constituency is possible.

    You have a family name that is rooted in the politics of your area and Ondo State. Do you see this as an advantage?

    Most certainly! However, that is not what I hope to use as my biggest selling point. Without being immodest, my personal achievements, skills and character are what I prefer to be judged by and I am quite confident that many in our constituency find these quite impressive. I have travelled far and wide and have gained such knowledge and experience that are invaluable for the task of advocacy and building on behalf of our people. I also have deep insight in respect of the peculiar problems assailing our land on account of the close interest in and contact with our people and the issues that have affected them over the years. I believe that I am an excellent bridge builder, one that will be very accessible and of course, without any baggage. All of these I believe should count in my favour, apart from a credible and deeply rooted family political name

    What is your view on the zoning arrangement in your constituency?

    Even though I have a clear personal view about the issue at stake, I have avoided being dragged into it because I realise that a few people are overblowing this issue simply because they seek to accentuate the divisive tendencies amongst us rather than under playing them for no other reason than selfish political gains. I believe we need quality representation at the House of Representative and that is what I will rather mainly set my mind on at this crucial moment.

  • ‘Our constituency is marginalised’

    ‘Our constituency is marginalised’

    All Progressives Congress (APC) House of Representatives aspirant Comrade Bola Ajumuda spoke with Musa Odoshimokhe on his ambition, the marginalisation of the Ilaje/Ese-Odo Constituency and other partisan issues.

    What is your assessment of the Mimiko Administration in Ondo State?

    I will not dwell so much on the government of the Labour Party in Ondo State. It is fast becoming a phenomenon that the government is moving out of the consciousness of our people. Right from its inception, we knew the man will do no good. Today, our people are getting to know better, most of the prophetic comments that we had passed about his performance. As it is today, governance has reduced in terms of the welfare, providing materials, and assuring our people of the future. The government has totally failed the people; when we look at it from every facet, as it is, the economy of Ondo State remains at the pedestrian level. We have lost quite a number of our values in term of agricultural development. There is no single industry, our youths are jobless and roaming the streets. You cannot guarantee the people’s subsistence in spite of the fact that this is a state that has the longest coastline with almost 76 kilometers length, in the whole of Nigeria and yet there is no evidence of maritime economy. Cocoa and wood which are the commodity business are gone. So, there is nothing that is going on as it relates to governance. The governor is battling seriously to get his budget fiscal plan approved by the legislative arm. Even the budget of last year has not worked quite alright. What we are indeed waiting for is 2015 and I can assure you we will raid the state of this nuisance value.

    Government says these people are ghost workers and that it is cleaning up the system…

    When a system has collapse, it continues to adduce fault to one thing or the other. Constitutionally, government has a responsibility to engage it citizens. There could be no ghost workers, the claims are faulty. We have three tiers of government and honestly, the local government does not need to go cap in hand to the governor to take permission to employ her citizenry where they have capacity to do so. If it pleases a local government it can take the decision, if that is the consensus of opinion. To say that 80 percent of our allocation will go to salary overhead is certainly not the business of the state. The claims of the Ondo State government that these people were wrongly employed by the administrators of the caretaker committee that was put in place by the state government, honestly is not tenable. And there should be not biding for it. It went on to say the process of recruitment is even in error. That does not mean that the state should come and disengage its workforce. What it needs to do, is to perfect the process. We must appreciate the fact that these are citizens of the state. They have a right to be employed. Even the governor himself is still not on the balance sheet of the state.

    You mean government ‘s excuses cannot be justified?

    The only excuse they gave is that those who recruited them in the local government did not follow due process. If they did not follow due process, government should teach them how to follow due process without unnecessarily disengaging the people. How much on the average is government paying them? Some of them earn N20,000, N30,000 etc. These are peanuts compare to what the political warlords take doing nothing at the state level. I think what the governor is looking for is that because he is on his way out, he is now looking for opportunity to steal public fund. This he wants to do by downsizing the workforce at the local government level. This is a criminal abuse of the constitution.

