Category: Politics

  • ‘We need Diaspora voting in 2015’

    ‘We need Diaspora voting in 2015’

    The leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), South Africa chapter, Bola Babarinde, spoke on the prospects of the party in the 2015 elections and the agitation by Nigerians in the Diaspora for voting rights. MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE met him.

    Could you compare politics, party system and governance in South Africa with the Nigerian experience? Are there similarities?

    Nigeria was one of the main hubs. The leadership of African National Congress (ANC) looked up to Nigeria during the dark days of apartheid. Our own dark days may be the military regimes that plunged the country into recession . Politics in South Africa and Nigeria are similar in that we have the frontline political party, ANC, in South Africa and the PDP in Nigeria. While the ANC is formed on a strong political ideology and it has a focus, I doubt, if the same can be said of the PDP in Nigeria. The ANC has survived for over 100 years, but I am not sure, if the PDP will survive that long going by the internal crises that is rocking the party in recent times. While the ANC took the issue of service delivery and fulfilling promises to the people as very important, the PDP is rather self-serving and mainly serves the leadership of the organisation. That is why everybody must jostle to be in the leadership position in the PDP. Also, the ANC will allow youth to thrive and have a vibrant ANC Youth League that contributes meaningfully to the political happenings in South Africa. Our own leading political party lacks such ideas and the PDP only takes pride in recyling the leaders of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. I wonder how the statement, “the youth of today are the leaders of tomorrow” will ever be realised, if this continues. I laughed when I see that a man who was a governor in 1983; the former Chairman of the PDP, was recently given the herculean task of reviving the National Railway Corporation. I guess a man in his 80’s should be given a task of sitting pretty well in his retirement home enjoying himself with his grandchildren and giving meaningful advise to politicians.

    The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) was on a five-month long strike and the comment credited to the Senate President, David Mark, was that the people that represented the Federal Government in the original negotiation possibly did not read the document completely before they signed it irresponsibly. I looked at the document and checked the profile of the representatives of the Federal Government in the negotiation. While I do not know the age of all members, I saw many highly respected industrialists and retired professors and top civil servants in the eight-man committee and I know that the retirement age is 65. The youngest is the Executive Secretary of Education Trust Fund (ETF). Now, tell me, how will you realistically expect a 70 year old or more to sit and be reading a 51-page highly technical document, when he should possibly be having fading eyesight, relaxing with the grandkids and reading newspapers? Serious business must be taken seriously. A single look at the 2014 budget will tell us in which direction the country is facing.

    How can corruption be tackled?

    Corruption happens in all political realms, but what is done about it differs. In South Africa, people have a total belief in the “Office of the Public Protector (OPP)”, who investigates and gives credible opinion and possible prosecution on all matters. In Nigeria, although we have similar organisations in ICPC and EFCC, I ,if people have the same level of trust in these organisations. Such offices are not in name, but in actions. The lady heading the OPP in South Africa has won many awards locally and internationally for her work and has stood against the ANC government many times. She recently investigated the financing of President Zuma’s house using public funds and gave a damning preliminary report. Although some people in South Africa went to the court to stop her releasing her final report, she went to defend the people in court and won the case. The full report will be out in public space any time from now. I doubt, if anybody in the EFCC or the ICPC can try such feat in Nigeria. Well, our organisations are not independent in the first instance. We need a strong unbiased independent anti-corruption body like it exists in South Africa, which can call the bluff of anybody.

    Our opposition parties also need to borrow a leaf from the Democratic Alliance (DA) of South Africa. It is a competent opposition to the national government and control the Western Cape Province. The has won the best-run government in recent times and this award is given annually by the ANC government. That is political tolerance in action. The DA also serves as gadfly pestering the ANC government in any anti-people project or proposal. For example ,the e-toll issue and increase in electricity tariffs, amongst others. There are other opposition parties and each of them has its ideology and belief. I doubt, if such opposition parties exist in Nigeria. Little wonder, people cross back and forward and backward. I have seen a person that cross-carpet about five times to become a governor in Nigeria.

    What value does your chapter intends to add to the parent APC?

    First and foremost, there is no need to duplicate political parties, if we have the same ideology. The APC-SA and other diaspora bodies share the views of the APC mother body back home. We believe strongly in voters’ education. We know that an enlightened mind is a great weapon and such is needed to defend democracy. What I have found particularly interesting about South Africans is that even the very uneducated knows his/her political right and will do anything to defend it. We need to mobilise people to stand up for what they believe. Diaspora voting is another area that we are pushing for and I believe that the parties in Nigeria and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) are already working on its realisation. We will also be pushing strongly for internal democracy at all levels for our party in Nigeria. If a person is denied his right to be elected and he perceives it as unjust, he will carry the burden of being cheated and that is not good for a viable opposition. Everyone should be pushing the same goal of replacing the dysfunctional government. We want to see an APC that is a model to other parties in Nigeria.

    What is your understanding of the philosophy, ideas and manifestos of the APC as the main opposition party?

    Honestly, it should be understood that while the party philosophy should remain fairly the same, the ideas and manifestos will be constantly changing to meet the need of the people we are here to serve. I believe that the philosophy of the ACN is to provide a credible and viable alternative in good governance, which is serving the people and impacting directly on the lives of ordinary citizens of Nigeria. The ideas will be to create and sustain good governance, to maintain and improve on the current infrastructures, and to create and promote enabling environment for local and international businesses to thrive so that employment can be created for our people. The current manifesto focuses on quality and affordable education, enhanced, affordable and accessible health care system, social services for women, children, aged and the disable (Medically and Physically Challenged), infrastructural development, creation of enabling business environment for investors, encouragement of sustainable private-public partnership, unbundling and decentralisation of public water system.

    What were the inherent pitfalls of the ACN, ANPP, and CPC, which should be avoided by the APC?

    The pitfalls of the political parties in Nigeria are many. But I must quickly point out that you exclude the PDP in the list above. There is the absence of basic ideology, keeping promises to the electorate and internal democracy.The people-oriented programmes and sincerity of purpose are not there.There is so much corruption in our political space. Service delivery should be the focus and this will leave little money in the hands of those who want to be corrupt and somehow, they will leave this political space, if they cannot steal money meant for the public good.

    How is your chapter tackling the challenges of harmonisation and membership registration?

    On the question of harmonisation, it will be good to wait for directives from the mother body in Nigeria. Whatever the leadership of the party suggests will be followed by all state and diaspora chapters. We will await the directive because we believe strongly in the leadership of our party.

    What is your assessment of the Jonathan Administration?

    Unfortunately, I will be speaking from the position of an opposition and our politicians mostly try to make irrelevant salient and valid opinion from the opposing camp. The current administration possibly has its strong points, including less interference in the job of the INEC to conduct free and fair state elections, the privatisation of the energy sector, although I strongly suggest that this should be monitored critically as no man will build his house and leave the critical supplies totally at the hand of an outsider.

    Corruption is not tackled at all and the leadership of the PDP in the National Assembly alluded to this fact. Although, the Finance Minister and the Coordinator of the Economy has rolled out many superb figures of our economic performance, the ordinary people continue to groan under the weight of a more unfriendly economy. Our economic gains should reach the poor and the unemployed.

    Ahead of 2015 polls, what are the challenges that will confront the APC?

    As previously mentioned, a strong ideology is a major challenge. We need to work on it and the value system, otherwise, the political hijackers will infest and invade the party and make a mess of the founding principles. Focus and direction are needed, ahead of 2015 general elections. We also need tolerant party leadership on issues of internal democracy, proper grassroots electorate education and careful selection of party representatives who have ideals in the different positions to be contested for between now and 2015.

     

    Can APC dislodge the PDP in 2015?

    It is very possible. Prior to the advent of the current democratic dispensation, the people wanted an alternative to the military rule. The PDP appeared to have the national spread at that time and it quickly arranged a national structure and hijacked the political space by stifling the other role players. Somehow, in Nigeria, the government at the central can coerce, intimidate, force and arm-twist the oppositions into subjection. In fact any surviving opposition in Nigeria needs to be given a thumbs-up. I believe that 2015 is the year of new things for Nigeria.

    What are the condition for free and fair election in Nigeria ?

    The umpires must be umbiased. Strict adherence to “checks and balances”. Utilisation of modern technologies to conduct and monitor election as was done in Ghana and Kenya recently. Electorate education. Stiff penalties for offenders in electoral malpractices and frauds. There should be no intimidation and the use of state apparatuses like the military and police.

  • 2015: 15 for governor in Ogun

    2015: 15 for governor in Ogun

    Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the issues and personalities that will shape the 2015 governorship election in Ogun State.

    Ogun State is delineated into three senatorial districts. These are Ogun Central, Ogun East and Ogun West. Of the three districts, only Ogun West has not produce the governor, since the creation of the state 38 years ago.