    Why are you contesting for the vacant Ilaje Ese-Odo Constituency seat in the House of Representatives?

    As it is presently constituted, I have expressed my desire to vie for the position to provide leadership for our people. To give them effective representation, Ilaje Ese-Odo Federal Constituency, which is the baseline of crude oil and gas in the entire Yoruba land. Today, the place still remain marginalized, if you go round the length and breadth of the place there is no single evidence of governance, no evidence of leadership. Up till now, the place which is the heart beat of oil is not lit up. It is not connected by portable water and basic essentialities of life. It is as good as we are not part of this country and yet this is the goose that lays the golden eggs. There is the need to move out of this position. Contracts were awarded and budgeted for. Approved by the parliament was given and up till today, these jobs are not done. As we are talking now, there is a contract of the first road that is supposed to connect Odo-ugbo with Abeotolo to Owoye, Owoye is the end point to Benin River. So, we demanded for a road that will connect us from Ugbo to Abeotolo and that would have cut across the entire Ugbo but as it is this contract was budgeted for and was approved by the House of Representatives.

    Do you think the contractor was properly mobilised?

    The contract was awarded to a company and was mobilised but up till today nothing has been done. It is over one year now and there is no evidence that contract was awarded in respect of the roads. The contract was award under the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the House of Representatives has oversight responsibilities over that agency. Now, we need to send somebody who has the articulation, who of course, has the fact and vocal stamina to ensure that these things are done. This is why some of us are going there to make the necessary change. Lot of infrastructures that are abandoned are still begging for revival. Before the late Governor Segun Agagu left since 1999, the first road that could link the Riverine area was designed and conceptualized by Chief Adebayo Adefarasin. It was inherited by the Agagu administration, the project if completed would make movement from Igbokoda to Aiyetoro easy but the project stopped midway.

    Since government is a continuum, why should the project be stalled?

    Since Mimiko came to power, in fact, the road is the most terrible place. He has totally abandoned it. And what we are saying is, if you give us the opportunity, we will leverage on our own relationship and network of contact, to ensure that this and other projects that are begging for attention are properly integrated. For instance nothing stops Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA) from working on these roads. There is nothing bad if the NDDC takes up such responsibilities, if the state government has not deemed it fit to look in that direction. We need to be there, up till today, in Ese-odo, Oparamo 1 and Oparamo 2 they remain disconnected. What about the Eastwest roads, today its appear the presidency is playing politics with all these things. You need somebody who has the drive, somebody who has the knowledge to drive the story that will speed up performance.

    These are the basic reasons we are looking for. And I say to people that some of us today, if you look at the floor of the House, we have lots of friends there. And I say with all emphasis, the right people to be there are those with these credentials. And I can assure you when taken from this perspective, we will get result. Look at the mayhem taking place in Rivers State, the impunity that is going on there is nothing to write about. We must ensure that we do not allow PDP to continue to abuse our constitution and continue to debase the rule of law.

     

  • Senate’s politics of defection and delay tactics

    Senate’s politics of defection and delay tactics

    A tremor has hit the Senate. Eleven senators are perfecting their defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC). But, the move is being resisted by the PDP. Assistant Editor GBADE OGUNWALE reports that the Upper Chamber, which may witness more defections before the end of this quarter, will not remain the same again.

    The 11 senators have crossed the rubbicon and there is no going back. Their defection from theruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) is still generating ripples. But, there are more hurdles to cross.

    The PDP leadership has kicked against the move. To President Goodluck Jonathan, it is an attempt to further decimate the party. The Senate President, Gen. David Mark, has also refrained from allowing the defecting senators to formalise the process. He has refused to read their letters of defection opn the floor. Also, the PDP has approached the court to stop the defection. The litigation has sowed a seed of discord in the Senate. Since the motive of the litigation is to determine the security of their tenure, the senators are also fighting back. Thus, they are doing battle with Mark and the party lleadership.