    Ogun East produced the first civilian governor, the late Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, who ruled between 1979 and1983, and Otunba Gbenga Daniel (2003-2011). From Ogun Central came Chief Olusegun Osoba (1992-1993; 1999-2003) and Governor Ibikunle Amosun, who assumed office in 2011.

    The main bloc in Ogun West , the Yewa, nearly succeeded in breaking the jinx in 2011 when two political parties picked their candidates from the area. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) fielded General Adetunji Idowu Olurin and Mr Nasir Gboyega Isiaka was the Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN) flag bearer. The Yewas blamed the defeat of their sons on split votes and the political rivalry between former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Otunba Daniel. They alleged that the two gladiators wrecked havoc on the district by fielding two candidates at a time, instead of cooperating together to secure bloc votes for a consensus candidate.

    A Yewa leader, Chief Ishola Olagunju, observed that the rift between Obasanjo and Daniel has not ended. He warned thatm, as long as the feud persists, it will be impossible for the Ogun West to actualise its push for power shift.

    Unlike in 2011 when the governorship candidates emerged on the platforms of six political parties, the platforms would be narrowed to three in 2015. They are the All Progressive Congress (APC), the PDP and the Labour Party (LP).

    The APC governor, Senator Amosun, is warming up for a second term. Other spirants eyeing his job include Isiaka, former Information Commissioner Sina Kawonise, Abiodun Akinlade, former House of Representatives member Kayode Amusan, renowned estate manager Jide Taiwo, former Steel Minister Sarafa Isola, and Anthony Ojesina.

    Amosun:

    The governor is expected be endorsed for a second term by the APC before the end of this quarter. Even, the PDP leader, former President Obasanjo, is proud of the achievement of the accountant-turned politician. The governor has fought the infrastructure battle across the three districts. He has turned the state into a huge construction site. Amosun has also honed his political skills. Recently, he intiated reconciliation with his leader, Aremo Olusegun Osoba. Peace returned to the party immediately after the truce. The governor is expected to declare for a second term, following the endorsement by the party stakeholders.

     

    Isiaka

     

    He hails from Yewaland. Isiaka contested on the platform of the PPN in 2011. But, he lost to Amosun. He came third in the keenly contested poll. This time, he is likely to run on the platform of the LP because his god father, Daniel, has defected from the PPN, which he single-handedly formed in 2011, for LP. What is working for Isiaka as Daniel’s favourite is his loyalty. Recently, the former governor described him as cool-headed, intelligent and hardworking person.

    In spite of Daniel’s support, analysts are of the opinion that Isiaka may not get the ticket on the platter of gold . There are other candidates in the party. One of them is also a close associate of Daniel. Besides, there are other challenges that would make it difficult for the party to market Isiaka as the flag bearer, if he wins the ticket. His link with Daniel may also be his albatross. Daniel has friends in Ogun State. But, his enemies are also many and they do not want him to bounce back to relevance.

    To analysts, a vote for Isiaka is a vote for Daniel and, by extension, a call for the continuation of Daniel’s style of governance.

    The people of the Ogun State have not forgotten the role Isiaka played as the Managing Director of the Gateway Holdings Limited. It was alleged that public assets were not properly managed. However, the present government had reversed the decision of the Daniel Administration on some of the assets.

     

    Akinlade

     

    Akinlade, a member of the House of Representatives from Yewa (Ogun West), has declared his ambition for the governorship. The former Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain became a legislator in 2011on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Akinlade unfolded his plan to rule the Gateway State at a time Governor Amosun is seeking re-election.

    However, Akinlade has defected to the LP to realise his ambition. Apart from foot soldiers working for him, he is banking on the goodwill garnered over the years as a federal legislator.

    Analysts have identified impatience, immaturity and inordinate ambition as his major weaknesses. A chieftain of the APC, Chief Adekanmbi Aborode, said that Akinlade is joining the race without sparing a thought for the political developments in the state. He said it will be difficult for him to defeat Amosun, even if he emerges as the LP candidate.

    Also, a youth leader from Yewaland, Yomi Olojeloju, noted that the youths are not unmindful of the fact that Ogun West is yet to produce a governor since the creation. But, he pointed out that the youths have endorsed the governor for a second term. He said, based on his performance, the governor deserves another chance.

    But, Akinlade has objected to this. He said he will perform better than the governor, if elected He explained that he is in the race because the people of the old Egbado Division are agitating for power shift.

    According to observers, Akinlade stands a better chance of becoming the governor, if only he can wait till 2015. Also, he has a better chance if he returns to the APC.

     

    Sina Kawonise

     

    The former Commissioner for Information and Orientation in Daniel’s administration has been using every opportunity to express his governorship ambition in 2015. His loyalty to Daniel is not in doubt. After Daniel left office, Kawonise is still at the service of his political boss. He is the Managing Director of Western Publishing, publisher of the Nigeria Compass owned by the former governor..

    Apart from Isiaka standing on his way from clinching the LP’s governorship ticket, the zoning arrangement may not favour him. The reason why Daniel picked Isiaka in 2011 was that of all the three senatorial districts, Ogun West is yet to produce a governor and that it is their turn of Ogun West. The situation has not changed. Analysts say the odds against Kawonise are many. He is an Ijebu man from Ogun East like Daniel who left office in 2011. Observers are of the opinion that no political party in Ogun State would tinker with an idea of fielding an Ijebu man as its governorship candidate because such candidate would be difficult to sell to the electorate in other senatorial districts.

     

    Sarafa Isola

     

    He served under Daniel’s administration as Secretary to the State Government (SSG) and was later appointed Minister of Solid Minerals by late President Umaru Yar’Adua. The circumstance surrounding his removal from the federal cabinet developed into a strain relationship between him and Daniel. However, Isola had dumped the Obasanjo group and reconciled with Daniel. The Egba -born politician is eyeing the Oke Mosan Government House . He is likely to contest on the platform of the LP.

     

    Kayode Amusan

     

    Amusan is a member of the PDP. He has openly declared his ambition for governorship in 2015. The challenges that are likely to confront him in realizing his ambition are many. PDP in Ogun State is polarized. Amusan belongs to Buruji Kashamu that is locked in battle of supremacy over the control of party structure with the group loyal to former President Olusegun Obasanjo. It was at a gathering in Kashamu’s house in Ijebu-Igbo that Amusan declared his ambition. Kashamu sounded like endorsing Amusan governorship ambition when he said that if Amusan, younger than Olurin, was fielded as PDP governorship candidate in 2011, the fortune of the party would have perhaps, been better at the poll.

    Observers are of the opinion that Amusan who hails from Ogun Central, is being groomed to penetrate the Egbas where the incumbent governor Amosunn also came from. The ultimate goal, according to observers, is to split the votes from Egbaland and weaken the Amosun’s home support.

     

    Jide Taiwo

     

    Taiwo is a household name in estate management. He is being drafted by his Awori kinsmen to give governorship election a shot. The Aworis are the second largest group in Ogun West. He is likely to contest for the PDP governorship ticket.. His foot soldiers are already on the field marketing him. Analysts say the guru in estate management is a green horn in politics but the goodwill he has garnered over the years through estate business across the country may work in his favour.

     

    Anthony Ojesina

     

    He is a former Commisioner for Environment. Ojesina has declared his ambition to occupy the Government House in 2015. The platform on which he intends to realise his ambition is unknown. His mission, if elected governor, he said is to harness the resources to create job opportunities, to enhance the state’s Internally Generate Revenue and improve the healthcare delivery..

     

    Senator Amosun

     

    Although Governor Amosun has not formally declared to run for second term, but the gale of endorsement by party associates, professional bodies, market women, students, religious leaders and traditional rulers point to that direction.

    Amosun is the candidate to beat in 2015, if he seeks re-election. Given his achievement in less than three years in office, the chances of winning the next year’s governorship election is very bright for the Owu-born governor. The roads project cutting across all the senatorial districts, model schools springing up in every nook and cranny of the state, financial re-engineering, clean environment, and provision of healthcare facilities are unparallel in the history of the Gateway state.

    In fact, his endorsement came from unexpected quarters. Former President Obasanjo and a pillar of the opposition party (PDP) who was overwhelmed by the Amosun’s achievements showered praises on him and encouraged him to remain in office beyond 2015.

    The Ogun Youth Professional Forum (OYPF) has also endorsed him for second term based on his administration’s massive infrastructural development drive, and provision of qualitative and affordable education.

    In Ogun West, leaders of thought and traditional rulers in the zone, including the renowned historian, Prof Anthony Asiwaju and the Olola of Ilara Kingdom, Oba Samuel Alade Adeluyi lauded Amosun for opening the area with the 110 km road construction as well as provision of model schools for pupils. They noted that their communities which was almost marooned from each other and from the rest of the state will henceforth be able to inter connect with the road project that stretched over four local government councils in the zone.

    Analysts say the only challenge facing the second term bid of Governor Amosun is the simmering crisis that erupted in he state chapter of the APC recently. The crisis, according to observers, has pitched the supporters of former Governor Osoba against Amosun group. They advised early resolution of the crisis to ensure party cohesion ahead of 2015.

  • ‘There is zoning agreement in Abia’

    ‘There is zoning agreement in Abia’

    In this piece, a social critic, Godfrey Ubani, writes on the importance of sustaining the ‘Abia Charter of Equity’ to foster peaceful co-existence, equity, and justice in Abia State.

    As the people of Abia State prepares for 2015 polls, it is important to draw inspiration from the Indian anti-war activist and hero, Mahatma Gandhi, who admonished the people to stand by truth. He said: “An error does not become truth by reason of multiplied propagation, nor does truth become errors because nobody sees it.”

    In recent times, some faceless people have been calling for the neglect of the agreement on “governorship zoning” sealed by the founding fathers of the state. These people have been agitating for “power retention in Aba District,” to the detriment of Isuikwuato District, which is expected to produce the next governor in 2015. They have persisted in their agitation, despite the words of caution by Aba elders, who believe that the agreement is sacrosant. Instructively, Governor Theodore Orji, an Aba man, will complete his two terms of eight years next year.

    Since 1999, this principle of rotation has been followed by stakeholders. Therefore, mounting presures on Isuikwuato District to jettison its governorship bid amounts to selling its birthright for a pot of porridge.

    The people of Isuikwuato District are thinkers. They are patriotic, liberal-minded, civilised and matured. In the past, they had supported candidates from other zones, hoping that they will have a chance in the future. Thus, for them, 2015 is a date with history.

    In his recent article titled: “Abia 2015: It’s turn of Isuikwuato District,” Chidozie Chukwuemerie invoked logic, submitting that the denial of the district will amount to marginalisation in 2015.

    There are some puzzles begging for answers: why did the founding fathers of the state agreed on the rotational formula? Is it right to do away with this agreement? Is that the true interpretation of equity? Is jumping the queue no longer indiscipline?

    If A (Afikpo) and B (Bende) have produced governors, why should the chance of Isuikwuato District be blocked?

    To those men and women from Aba District, whose thirst for power has almost crippled their conscience, need to be educated that only equity, fairness and justice can foster cordial relations among the zones. They should know that, if they support Isuikwuato District today, the district will back their aspiration in the future.

    There is the need for us to live in peace in Abia State and make the state a politically safe haven for all indigenes. The founding fathers recognised this fact when they fashioned out the zoning formula.

    The governorship aspirants from Aba District should realise that they are chasing shadows. They are unrealistic. They are also smart. But, Isuikwuato takes solace in the fact that their kinsmen have refused to support their selfish goal edging out Isuikwuato District from the contest.

    But, the people of Isuikwuato District should not also delude themselves into thinking that power can be got without a struggle. Indeed, power is never given in any part of the world, not even in Abia State of Nigeria.

    They should bear in mind the words of the former President Roosevelt of the Unites States: ”The future belongs to those who believe in the bearing of their dreams”.

  • Warming up for presidency

    Warming up for presidency

    Ahead of 2015 general elections, presidential contenders under the All Progressives Congress (APC) are warming up. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the antecedents of the aspirants and issues that may shape the proposed primaries.

    The challenges are overwhelming: the poor economy, failed budgets, insecurity, energy crisis, bad roads, rot in the aviation sector, soaring unemployment and corruption. Who will fix Nigeria in 2015?

    In 1999, hope became the elixir of life for the country. But, today, cries of despondency are on the increase. Under the first Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) government, efforts were made to lay a good foundation in the post-military era. But, as from 2003, the Presidency derailed. President Olusegun Obasanjo’s successor, the late Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua, was also distracted by protracted illness, which ultimately claimed his life. It is believed that his successor, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, has not got it right since then. The future appears bleak. The Federal Government’s transformation agenda is beautiful on paper, but its faulty implementation has led to a disaster. Fourteen years after, eyes are on the main opposition party. Can the All Progressives Congress (APC) seize the storm?

    There is no scarcity of presidential materials in the APC. The party parades heavyweights and credible politicians across the six geo-political zones. However, there are indications that the opposition party will zone the slot to the North. The aspirants are warming up for the selection process.

    A party chieftain from the North disclosed that eyes are on six chieftains as the party prepares for its inaugural primaries, which will be heralded by the national convention. “We know that the Southwest, the Southeast and the Southsouth are out of the primaries. Although the guidelines are not yet out, but there is this understanding that the presidential slot would be zoned to the three zones -Northwestm Northeast and Northcentral. But, the cooperation of other zones will ensure the emergence of a credible candidate”, he said.

    Some of the aspirants are former military Head of State Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, former governor of Kwara State Senator Bukola Saraki, Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwakwanso, presidential candidate of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, and publisher of the Leadership Newspaper Sam Nda-Isaiah. At the weekend, it was also learnt that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar may revive his presidential ambition on the APC platform. He defected to the party yesterday. In the last few weeks, he has been on tour of the country for consultations with his supporters. The name of a leading federal legislator from the Northwest has also come up, although he has not defected from the ruling party. One of his colleagues from Lagos State said the House of Representatives member may be the last key defector. In this season of the realignment of forces, there are some legislators in the PDP who are staying back for strategic reasons. Their souls are in the APC,” he added.

    In the APC, there are two strands of opinion that may shape the presidential nomination. A section of the party is pushing for generational shift, claiming that presidential activities nowadays are very rigorous. They believe that young, dynamic, brilliant, credible and fertile minds are better equipped for the rigour. But, another section is of the view that the criteria should exclude age, adding that merit, antecedents, credibility and public record of an aspirant should be considered.

    In 2015, three factors are also important. For political expediency, the parties will be responding to pressures and constraints imposed by religion, ethnicity and contradiction within the parties. It is gradually becoming a norm that, if a Muslim from the North is the presidential candidate of any major party, his running mate will be a Christian from the South and vice versa. This, analysts contend, has become a stumbling block to merit. Instructively, pairing two people from the religious divides together for presidential elections is not a guarantor of good governance. The potency of religious balance is also debatable. In 1993, the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) Muslim/Muslim ticket of the late Alhaji Moshood Abiola and Alhaji Baba Gana Kingibe defeated the national Republican Convention (NRC) Muslim/ Christian ticket of Alhaji Othma Tofa and Sylvester Ugoh.

    Observers are raising concern over the neglect of internal democracy. But, it appears that critics and party leaders have divergent views about what constitutes internal democracy. In the PDP, the President is likely to intimidate other aspirants at the primaries. In the APC, it is not yet clear how this vexed issue will be handled, until the release of the nomination guidelines after the national convention. But, a party source said that, judging by the antecedents of its founding fathers, the APC leaders will be ready to give concessions, build consensus, strive at an accord and work for concord within the organisation.

     

    Aspirants:

    Buhari

     

    One quarter of the history of Nigeria is about General Buhari, former military Head of State. He is an experienced politician, a statesman and an incorruptible figure in a society that has produced many soldiers of fortune. Buhari fought gallantly on the federal side during the civil war. Shortly, after the war, he became the governor of the defunct Northeastern State. When the late Gen. Muritala Muhammed became the Head of State, Buhari was appointed as the Federal Commissioner for Petroleum Resources and Chairman of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). In the Second Republic, he was the General officer Commanding (GOC), Third Armoured Division, Jos. On December 31, 1983, Buhari became the Head of State.

    The former Head of State had a mission. He wanted to get rid of corruption. He also wanted to restore public discipline. Thus, he stepped on toes. Buhari presided over an administration that intended to return Nigeria to his glorious past. He paid the national debt and ensure that the nation did not incur a new debt. Many corrupt politicians were tried for graft. He also restore national security, which had been threatened by the rising wave of armed robbery. In running the country, he was assisted by a diligent deputy, the late Gen. Tunde Idiagbon. Although the regime was accused of high handedness, it was undeterred in its focus and mission to enforce discipline and public morality. However, he was toppled in August 1985. Buhari was in detention for almost two years. In retirement, he led a quite life. When he became the Chairman of the Petroleum Tax Fund (PTF), he fought infrastructure battle nationwide without enriching himself.

    The Daura-born soldier-turned politician is a veteran presidential candidate. In 2003, Buhari joined the fray. Obasanjo government had started to drift. He contested for the Presidency in that year under the platform of the All Nigerian Peoples Congress (ANPP). He lost his deposit. In 2007, he also contested against Yar’Adua, but without success. But, the former President later confessed that the poll was severely flawed. In 2011, Buhari also tried his luck on the platform of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). He lost to President Jonathan. However, owing to his influence, voters voted out the PDP in Kano, Nasarawa states. Buhari has a mass appeal. Many look up to the General for leadership in the North.

    Reality had dawned on Buhari that, unless the opposition figures work together to change the government, the ruling party will continue to mismanage the affairs of the country. Therefore, his party, the CPC, the ACN, the ANPP and a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) merged together in the APC. It was a great sacrifice made in the national interest.