    The defecting senators are Bukola Saraki, Shaaba Lafiaji, Abdullahi Adamu, Abdullahi Gobir, Umaru Dahiru and Magnus Abe. Others are Wilson Ake, Bindo Jibrilla, Danjuma Goje, Aisha Alhassan and Ali Ndume.

    Mark, it is believed, is trying frantically to reisist any defection that could alter the majority status of the PDP on the floor. Clearly, the unfolding scenario poses a threat to his exalted seat and his political career. Should the APC succeed in securing numerical majority, it would render Mark a lame duck. With the required majority, the APC senators may call for leadership change in the Senate.

    To prove that they meant business, the defectors led by Saraki (Kwara Central) had submitted a letter of ‘intent-to-defect’ to the President of the Senate. In consonance with the tradition of the Senate, they had expected Mark to read the letter on the floor the next day.

    But to their surprise, Mark did not read the letter. In fact, he did not show up in the Upper Chamber. he was said to be away on an official assignment. His deputy, Ike Ekweremadu, who presided over the plennary session, also refused to read the letter. The senators engaged in him in hot arguments, insisting that he must read the letter. Ekweremadu clainmed that he did not have the letter, adding that Mark had kept it.

    There is apprehension in the PDP over the defection. Since crisis hit the party, it has not remained the same. In the House of Representatives, 37 members of the party had defected to the APC. If the senators follow suit, the party will be ebbing away in the National Assembly.

    Indications emerged at the weekend that Mark, in consultation with the leadership of his party, had perfected a counter-stroke against the 11 “rebel” senators. From the time the defection wind started blowing over the political space, the PDP leadership has threatened to declare the seats of the defectors vacant in the National Assembly. The party intends to invoke Section 68 (g) and (h) of the 1999 Constitution as a trump card.

    Some highly placed PDP chieftains, who are quicker to action than thought, are backing this option. If the party succeeds in declaring their seats vacant, then, the defectors would be fighting the court to regain their lost seats. PDP sourcers said that the ruling party is prepared to also employ delay tactics to frustrate the senator’s defection.

    According to sources, one of the methods being considered is to ignore court orders on the reinstatement of the senators, should there be any. The PDP has a reputation for disobeying court judgments. The party’s estranged National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, was reinstated by the court. But, the PDP leadership quickly suspended him after refusing to obey the court order. That the Appeal Court judgment of November 11, 2013, that reinstated Oyinlola as National Secretary was disregarded by the leadership of the PDP, showed that the party has not refrained from its disdain for the rule of law. Oyinlola is still in the cold, fighting to reclaim his seat.

    However, another source said that the Senate President is not willing to be consumed by the tremour. Folowing consultations, he has reflected on the implications of the action on his political career. Declaring the senators’ seats vacant and ignoring court judgment in favour of the senators would guarantee the security of his tenure. However, the possible throw back of such action on his political future is said to be a matter of grave concern to him. For Mark therefore, it is a choice between his tenure as the Senate President, which expires in May 2015, and the rest of his political career.

    Sources close to the number three citizen disclosed that he is giving thoughts to possible ways of resolving the crisis triggered by the defection without jeopardising his political future. “He appears to have been torn between the devil and the deep blue sea. The leadership of the PDP on the other hand is poised to push the plot through for obvious reasons. But, the Senate President also jnows his limitations,” added the source.

    However, a meeting arranged by Mark with the the 11 senators to stop them from defecting was deadlock. Therer was no compromise. The storm is gathering in the Senate. A parliamentary source said that senate leadership may run into turbulence. “Many senators, both from the PDP and APC, have respect for Mark because of his leadership qualities. But, this is a different time”, he said.

    The 11 senators have stood their ground that the defection notice must be read at the next plenary session. Mark, on the other hand, has insisted, based on the PDP directive, that their seats should be declared vacant. Who blinks first? The heat goes on.