    Buhari has not jettisoned his ambition to return to power. But, for him, it is not a do or die affair. His primary goal, according to his associates, is the repositioning of the country. To him, the PDP has failed to make impact 14 years after. “It is not about me, it is about the nation. We need change in 2015. APC will rule this country and bring that change”, he said.

     

    Kwakwanso

     

    Kwankwano made history in the Third Republic when he emerged as the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. A grassroots operator, has remained a household name in Kano State for three decades. In 1999, he became the governor of the state. But, he was defeated by his rival, Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau of the defunct ANPP, who ruled for eight years. Between 2003 and 2007, Kwankwaso served as the Minister of Defence. But, he bounced back in 2011, when he was re-elected as the governor. It is believed that the governor has performed in his state and there were indications that he was being encouraged to declare a presidential interest before he called it quits with the PDP.

    Kwankwaso is among the five PDP governors, who recently defected to the APC. The fact that many big wigs, including state and federal legislators, followed him to the new party showed that he has a large following. He is today a national leader of the party.

     

    Ribadu

     

    Ribadu’s service to the nation as the anti-graft curator is legendary. He was the first Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Under his leadership, the agency recorded some achievements. The fear of the EFCC became the beginning of wisdom for many corrupt politicians.

    A police officer and lawyer, Ribadu approached his duties with patriotism. He stepped on toes. Many convicted public officers perceived him as personal foes. As the head of a controversial organisation, his career was also embroiled in controversy. There were allegations that the power that be was using the EFCC to witch hunt perceived foes. Ribadu also became a victim of jealousy in the police. His ouster as the anti-graft boss was dramatic. He was promoted to the position of the Assistant Inspector General of Police. But, he was also asked to proceed on study leave at the Nigerian Institute of Strategic Studies (NISS), Kuru, Jos. His days as the EFCC Chairman were numbered. When his life was in danger, he fled the country.

    In 2011, he returned to fly the flag of the defunct ACN at the presidential election. He lost to President Jonathan at the poll. Thos who believe in him point out that age is on his side and he has integrity. Ribadu’s associates confided that the retired police officer is interested in the presidential race. he is trying to revive his structure. He is also holding consultation across the zones.

     

    Saraki

     

    Senator Bukola Saraki is a medical doctor and inheritor of the gigantic political structure of his illustrious father, the late Waziri of Ilorin, Dr. Olusola Saraki. Between 1999 and 2003, he was a Senior Special Assistant on Food Security to former President Olusegun Obasanjo. As the governor of Kwara State between 2003 and 2011, he performed creditably. His feats across the sectors were visible. Saraki was the Chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF). In 2011, he joined the presidential race in the PDP. But, the Northern establishment did not pick him. A group of Northern Elders selected Atiku Abubakar, who was defeated by Dr. Jonathan at the primaries. Supporters of Saraki believe that he will be the bridge between the North and South, if selected as the APC presidential candidate.

     

    Abubakar

     

    Abubakar is another veteran presidential aspirant. He had contested for the exalted seat in 2007 and 2011, but lost his deposit. Had he thrown his hat into the ring in 2003, may be, the story would have been different. But, he deferred to his boss, Obasanjo, hoping to succeed him in 2007. The marriage had turned sour before the poll.

    In 2003, the Turaki Adamawa emerged as the arrowhead of the progressives. He was the presidential flag bearer of the ACN. But, shortly after the election, he retraced his steps to the PDP. The move infuriated the ACN family. Following his return to the PDP, he visited Obasanjo in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, in a fence-mending move, but there was no real renewal of political contact between the former President and his deputy. Last year, the former President castigated him at a public lecture in Ibadan, Oyo State capital. He also explained why he refused to hand over to him. In the PDP, Abubakar has been deliberately sidelined. He was among the aggrieved PDP chieftains who stormed out of the party’s rancorous convention in Abuja last year to form the ‘New PDP. Many believe that Abubakar has a towering political stature. A detribalised Nigerian, he has many friends across the country.

     

    Nda-Isaiah

     

    Nda-Isaiah is the publisher of the Leadership Newspaper. He is the only aspirant who has declared his ambition in the public.

  • ‘I don’t want to be best governor of Lagos’

    ‘I don’t want to be best governor of Lagos’

    The tenure of Lagos State Governor, Babatunde Fashola, has been a time of uncommon transformation for the metropolis. As he enters the final lap of his administration, the governor spoke with selected journalists among who was FESTUS ERIYE on his targets for the time left and other national political issues of the moment.

    Lagos has been experiencing some urban renewal. Is this renewal an attempt at taking Lagos back to some forgotten development plan, or a haphazard work in progress?

    If you follow our communication on policy statement closely, you will notice that I said from the beginning of my tenure that this was going to be a government of method. That we are going to be methodical in things that we will embark upon. Everything that we have done so far had been based on very rigorous examination of what the problems are, what the choices of solutions are and how to prioritise in order to make them sustainable. One of the first thing we did after assumption of office was to conduct a trip round the state; I

    commissioned a team based on this to go and ask the citizens and residents around the state to specifically tell the governor, ‘what do you want him to do for you?’

    That was the beginning of our local government tour. The results that came showed us that there were six main items; roads, drainages, schools, health, jobs and power. But we wanted to validate that and we went for Town Hall meetings in every local government. And while those things resonated across, they resonated differently. In some local governments, they wanted their roads first. In others, they prefer schools. In some places, their drainages were their main concern. Such were the disparities in priorities. This formed the basis of our first

    full year budget in office (2008 budget). And we have kept faith with this approach.

    Indeed, from each tour after we came back, it was to give instructions to each ministry or department. When we came back from those tours, we went straight into an executive meeting everyday, giving out assignments as required; and we have kept track.

    The second point was that of regional plan. I think the last regional plan for the state was done around 1991 or so. So, we decided to plan the state into eight towns. We developed a new regional plan.

    These towns are Badagry, Ikorodu, Epe, Lagos Mainland (which covers part of Oshodi, all through to Orile, to National Theater and Iddo), Ikoyi, Victoria Island, Lekki and Ikeja; and to link them up by transport infrastructures.

    Again, we did an audit of the available water supply. And we saw that we had about roughly 45 or 48 percent water supply and we developed a plan; a short, medium and long term plan to provide water for the growing population that we were anticipating. The short-term plan was to do 2million gallons per day, with facilities in 15 locations. I have commissioned about nine of them. And along with that short term plan was to get the Iju water works to run at its full capacity because it was running about 35 percent of its installed capacity because of power outages. This led to the first IGP for Iju water works; the Akute IGP now running at about 90 percent. But it doesn’t solve the problem. Some of these facilities have aged; Iju was built around 1900. That’s why you will see we are laying new pipes through Eko Bridge. If you drive through there, you will notice some work going on near the bridge; that’s what is going on.

    Essentially, we have almost completed the short-term plan. The medium term plan is to build bigger water works. Instead of two million, we are going on bigger scale. Oto-Ikosi is completed now and being tested. That is four million gallons to feed part of Epe and support Ikorodu. We have Odo-mola, which is 25 million gallons. We are in negotiation with private investors who want to build, run it and supply water. If we achieve that, it means that we will cut off part of Lekki and others in the environ and feed them from that area so that what is coming from Iju, that is already serving Yaba, Lagos Island and Ikoyi gain will fuller pressure and fuller content. There is also the Adiyan phase II, which is 70 million gallons a day. We have already started constructing this from the budget. We will finish that in 2016. It is already financed and construction is going on as I speak. It will be for the new governor to merely come and switch it on. That will help us supply Alimosho and Agege, who are actually close to the water source (Iju) but who don’t benefit from it because the Europeans, who built it, didn’t not include in the benefit of that water.

    In Badagry, we want to it stand alone. Ishashi is four million gallons. And we are upgrading Ishashi as I speak; it is almost completed too to 12 million gallons a day.

    The same thing with water treatment and sewage. The capacity was barely 10 percent. We drew up a 10-year plan. And that is why we now have a Lagos State Water Regulatory Commission, which will regulate the use of clean water and recycling of used water. These plans are in place and wherever we stop implementing them, we turn it over to the next government. It will be easier to for the new government to continue than to stop; the details are already articulated.

    We went into Yaba for massive rehabilitation of what was once a prime middle class community. Three roads were commissioned for construction and we finished substantially 80 percent of the works there. We are regenerating Apapa as well. Some of old roads in Victoria Island are being constructed. The same type of construction is going on in Alimosho. We have finished LASU-Iba Road. It is about 20 kilometers and four-lane, as well as Governor’s Road and a couple of other roads. This time last year, we handed over 11 new roads in Alimosho.

    You will also notice that in all this, we have consciously kept one contractor; almost like a resident contractor. Once you finished, we move you to the next phase. In Ikorodu, for example, the resident contractors are two; the Chinese and Arab Contractors. The Chinese are doing the main road and the Arab Contractors are doing the inner ones.

    The Ibeshe Road, which we have just finished, the Awolowo Way, which is going on and about 10 smaller roads are going on in Ikorodu under construction by various local contractors. In Mile 12 and in Agiliti, there is a new bridge and about seven new roads that will finish in about June. In Ijegun-Isheri, you have Hi-Tec there, constructing the bridge to link the two communities together.

    So, there is a conscious effort to be methodical so that, instead of demobilizing one contractor and bringing another one, we have a network of roads and we tackle them one after the other.

    As you wind down your tenure are there any other development plans in the offing? How do you react to allegations that some of your projects are elitist in nature?

    If it is the elite who live in Mile 12, in Agiliti, then I am happy to serve them. If it is the elite who live in Ajegunle, where we handed over a new road last week, I am happy to serve to them. Also, if it is the elites who live in Mushin, where we handed over 16 roads, then I am happy to serve them. If it is the elite who live in Ikeja, where we just finished Kodeso and Medical Roads, it is my pleasure to serve them; they are taxpayers too.

    The biggest project that we are undertaking, the transport project… if you look at from Mile 12 through the Ikorodu Road, if it is the elite who live in this 17 kilometer road expansion, I am happy to serve them. If you go from Orile right through to Alaba, Mile 2 we are doing the train station and if that also is for the elites who live there, I should be so delighted to serve them. These are places where no activity of any sustainable attention had been paid. Over the years, we have not really had this long period of government to really sit down, develop a plan and run with it. Yes, we haven’t served everybody and we can pretend we will be able to serve everybody. But the fact that an asset is built in a community where you live doesn’t mean that it belongs to you. And the choices that we have always made, given our limited resources, is ‘where is the most impactful area of need?’

    People have now forgotten what the areas around Stadium, Barracks and Alaka used to look like. There are seven kilometers of drainage submerged under that road today. Because when we started the BRT system, that is where the buses used to get trapped. It occurred to us then that instead of going to do residential roads, ‘why don’t we fix roads that road that takes people to places of their daily bread?’

    Roughly about six million commuters move around there daily. That’s one of the busiest roads. Then we went to open up Agege Motor Road and Oshodi to free traffic that used to be a daily nightmare to people. I remember that people at the Airport Tollgate were not happy with us because our effort impacted negatively on their revenue. Then, people were paying to by avoid that gridlock at Oshodi only to come back to Agege Motor Road. We succeeded in putting that money back in their pockets. Most of this people are ordinary citizens. This debate (on elitism or otherwise) will never go away. In any case, I am proud to be serving somebody. The pain on the other side is that today, we don’t have electricity, but does it really matter who first got it? If some people start to get it, the rest of us can hope it will soon get to us. I am proud to have provided a ladder of opportunity for people to step onto. Of course, you will have to draw a very clear line between criticism and cynicism. And of course, we don’t need unanimity of approval, because there will never be.

    Regarding the sustainability of some of your projects how concerned are you about who your successor will be? Have you now transmuted to a political godfather enough to say, for sustainability, you prefer Mr. A or Mrs. B as successor?

    The answer to that is to continue to insist that a government that is run around institutions is the most sustainable form of government. And we must look, therefore, to a time when (we may not have the desired person in office). Lagos State has been very lucky so far to

    have a lot of action governors. But how much we can continue to build on luck is another thing. Up to my immediate predecessor in office, they have all been very wonderful people in office. I think what we need is to move to action government, where whatever happens the system will run. That is why we are doing a lot of human capacity development, training public servants; part of the reasons behind our last retreat that had become very frequent. We have also yielded a lot of independence to parastatals so that we can hold people responsible for implementation. All too often, what we have seen over many years in the ministries is that they have taken on too much. There is a conflict of time management, resource allocation and efficiency between attempt to implement and attempt to formulate policy.

    When ministries focus on policy formulation and articulation and allow parastatals to implement, you have a more efficient public service. Examples are already there. For example, the Ministry of Environment is our policy formulator in waste management, whether it is solid or liquid or polluted airwaves. Agencies like LASEMA is dealing with air and liquid waste and LAWMA is dealing with solid waste. So, if there is particular problem, the commissioner knows who to call. We are also seeing the same thing in the transportation sector; LAMATA is dealing with the public through the BRT system and coordinating the rail. The Lagos State Water Authority is running the water system, building the jetties and developing the regulations for the ferries. The same thing is in the Ministry of Works. The ministry now takes over the segmented maintenance of roads, through Public Works Corporation. Last year alone they did more than 900 roads — construction and rehabilitations. And you see them at nights patching roads after and before the rains. There is now a separate department in charge of traffic lights. You are seeing traffic lights; it is not by accident. So, if a traffic light fails, the commissioner knows who is the head of that department. We are creating specialization in an organic way that cascades to the pyramid of the organogram.

    So, whoever becomes the next governor, all he needs to do is to take those people’s budget, give them the money they need; because they already know what to do.

    What happens if the passion is lacking?

    Well, I used to ask myself what role a leader can play. And I sued to believe that it was the leader and his team; and I still do. But I examine a situation that may not be very relevant to our situation. I look at a football team, which won the English Premier League just last year has become a shadow of itself. It is a management and leadership case study. Beyond the 90 minutes, what went wrong? Our management schools could look as this type of scenario. Did the coach have enough time? Did he resume on time? Was it wise to have cleared all the staff? These are leadership and management issues for me in order to see and live in a theory that it is the leader and his team, rather than the leader alone. Challenges are the building blocks for groundbreaking development. A life without challenges cannot just hold.

    There are some new FERMA-trainees seen around the state. How much do you know about this development?

    Honestly, I really don’t know a thing about it. But when contacted, the Minister for Works said it did not have his approval. The parastatal is under the Ministry of Works, but the question to ask is what is going on? Where is the money for this particular exercise coming from? If they are recruiting, what is the purpose? If they want to police federal highways, what is now the role of the FRSC? Is it a task force such as that has contemplated within the law? Have they appropriated funding for it? Because you can’t have agency in a constitutional democracy without having appropriation for them in the budget. Or are you funding them with slush fund? Where is the money coming from? Is it SURE-P money, meant for the development of Lagos State that is being used to do this? These are some of the questions. And again, you ask yourself, ‘what is the need for such a task force?’ There are about 10,000 roads in the state, out of which 6000 belong to the State Government. A little over 3000 belong to the local government. Less than 120 belong to the Federal Government, so what do you need such a large army for, unless there are some ulterior motives? I hope we are not going back to the days of machetes, during 2005 and 2006.

    People choose the way they end up by choosing the way they begin. If the resort is violence, they have served us notice; they have served Lagosians notice. For me, if that is the way to repay Lagosians for the votes they receive here, we will review our strategies.

    Some critics of your party say its strategy appears only to revolve around defections into the All Progressives Congress. They say there’s hardly any difference between it and the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Why would one want to cast his or her vote for the APC instead of the PDP?

    First of all, we have demonstrated very, very clearly. Even our worst critics cannot sustain any argument about the fact that in the state that we have been entrusted, we have added value; visible and

    demonstrable value.

    Fortunately, in most of those states: Edo, Ekiti, Ogun, Osun and Oyo, the electorates have had the misfortune to have been governed by the PDP-led governments. The choice is now clearer to them. If you take Ogun State, for example, where in less than two years bridges have been built. If you take Oyo as another example, the bad stories about the eyesores have disappeared. They now even have a bridge, which is the first in about 34 years. So, the electorates have seen both sides of the coin now and they are wiser. This can only suggest to you that it is a model that is working, by peer review, by peer influence and by healthy competition among the governors to succeed; that can only be good for the states.

    Now, if you look at the other sides that decided to join us, you cannot dismiss their achievement by a wave of the hand; even under PDP. But they have seen clearly that development cannot continue with sudden disappearance of revenues while they are expected to keep a conspiratorial silence and continue benefitting. In terms of public accountability, we bring that to the table.

    Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, like-minds are calling unto each other about the need for the development of the country. In any political arena, people are complaining that things are not moving in the country, where the national government has 52 percent of the resources. Even with the very best effort of the 36 states and over 700 local governments, if they perform at a 100 percent, in terms of risk analysis and risk allotment if they keep less than 50 percent of resources, their 100 percent is still not a pass mark. But in spite of these complaints, people still feel that nobody can defeat this behemoth. ‘So, we will either not vote or we will vote for them because we know that they will not lose.’ And if you transfer that mentality and using football as a tool of analysis: how many people do you know who support football clubs going into relegation? Everybody supports either Barcelona, Real Madrid or Manchester United because these are clubs with real chances of winning trophies. Human beings naturally have disposition for success. And that is what APC also brings to the table for Nigerians — to give them a real choice.