  • 2015: 15 for governor in Ogun

    2015: 15 for governor in Ogun

    Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the issues and personalities that will shape the 2015 governorship election in Ogun State.

    Ogun State is delineated into three senatorial districts. These are Ogun Central, Ogun East and Ogun West. Of the three districts, only Ogun West has not produce the governor, since the creation of the state 38 years ago.

    Ogun East produced the first civilian governor, the late Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, who ruled between 1979 and1983, and Otunba Gbenga Daniel (2003-2011). From Ogun Central came Chief Olusegun Osoba (1992-1993; 1999-2003) and Governor Ibikunle Amosun, who assumed office in 2011.

    The main bloc in Ogun West , the Yewa, nearly succeeded in breaking the jinx in 2011 when two political parties picked their candidates from the area. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) fielded General Adetunji Idowu Olurin and Mr Nasir Gboyega Isiaka was the Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN) flag bearer. The Yewas blamed the defeat of their sons on split votes and the political rivalry between former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Otunba Daniel. They alleged that the two gladiators wrecked havoc on the district by fielding two candidates at a time, instead of cooperating together to secure bloc votes for a consensus candidate.

    A Yewa leader, Chief Ishola Olagunju, observed that the rift between Obasanjo and Daniel has not ended. He warned that, as long as the feud persists, it will be impossible for the Ogun West to actualise its push for power shift.

    Unlike in 2011 when the governorship candidates emerged on the platforms of six political parties, the platforms would be narrowed to three in 2015. They are the All Progressive Congress (APC), the PDP and the Labour Party (LP).

    The APC governor, Senator Amosun, is warming up for a second term. Other aspirants eyeing his job include Isiaka, former Information Commissioner Sina Kawonise, Abiodun Akinlade, former House of Representatives member Kayode Amusan, renowned estate manager Jide Taiwo, former Solid Minerals minister Sarafa Isola, and Anthony Ojesina.

     

    Amosun

     

    The governor is expected to be endorsed for a second term by the APC before the end of this quarter. Even, the PDP leader, former President Obasanjo, is proud of the achievements of the accountant-turned politician. The governor has fought the infrastructure battle across the three districts. He has turned the state into a huge construction site. Amosun has also honed his political skills. Recently, he intiated reconciliation with his leader, Aremo Olusegun Osoba. Peace returned to the party immediately after the truce. The governor is expected to declare for a second term, following the endorsement by the party stakeholders.

     

    Isiaka

     

    He hails from Yewaland. Isiaka contested on the platform of the PPN in 2011. But, he lost to Amosun. He came third in the keenly contested poll. This time, he is likely to run on the platform of the LP because his god father, Daniel, has defected from the PPN, which he single-handedly formed in 2011, for LP. What is working for Isiaka as Daniel’s favourite is his loyalty. Recently, the former governor described him as cool-headed, intelligent and hardworking person.

    In spite of Daniel’s support, analysts are of the opinion that Isiaka may not get the ticket on the platter of gold. There are other candidates in the party. One of them is also a close associate of Daniel. Besides, there are other challenges that would make it difficult for the party to market Isiaka as the flag bearer, if he wins the ticket. His link with Daniel may also be his albatross. Daniel has friends in Ogun State. But, his enemies are also many and they do not want him to bounce back to relevance.

    To analysts, a vote for Isiaka is a vote for Daniel and, by extension, a call for the continuation of Daniel’s style of governance.

    The people of the Ogun State have not forgotten the role Isiaka played as the Managing Director of the Gateway Holdings Limited. It was alleged that public assets were not properly managed. However, the present government had reversed the decision of the Daniel Administration on some of the assets.

     

    Akinlade

     

    Akinlade, a member of the House of Representatives from Yewa (Ogun West), has declared his ambition for the governorship. The former Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain became a legislator in 2011on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Akinlade unfolded his plan to rule the Gateway State at a time Governor Amosun is seeking re-election.

    However, Akinlade has defected to the LP to realise his ambition. Apart from foot soldiers working for him, he is banking on the goodwill garnered over the years as a federal legislator.

    Analysts have identified impatience, immaturity and inordinate ambition as his major weaknesses. A chieftain of the APC, Chief Adekanmbi Aborode, said that Akinlade is joining the race without sparing a thought for the political developments in the state. He said it will be difficult for him to defeat Amosun, even if he emerges as the LP candidate.

    Also, a youth leader from Yewaland, Yomi Olojeloju, noted that the youths are not unmindful of the fact that Ogun West is yet to produce a governor since the creation. But, he pointed out that the youths have endorsed the governor for a second term. He said, based on his performance, the governor deserves another chance.

    But, Akinlade has objected to this. He said he will perform better than the governor, if elected He explained that he is in the race because the people of the old Egbado Division are agitating for power shift.

    According to observers, Akinlade stands a better chance of becoming the governor, if only he can wait till 2015. Also, he has a better chance if he returns to the APC.

     

    Kawonise

     

    The former Commissioner for Information and Orientation has been mobilising, ahead of 2015.His loyalty to Daniel is not in doubt. He is the Managing Director of Western Publishing owned by the former governor.

    Who will Daniel support? Isiaka or Kawonise? Analysts say that the zoning arrangement may not favour him. The reason why Daniel picked Isiaka in 2011 was that, of all the three senatorial districts, Ogun West has not produced the governor. But, the perception has changed. Despite the clamour for a governor from Yewa, many also agree that the incumbent is constitutionally entitled to seek a fresh mandate.

    Analysts say the odds against Kawonise are many. He is an Ijebu man from Ogun East like Daniel, who left office in 2011. Observers are of the opinion that no political party in Ogun State would tinker with an idea of fielding an Ijebu man as its governorship candidate because it will be difficult to sell him to the electorate in other districts.

     

    Isola

     

    The former Secretary to the Government (SSG) was appointed as the Minister of Solid Minerals by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua. The circumstance surrounding his removal from the federal cabinet strained the relationship between him and Daniel. However, Isola had dumped the Obasanjo group and reconciled with Daniel. The Egba-born politician is eyeing the Oke Mosan Government House at a time the Egbas are rooting for a second term for Amosun . He is likely to contest on the platform of the LP.

     

    Amusan

     

    Amusan is a member of the PDP. He has declared his ambition for governorship. The challenges that are likely to confront him are many. The PDP in Ogun State is polarised. Amusan belongs to the Buruji Kashamu camp, which is locked in a battle of supremacy with the Obasanjo camp in the troubled chapter. It was at a meeting in Kashamu’s house in Ijebu-Igbo that Amusan declared his ambition. There are speculations that he has been endorsed by Kashamu. The new PDP strongman said that, if Amusan, who is younger than Olurin, was fielded as the PDP governorship candidate in 2011, the fortune of the party would have improved in Ogun State.

    Observers are of the opinion that Amusan, who hails from Ogun Central, is being groomed to penetrate the Egba axis, the birthplace of Amosun.The goal is to split the votes from Egbaland and weaken the Amosun’s home support.

     

    Taiwo

     

    Taiwo is a household name in estate management. He is being drafted into the race by his Awori kinsmen. The Aworis are the second largest group in Ogun West. He is likely to contest for the PDP governorship ticket. His foot soldiers are already on the field. Analysts say the guru in estate management is a green horn in politics, but the goodwill he has garnered over the years through the estate business across the country may work in his favour.

     

    Ojesina

     

    He is a former Commisioner for Environment. Ojesina has declared his ambition to occupy the Government House in 2015. The platform on which he intends to realise his ambition is unknown. His mission, if elected as the governor, is to harness resources to create job opportunities, enhance the state’s Internally Generate Revenue and improve the healthcare delivery.