    Ultimately, it is people of Nigeria who will get the opportunity to be in absolute control of their destiny and then whip governments into line. Because in the cases where you have thin margins between parliamentary representation, state representations, one bad choice and you are out because the other party stands a fair chance to win the election. Of course, there will be smaller parties. Parties can be more definitive when coalitions are necessary as we saw in Britain, where Liberal Democrats and the Conservative partnered to kick Labour out; and even they have started fighting. None of the disagreements that you have also seen here is peculiar to us. There are appointments Obama cannot make today. You may quarrel with the morality of it, but the legitimacy of it is unquestionable. That is what lies at the heart of the doctrine of separation of powers and checks and balances. And the position our party has taken is a contingent position. You cannot hide behind a finger and say you don’t know what is going on in Rivers State. If you don’t, it must be in your enlightened best interest to know. Security of life and property is the primary reason why government exists. And even if there is no legal duty, I think there is moral duty.

    As things continue to unfold, you will see clearly that we are a party of method and of process and in the fullest of time we will unveil to you in a very clear detail what we are about. But again, you cannot have a party without people, and we are following our plan. Our plan was to register the party, against all the odds, against all the five or six APCs, we achieved what we wanted to do, against history that no merger has ever been concluded. Never! Because, the party in power will do anything to scuttle it, they will throw cats amongst pigeons, we saw the cats amongst us and like very clever and well intentioned pigeons looking for peace to rescue Nigeria, we flew up above them and made our meeting and we emerged. It is a defining event in the political history of Nigeria. Having finished that, we went into contact and mobilization, we are now going into membership registration which entails producing the management of the party and when that is done, we will tell you Nigerians why we want to be members of the APC.

    I read about you defending your party’s directive to its members in the National Assembly to block executive bills. You have also done so here. In my view, I think it is pre-mature because your party doesn’t have that majority in both houses. Another point is where is the constructive engagement?

    You have rushed to judgement. I don’t think that we should be repulsed by the idea, it hasn’t happened, but we are saying, if it certain things do not happen as they relate to law and order, we will come to a conclusion that this is a pre-meditated design to use executive power and if there is no communication, we will bring you to the table and one of the ways to do so is by exercising our own powers; I have always said that the virtue of power is the restraint in exercising it, but it is sometimes important to remind people that that power exist. When the party was meeting and setting up its members to withdraw operations from the executive; they were withdrawing cooperation from the executive.

    If you know the way legislative business goes, you can’t have clear lines in parliament and that is why even with extreme position of the Tea Party, there were members within the Republican party who were crossing over to the democrats to talk to them saying, ‘you now go and tell the president that he can’t say he wouldn’t negotiate, he has to come to the table. It is also for our leadership to say that lets come together and deliberate on our issues. I think that because our democracy is just about 14 years, it is going to throw up many learning curves, it needs a lot of maturity for one to realise how much power one has and to know that you can’t act on your own; for me, its learning rather than getting angry; what have they done in other jurisdictions where this happened? Therefore, we must see the glass as half full all the time, we don’t want the nation to collapse because

    we want to win and we expect that we will win. We are beginning to witness discontent on defection from APC, how is

    the party handling disagreements?

    The more the Nigerian public gets involved in politics and understand politics for what it is the better; it is about interests and human beings and everybody wants something, even in your homes your children want something, there is a lot of politics in your homes and we all pretend we are not politicians. There are conflicts defined by interests that would be resolved. That is high-wire politics going on. Let’s just decompose these things and understand them, it is happening on the macro to the micro, it is local, international and global.

    On taxes in Lagos… flowing from the principle of federalism which you have always preached, will it be okay if the money you get from Alimosho with the highest population is spent almost exclusively in Alimosho?

    I think the first thing to do is to explain that there are different sources of revenues. Taking advertising for instance, it is income that comes to the local government under the management of LASAA, which is a company statutorily created, owned by the state and local government; because the local government has

    responsibility for advertising which takes place on land managed by the state, so there is a joint business. When the income is distributed at the end of the year, there is a derivation principle that goes to the local government. In terms of how resources are allocated, the needs across the state are not the same; in some places all you need to do is patch a road while in others you have to start from the beginning. Every time you construct a road, people take positions, capital appreciation follows road construction and the way to go is to ask where the taxes for roads like the LASU- Iba and Ijegun come from. There was a time when the kind of development and construction in Alimosho didn’t go on and so at the end of the day, it’s not easy to isolate and say this is what came from here, the only way we do that kind of isolation is if we collect capital development levies for land sold in any estate, we

    use the money from that estate to build its roads, drainages and infrastructure as far as it can go, it doesn’t go a lot but it helps.

    That is why we have scheme accounts; Lekki phase one has a scheme account. When the residents pay, they money goes back to them, after UACPDC bought 1004 estate and paid their capital development levy, we used it to start phase two of Adetokunbo Ademola and after that, where were they going to pass? But that did not fund the road to completion of the Lekki -Epe expressway.

    The point is that all the revenues go to the consolidated revenues of the state and what we do is a budget based on input and on development plan.

    Many of us are worried about the place of the local governments in your development plans. Where I live there is absolutely no impact from that level of government at all…

    No, they may not have served your personal needs at the moment and that will not be good to generalise, because you don’t feel the impact, those who could see appreciate it. Local governments are driving primary healthcare and primary education, which are the foundation of development of the most important resources, the human resources-making him or her health and giving him or her skills.

    If we do not develop human beings, where would the next generation of engineers come from? You can see that we are yet to develop certain parts of Lagos. People are building at the pace higher than we are able to respond and that is not our fault or yours.

    Now, it’s the understanding that we seek because how fast can we get across to you is function of time. Even if we have all the funds available, you have a certain number of blocks you could lay in a certain day and there is no science that could change that. You have certain hours to allow the cement to set. The only thing you can do to increase it is to work three shifts but you can’t run away from that length of hours.

    What will be the rule is the planning. We are not planning 100 rooms now but we are planning 400 rooms at once across all the local government. So, at incremental level, the work is progressing.

    For instance, in 2007, how many streets did you see with streetlight at night? But we started with first road, Awolowo road. There were streetlights but it wasn’t working. What happened? It was one vulcanizer at TBS, who was heating tyre and melted the cable in one of the poles and that affected light. We fixed it and switched on. We started putting diesel and we drove on that road and it looked like our small London. We continued like that and last year alone, we had over 50 roads with streetlights because there is an incremental capacity. We are making poles in Lagos and this year we are looking at doing another 100 roads.

    Alimosho had about 11 roads lit up last year. And around Agege motor road, we lit up the road and traders can now sell till night and that means, doubling their income. These are the elites that I’m serving.

    In Shomolu, they used to stop selling their akara and dodo by 6pm because of fear of insecurity. We gave them light and today, they sell into the night. Obalende is back.

    Your Commissioner for Budget and Planning gave the debt profile at N120 billion, but I’m aware that Lagos is the only state that pays salary from IGR. How sustainable is this system?

    Simple, there are few things to understand. There are upper limits of debt profiles by global standards, in relation to a certain percentage of the GDP. We are not near that threshold anywhere. Secondly, what types of debt profile is it, is it for recurrent expenditure or capital? It is for capital. If in less than two years to go, I went to the stock market to raise N85billion and it was fully subscribed and you know bankers do not want to lose money. They know what is coming from that and they keyed in. with these projects people earn income and because they earn income, they pay taxes. We are simply moving the money round. In 1999, when my predecessor took over we were working with N14 billion IGR and we are now having a budget of almost half a trillion naira and how do you want us to finance that? Is it the money under the pillow? You can’t build a city like that. We want rail and all that, you don’t do it waiting for people to bring kobo kobo. For instance, the track Europeans built are still there. It is a 100-year asset. You have to finance it by debt and it will pay off. During Tinubu’s time, when he drew that N15 billion out of N25 billion bond they said he had mortgaged Lagos. All the press where reporting and saying that we are going to pay that for 50 years but do you know what? I paid that debt in my first year in the office. The first bond that we took is maturing this year. It is a N50 billion bond. We have N90 billion in trustees account to pay off N50billion. If we keep waiting until the money gathers together, you can’t begin to tell me that there is no road to your house. Where am I supposed to build them? The road that Asiwaju built with N15 billion, I can’t touch again with the same amount of money. The dollar was trading at less than one to a naira, but it is almost doubled. When I assumed office, the dollar was at $1 to N112 and we were borrowing at 10 per cent. Now you are lucky to get at 17 per cent. Dollar is now $1 to over N170. Those are the realities and we must salute our economic team for the investment they have been able to achieve.

    If not for that, would you have LASU-Iba road, that rail, or make Ikorodu road motorable today; Badagry expressway and others? The money we are spending on Ikorodu road is a loan. It’s a long-term loan. Take the money now and pay back later as long as the people continue to pay their taxes and financial capacity continues.

    We are saying that America is a very good place with skyscrapers, the best hospitals in the world and best streets. Why do you think they owe everywhere? $16 trillion debt that is what they use to pay for it. They are financing their prosperity. They have over 350 million population, owing the world $16 trillion. We are about 20 million and we are talking about N400 billion. That is our budget for one year, so if we close our eyes, we will pay that debt.