    For the aspirants, the fear of incumbency is the beginning of wisdom. Although Amosun has not formally declared his interest, the gale of endorsements by associates, professional bodies, market women, students, religious leaders and traditional rulers point to that direction.

    Amosun is the candidate to beat in 2015, if he seeks re-election. Given his achievement in less than three years in office, the chances of winning the next year’s governorship election is very bright for the Owu-born governor. The roads projects, model schools springing up in every nook and cranny of the state, the financial re-engineering, the clean environment, and the provision of healthcare facilities are unparallel in the history of the state.

    In fact, the first endorsement came from an unexpected quarters. Obasanjo, who was overwhelmed byhis achievements, showered praises on him.

    The Ogun Youth Professional Forum (OYPF) has also endorsed him for a second term, based on his infrastructural development drive, provision of qualitative and affordable education.

    In Ogun West, leaders of thought and traditional rulers, are also rooting for him. The renowned historian, Prof Anthony Asiwaju, and the Olola of Ilara Kingdom, Oba Samuel Alade Adeluyi, have lauded Amosun for opening the area with the construction of a110 km road and provision of model schools for pupils.

     

  • 2015: Atiku’s new calculations

    2015: Atiku’s new calculations

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC). Will he revive his presidential ambition on the new platform? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the prospects and constraints of his struggle for the Presidency.

    He is a big catch for the main opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). He is not new to the platform, having worked variously with many of its national leaders, either as the Vice President, presidential candidate of the defunct Action Congress (AC) and automatic member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees (BoT). However, it is believed that his defection may change the permutation in the party, especially as the opposition leaders search for a credible presidential candidate.

    The odds weighed heavily against the Turaki Adamawa in the PDP. In the ruling party, he had a slim chance of survival. History is repeating itself. In 2007, he had defected to the defunct AC and emerged as its presidential flag bearer. But, he was defeated at the poll by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua. Shortly after the poll, he retraced his steps to the PDP. He attempted to mend fences with his former boss, former President Olusegun Obasanjo. But, even as the consensus candidate of the Northern establishment in the 2011 presidential elections, he could not defeat President Goodluck Jonathan.

    After the election, Atiku was sidelined by the PDP leadership. Since he has not dumped his presidential ambition, he was perceived as a threat to Dr. Jonathan. Many pro-Jonathan crusaders have branded him as the politician on the prowl, stressing that he may likely emerge as the beneficiary of the push for power shift to the North.

    The Adamawa-born politician also had a running battle with the former PDP National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, and Governor Muritala Nyako over the running of the state chapter. He had chided the former chairman for high handedness and overbearing attitude. He said Tuku’s leadership traits are offensive to democracy.

    Atiku complained that he was never carried along in the running of the party, despite the privileges conferred on him as a former Vice President by the PDP constitution. An attempt was even made to exclude his name from the list of delegates to the last national convention of the party in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FTC). His right was restored, following a formal complaint by him to the national secretariat. However, he parted ways with the mainstream PDP at the convention when he emerged as one of the arrowheads of the New PDP.

    The former Vice President has remained a major factor in national politics since he joined the fray in the Third Republic. He has been a consummate politician, great mobiliser, master strategist and crowd puller. In the PDP, it was believed that he was gathering forces, ahead of 2015. His associates have confided that he will renew his bid for federal power in the APC.

    Atiku’s ambition to rule the country had hit the rock four times. In the aborted Third Republic, he was projected by his mentor, the late General Sheu Yar’Adua, the founder of the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM). That was when the military leader, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, excluded him and other key politicians from the race. At the Jos convention of the proscribed Social Democratic Party (SDP), he stepped down for the late Chief Moshood Abiola, who emerged as the flag bearer.

    He had the chance in 2003. But, as his former associate, former Governor Orji Kalu of Abia State recalled, the former Vice President bungled it. That year, many governors were ready to serve as campaign managers for Atiku. They believed that, if he contested, he would beat his boss, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, thereby saving them from persistent persecution. But the former Vice President failed to seize the moment. At midnight, he directed his supporters, who were in the majority, to endorse Obasanjo.