    Was your visit to Edo State solely to endorse the presidential ambition of Governor Adams Oshiomhole?

    Really, our country needs development and knowing Edo well, with the things I saw there, I think it’s a development that should come on board every state if that experience is brought to a larger theater of expression. I’m in support of everybody, who has worked so that we will not come up to say we will not have any electricity because we do not have gas. That gas is not gotten from one alien country, it’s seated underneath us. It baffles me each time thing I hear we have money, but we are looking for the whereabouts of 12bn dollars. Let us even say for the sake of argument, why couldn’t that money be spent on pipelines to pump fuel over the country or even repair the pipelines?

    The issue is, after many years that the country has been extracting crude oil, are the pipes not due for change? I’m changing water pipes on the bridge. So we spent huge sums on power project yet there is no solution. And I begin to wonder what the United Arab Emirate spent in their total power energy? They powered the desert. How much more can it cost? So it was in that contest that I said that I will support any one who is doing well and who has done well, so that such development will come across on board.

    With the strong push for power shift, will northerners in your party support him?

    I can’t speak for a group. That is your fear. I have a stake. At the end, you can’t speak for a group. They decide on what to be done. For now we are still early in our party programme discuss issues of candidates. Until we empanel the organs of party and officers, that question will be addressed in the course of time.

    There is an issue with the Ajao Estate Bridge which now empties traffic into Ajao Estate; this implies heavy traffic from busy roads

    pouring into residential areas without creating another channel for it…

    One thing I have learnt from this job is the difficulty with implementing change. And when people resist change, it’s not because they don’t like what you offer, but sometimes, they do not appreciate it. And more importantly, they have secured a vested interest in the existing order. And you need to convince them that what is on the other side is better than what they have on the other side. Now what does Ajao Estate do for those of you who live there? You are cut-off from the town. It didn’t evolve with plan, like other areas, but we are re-planning all of them now. It was built, as you like. You lock yourself up with gates for security. We are re-planning them within the big master plan. We were to build one bridge, but we decided to do two bridges in order to avoid demolitions and we are spending more. And by that, the bridges have reduced journey for commuters by 75 per cent, the stress, cost, life style, tears and wears of the vehicles by 75 per cent. Every problem solved is not a destination; it is a milestone to move to another level. There are streets that we have in our procurement plan for this year. The same way we created Okota bridge and it created another problem because it was a single lane, but nobody told us that the work had not ended. We decided to open Ago road and demolished some houses, shops and walls, but that met with litigation and we stopped. What we need is patience. If this work will finish, Alhaji Jakande would have finished it. We have a plan and if you want to know how many roads more are left and the ones done, we will show you. It’s all about sustainability.

    Information Minister, Labaran Maku, recently said that at all levels no government has done what the Jonathan administration had done. But here you are reeling out achievements. How does that make you feel, compared to the assertion that they have done the best?

    All I can say is that I hope the best of Nigeria is really further ahead. I don’t want to be the best governor of Lagos. I want better governors to come after me. I think that it’s a leadership problem. When these kinds of statements are made, you must contextualize them into whether or not we really have prepared ourselves for the kind of responsibilities that we have. Would there have been a Nigeria if those who fought the war didn’t sacrifice? So, for somebody to come after that to say, we are the best. That was governance. Keeping the peace and unity of this country, people lost their lives. They served. How do you dishonour their memory and service by saying nobody has done what you have done? I have never had any government that wants to progress say those kinds of things. There must be a place for your predecessors. It’s ladder and a house built on so many blocks of blood, sweat and tears. And whether you like it or not, you will hand over the baton. How would you feel after that, when somebody says you haven’t done anything? Let’s look at power. Did they pass the legislation? They are concluding the process. There is pension reform today. Did they pass the legislation? It’s a process of thinking and doing sometimes. As I told people, Thabo Mbeki hosted the World Cup, was he the one who bid for it? What is the value they have added to the GSM today? There are more drop calls now than when the system started. Were they the ones who did it? It was a government that licensed private TV otherwise all of us would be locked on to NTA today and you won’t be here because there would only have been Daily Times. That’s the incremental contributions of your predecessors. So, how are they supposed to feel? And you want to build a nation? You’re provoking everybody? I think there can be better tactics to underscore your development. We can’t show that we are good by showing that everybody is bad. Unfortunately, it’s a strategy that has also worked in some states, but I have always said, look, you must acknowledge what your predecessors have done. They may not have done as much as you have done. They may have operated at a more difficult time than you are operating, but they added value. I don’t believe that anybody is absolutely useless. Everything operates in a time and space. It’s a leardership problem. Democracy is growing. We are building a nation undoubtedly, but we must recognize everybody’s contributions.

  • PDP’s trade by barter

    PDP’s trade by barter

    Things appear to be looking up for the new Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) boss, Adamu Muazu, in his bid to re-unite his torn party. It seems he wouldn’t suffer much before regaining the support of members of the ruling party in the House of Representatives.

    But the said support comes with a price, or is it a deal?

    In what appears like a trade by barter arrangement, Muazu can now ‘buy’ his disgruntled party members’ loyalty by assuring them all of automatic return tickets to the hallowed chamber in 2015.

    House Leader, Mulikat Akande-Adeola, who informed Muazu of the party’s promise, said ”all the members of this party in the House would want to be assured of automatic ticket in the forthcoming elections and the opportunity to nominate membership of various committees in their constituencies as the need arises.”

    Also, Chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum, Governor Godswill Akpabio, who solicited for cooperation with the leadership of the party, said “The outcome of this meeting will determine to a large extent the return or exit of some of you, because your governors are here. Since you don’t relate much with your governors and get disconnected from state functions. But this meeting would strengthen all that out. Whatever is decided here would become the Abuja accord.”

    The barter arrangement was discussed at a parley between Muazu and the lawmakers recently. Though he did not say so at the meeting, the body language of the new party boss was that of a desperate produce buyer willing to pawn anything to get what he wants.

  • Delta 2015: Executive rascality taken too far

    Delta 2015: Executive rascality taken too far

    The intrigues of the 2015 gubernatorial election in Delta State have started with the usual claims of politicians assuming larger than life image. It is even more worrisome that those who ought to know the political intricacies in the state are already fanning the embers of tribal sentiments.

    The report credited to the Secretary to Delta State Government, Ovouzourie Macaulay, on Monday, 20th January, 2014 that no power shift pact exists among the three senatorial districts of the state is the high point of executive rascality coming from the SSG. His baseless, half-truth and misinformed analysis of events in the state’s politics has exposed his ignorance and shows how intellectually bereft the SSG could be.

    Looking at the issues that Macaulay raised in his analysis of the campaign slogan of ‘’fairness and equity’’ by Anioma/Delta North gubernatorial contenders, it is rather strange and mischievous that the SSG could interpret the campaign slogan to mean vendetta against other senatorial districts in the state. What an uninformed interpretation of a simple phrase!

    I am surprised that the SSG accused the aspirants of negative campaign against the past leaders of the state. Agreed that the SSG is doing his job by defending the institution that puts food on his table, but if the truth must be told, both present and past leaders of the state failed woefully. I advise him to visit Akwa Ibom State and make a comparative analysis.

    M r. Macaulay goofed woefully when he asserted that people from Delta North and their leaders did not vote for Uduaghan wholeheartedly during the 2011 gubernatorial election. The fact is that out of the nine local government councils in the senatorial zone, Uduaghan won five while Great Ogboru, the candidate of Democratic People’s Party, won four.  Mr. Macaulay, the self-acclaimed member of G3 (Association of the Ijaws, Isoko and the Itsekiri’s), lost his Isoko North local government council to the opposition in the said election. What a paradox, the SSG failed to look at other elections conducted in the state since 1999. It is either he is suffering from memory failure (amnesia) or he is a poor student of history.

    Let me remind the SSG that the PDP under Governor James Ibori won all the nine local government areas in Anioma area in 1999. In the 2003 gubernatorial election, the feat was repeated across the senatorial zone. The Aniomas voted for Uduaghan in the 2007 governorship election overwhelmingly. The incumbent governor had a landslide victory in the area. The SSG in his spurious and mischievous claims deliberately denied this obvious fact just to score a cheap political point. I wonder why a high government functionary of the status of the SSG could result to flagrant distortion of contemporary historical facts.

    He equally alleged thus: “I am afraid that people like us will not support an Anioma person for the governorship as we are afraid.’’ Someone should please ask him his political pedigree that makes him think that Aniomas need his support to produce the next governor. Even as a high ranking commissioner with all the paraphernalia of executive powers, he could not deliver his local government to the PDP in the last election in the state.  The truth is that the Aniomas are not ignorant of the clandestine move that the SSG is nursing towards being imposed as the next governor of Delta State.