    In 2007, he was not as strong as he was in 2003. Although he was more determined, the power of incumbency wielded by Obasanjo was so overwhelming. Yet, he was undeterred. In 2011, Atiku picked up the gantlet. He was on the firing line. He successfully mobilised the Northern leaders to select him as the regional candidate. But the regional support collapsed at Eagles Squares, Abuja, during the subsequent presidential primaries.

    Atiku is back in the ring at a critical point in national history. Ahead of 2015, the debate on good governance is on the front burner. The North also is intensifying its agitating for power shift, based on an inexplicable agreement on presidential zoning between President Jonathan and Northern leaders. The ruling party is in turmoil, torn apart by acrimony and intrigues.

    However, analysts contend that Atiku’s defection to the APC is not motivated by any ideological drive. Neither was the civil war in the PDP an ideological war. But, his argument is solid and convincing. “The country is in crisis and every effort must be made to rescue Nigeria”, he told reporters in Lagos. He explained that he was on tour of the six geo-political zones for consultation on the way forward. During the consultations, the options were weighed. Some of his supporters persuaded him to stay on in the PDP. But, their argument was countered by other associates who pointed out that there will be no level playing ground for ambitious party chieftains at the primaries. They reasoned that the primaries will be designed for the endorsement of President Jonathan.

    Other associates advised him to explore the possibility of nurturing the PDM. But, it was discovered that those handling the PDM project have never attempted to project the party to all the regions. Therefore, it lacks taproots across the zones. This is at variance with Atiku’s posturing as a man who has built networks across the country. Also, old PDM members are ready to discredit the platform. Last year, one of the founders, Chief Tony Anenih, the PDP BoT Chairman, said that Atiku did not have the mandate to revive the group without consultation with the surviving members. He said the former Vice President cannot single handedly transform the political group into a political party without their collective support.

    Sources close to Atiku revealed that the only option was the APC. Many APC leaders are his associates. “Having endorsed the push for democratic change in 2015, the former Vice President is not interested in polarising the rank of the opposition, whose cause he has identified with. He is putting the country first before any ambition”, added the source.

    If Atiku enters the presidential race, he will be eyeing the elusive office for the fourth time. In his first attempt, he was prompted by the late Gen. Yar’Adua. From the onset, he was an integral member of the PDM kitchen cabinet, a dependable ally of the Tafida Katsina and confidant at the birth of the Peoples Front of Nigeria (PFN). He was not in the dark when it was resolved that the political machinery should join the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), one of the two parties decreed into existence by former military President Babangida.

    When Yar’Adua was being edged out of the presidential race, he decided to groom Atiku, his loyal associate, for the number one job. Atiku became the third SDP presidential aspirant, along with Alhaji Baba Gana Kingibe and Abiola at the Jos Convention. In those days, embattled politicians were involved in a lot of horse trading. To defeat Kingibe, Atiku was asked to step down for Abiola at the shadow poll. But a deep gulf later ensued between the Yar’Adua and Abiola. The bone of contention was Abiola’s refusal to accept Atiku as his running mate, contrary to Yar’Adua’s calculation. The 14 SDP state chairmen made it impossible by throwing their weight behind Kingibe. The loss of the two slots-Presidency and Vice Presidency was painful to Yar’Adua. The only option left for him was to gain the control of the party. He installed Anenih as the SDP national chairman. It is an irony of political life that both Anenih and Atiku, who harmoniously defended the PDM’s interest at that time, are now divided by the power games of the post-Yar’Adua period.

    After the annulment of the historic 1993 presidential election, politicians were in disarray. Yar’Adua wanted to bounce back. Atiku was part of that scramble for power as a member of the PDM in the 1994 constitutional conference set up by the late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha. Along with Yar’Adua, he pursued the goal of setting a disengagement day for the military. Yar’Adua later died in mysterious circumstances in the prison, following his conviction over a phantom coup. After his demise, the bereaved PDM members started to look up to Atiku, the successor to the vacant stool of his mentor.

    When the former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, set up a transition programme, PDM became the engine room and most formidable caucus in the PDP. Atiku worked with other members, including the late Chief Sunday Afolabi, Chief Anenih, Prof. Ango Abdullahi, Senator Jibril Martins-Kuye, Alhaji Lawal kaita, Chief Dapo Sarunmi, Chief Olorunfunmi Basorun, Chief Yomi Edu, Senator Rashidi Ladoja, Senator Tony Adefuye, Mrs. Onikepo Oshodi, Mrs. Titilayo Ajanaku, and Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, to install Obasanjo as the President in 1999.

    In 1999, Atiku dumped his presidential ambition. He returned to Adamawa State and emerged as the governor-elect. Obasanjo, the President-elect, was just floating in the PDP. He had no root. He emerged based on three factors. The North had reluctantly conceded the Presidency to the Southwest. Some Northern elements believed that, when he was the military Head of State, he did not work against the interest of the region. Also, the military wanted to remain as a factor and power broker. No other Yoruba man could be trusted, since Chief Olu Falae refused to join the PDP.

    Obasanjo did not have any blue-print. PDM members-Atiku, Afolabi, Sarunmi and Edu-were part of the numerous delegations asking him to return to power. Obasanjo had a nightmare selecting a running mate. Four names were presented to him-Rimi, Bamanga Tukur, Prof. Abdullahi and Atiku. He settled for Atiku because of the PDM’s influence.

    As the Vice President, Atiku was the de facto President. He was the Controlling Minister of the Economy. To get things done, politicians and others must pass through Atiku route. The former Vice President was also popular among the governors. Thus, in 2003, many of them urged him to displace Obasanjo. The President was sweating profusely at the primaries. He prostrated before Atiku before earning re-nomination. At that point too, Atiku ceased to be the apple of Obasanjo’s eye.

    Henceforth, the former Vice President was under security watch. He was accused of corruption and disloyalty. He became a nominal figure in the government with no duties to perform. The government even made frantic efforts to cripple him politically. But Atiku ran to the court for security and survival. The former Vice President enjoyed tremendous goodwill as the AC presidential candidate. However, after the election, he returned to the PDP. The move embarrassed the AC leadership. Other PDP defectors and associates of Atiku, including Kaita and Ghali Umar Naa’ba, fired salvos at the party, saying that it was not different from the PDP. But Atiku also took other steps. He ran to Abeokuta to make peace with his estranged boss, Obasanjo. It was to be a secret fence-mending meeting. But, coming out of the meeting, an embarrassed Atiku was accosted by many reporters. The former President yelled at his visitor. Irked by the turn of events, former Abia State Governor Kalu chided Atiku for the wrong step. The reconciliation was not fruitful. It did not lead to any renewal of contact. When the former Vice President indicated unfolded his plan to contest for the Presidency in 2011, Obasanjo laughed mischievously. “I dey laugh o”, he said. It was loaded with meanings. Indeed, Obasanjo joined forces with President Jonathan to abort Atiku’s dream. When Atiku was tearing the record of the President at the primaries, Obasanjo stood up and whispered some words into the President’s ears. Atiku lost.

    Last year, at a public lecture at Ibadan, Oyo State capital, Obasanjo castigated Atiku. He said he refused to hand over to him because he could not vouch for him.

    Now that Atiku is back to the progressive fold, what are his chances? A source said that he needs to reconcile with former AC leaders in the APC, who may be weary of his style. Many of them have described him as an inconsistent politician, who jumped the ship after losing the presidential election.

    With the defection of the former Vice President, APC now has six presidential aspirants. They are Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Senator Bukola Saraki, Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, and Sam Nda-Isaiah.s