    He may be an insider in the Uduaghan- led government, but what is his political standing in the state? I do not want to describe him as a political neophyte; he is certainly a political opportunist. He came into the state’s political limelight albeit controversially when Governor James Ibori appointed him committee chairman of internally displaced persons of Ijaw/Itsekiri crisis. His abysmal failure and funds misappropriation is a story for another day.

    The late literary legend, Chinua Achebe, in his classical book, “Things Fall Apart” advised several decades ago that “those whose palm kernel were broken for them by some benevolent spirits should learn to be humble’’. In advanced climes where merit and competence are cardinal considerations for appointment in government, the likes of Macaulay Ovouzourie can never come close to the corridors of power, not to talk of being a secretary to the state government.

    The SSG also said he is afraid that if anybody from Anioma is elected as governor, the person may seek for vengeance.  This means the SSG is already aware that the Anioma people are not being fairly treated in their own state – Delta.  And if that be the case, shouldn’t all of us be thinking of how to redress the injustice instead of one of us scheming to remain in power in perpetuity?

    There is a saying that you can fool some people sometimes but you can’t fool all the people all the time.

    Back to the issue at stake, the Aniomas are poised to produce the next governor of Delta State come 2015. It is clear to all right-thinking Deltans that all the aspirants from Delta North senatorial zone who have already declared their intentions to contest for the governorship election are men and women of impeccable and unblemished pedigree. The likes of serving senator Ifeanyi Okowa, erudite Professor Sylvester Monye, the Presidential Adviser on Project Monitoring, Hon Victor Ochei, Speaker, Delta State House of Assembly, among other contenders, distinguished Nigerians with track records of service and requisite experience to take our dear Delta State to a higher height.

    In summary, these words of the SSG can best be described (according to Chuba Okadigbo of blessed memory) as reprehensible ranting of an ant.

    •Uju wrote in from Issele-Uku in Delta State

  • As Okonjo-Iweala comes to equity

    As Okonjo-Iweala comes to equity

    When the Senate last Wednesday condemned the alleged mismanagement of N1.4bn fund for the implementation of the Graduate Internship Scheme under the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme being supervised by the Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the distinguished Senators were probably oblivious of the effect of that singular action on the hitherto “impeccable” records of Madam Supervising Minister.

    By describing the GIS as illegal and saying the scheme was a way of diverting government money, the legislators “blotted” Okonjo-Iweala’s profile with an allegation of illegality. The minister, who, a few years back, boasted that she has never been accused of any illegality, will have to make do with being alleged to have mismanaged public funds.

    In a letter addressed to the minister by the committee, the panel said the ministry expended the said amount between April 2012 and April 2013. Now, the Supervising Minister is expected to appear before the senate to explain her involvement in the illegal expenditure.

    Although no specific date was given by the senators for the minister to appear before them, they requested her to furnish them with the list of all beneficiaries of the scheme, their locations and contact addresses, among others.

  • Nigeria: One hundred years on

    Nigeria: One hundred years on

    The year 2014 is set to be a memorable year featuring three major events. The World Cup will be staged in Brazil later in the year during which Nigerians would have the opportunity once again to rally behind the national team, the Super Eagles, in another fit of fleeting patriotism. This year also marks the centenary of the beginning of the First World War ‘’the war to end all wars’’ in 1914. Hundreds of thousands of troops from former British colonies, including Nigeria, fought and died in the name of the British Empire but their noble sacrifices have been largely airbrushed out of British imperial history.

    By sheer coincidence, 1914 was also the year of amalgamation of northern and southern Nigeria into one unified administration by Sir Frederick Lugard. While the federal government has made plans to celebrate the centenary, it ought to be more an occasion for sober reflection and soul searching than celebrations.

    Given our turbulent history, the key questions that should concentrate our minds wonderfully are: where do we go from here and what is to be done, especially at a time when the country is facing the biggest threat to its existence since the civil war as a result of the raging insurgency ravaging the North East?

    Amalgamation was no doubt a significant milestone in colonial state formation but left us with an amalgam of disparate, divided and, sometimes, desperate ethnic groups; but that is not unique to Nigeria. Many countries in the world are in a similar position and are getting on with their lives. Of course, we should continue to find meaningful ways of narrowing our differences such as having a national dialogue, but we should not underestimate the ties that have bound us together long before colonial rule and since then. President Obama once said: “We can choose to define ourselves by our differences and give in to suspicion and mistrust. Or we can choose to do the hard work of forging common ground and commit ourselves to the steady pursuit of progress.’’

    The colonial authorities didn’t do nation building, nor should we have expected them to, since divide and rule was the stock in trade of British colonisers.

    Even then the successor state, like the colonial authorities, hasn’t succeeded in forging a nation. Governments have been immune to playing divide and rule in order to promote selfish interests while professing their commitment to national unity.

    The third stanza of Nigeria’s first national anthem, a better reflection of Nigeria than the current one, had the following lines: “O God of all creation grant this our one request. Help us to build a nation where no one is oppressed…’’ Having outsourced the task of nation building to God, as is often the case in Nigeria, successive governments did little to promote national unity. Instead, by commission or omission, they accentuated the fault lines of ethnic and religious conflicts, resulting in instability and arrested development.

    Take creation of states for instance. After the twelve states initially created by the Gowon administration in response to the exigencies of the time, subsequent decisions to create more states were self-serving; some states were even created to satisfy the whims of powerful generals. The states have had little impact on development. Instead of bringing development nearer to the people, in most states they brought federally-collected oil revenues closer to the local state elites and poverty nearer to the people.

    An unintended consequence of the creation of states is to further divide Nigerians by introducing another cleavage called statism into the system. Nigeria is more divided today than it’s ever been with some ethnic groups threatening to go their separate ways, more out of frustration than conviction.

    Much has been made of the notion that Nigeria is a ‘’mere geographical expression’’, but, as geographical expressions go, the country that emerged from colonial rule had relatively impressive vital statistics. For all the flaws of colonial state formation, Nigeria is perhaps lucky in a sense, to turn out the way it did with a vast expanse of territory, a sizeable and diverse population and natural resources to boot; factors that we often deploy to buttress our claims to African leadership.

    We need not look further than our immediate neighbourhood to see that we didn’t do badly. Niger and Chad, two of our immediate neighbours, are bigger than Nigeria by landmass but with much smaller populations and mostly semi-arid countries with no direct access to the sea, with all the challenges that landlocked countries face. Despite the legal fiction of sovereign equality of all states in the international system, God is on the side of big battalions.

    Those who believe that the power structure in the country is too skewed in favour of the federal government suggest that the solution to marginalisation and alienation lies in devolving power and finances to the lower tiers of government thereby cutting the federal government down to size, so to speak. But devolving more powers to the states is no guarantee, given that governance at the state level is generally nothing to write home about, with the imperious manner in which governors run their states like their personal fiefdoms.

    Others argue that it is bad governance that is responsible for the country’s problems of underdevelopment and instability not the structure of the country. We can tinker as much as we want with the structure of the country as the creation of states has shown, but, unless it throws up the right people to do the right things, it will be in vain.

    Since the restoration of democracy the county has over the years become more of a kleptocracy than a democracy given the incessant reports of colossal amounts of public funds squandered and embezzled with impunity reigning supreme.

    Nigerians are increasingly questioning the point of the current democratic dispensation making no significant difference to their lives. The fledgling democracy we practice is what one African academic termed  “choiceless democracy’’ where citizens go to the polls periodically but end up voting without choosing as a result of rigged elections.

    Having muddled through many crises, including a civil war in our hundred-year history, we shouldn’t be lulled into a false sense of complacency by tempting fate.

    Not even developed and well-governed countries with a much longer history of nationhood are immune to separatist tendencies. Take the UK our former colonial power for instance. After more than 300 years of union between England and Scotland, the UK is facing the danger of unravelling. Notwithstanding devolution of powers to the Scottish parliament following decades of agitation for self-determination, the Scots are due to vote in September 18 this year on whether to remain part of the UK or not, raising the spectre of the United Kingdom becoming a Divided Kingdom.

    If the Scots vote for independence it is almost certainly going to embolden and stiffen the resolve of Nigerian  ‘separatists’ who would seize upon it to press their case. However, unlike the British government, one thing is for sure, no government worth its salt would allow Nigerians to vote in a referendum that could lead to the dissolution of the country.

    Some mischief makers even alleged that the amalgamation of 1914 was meant to be for 100 years, that it expired on January 1, 2014 and Nigeria must revert to the status quo ante like an expired product that had passed its ‘sell-by’ date.

    In spite of all the challenges Nigeria is facing, the country is still considered as having the potential to become an economic power if it can overcome the obstacles hindering its progress. Nigeria has been touted as one of four countries consisting of Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey (MINT) as the next emerging economies to watch with high growth potential. However, without good governance and responsible leadership all the prognoses for a brighter future for Nigeria would not be realised.

    Dr. Oyewumi lives in Abuja

  • ‘PDP is waging war in Rivers’

    Chief Davies Ibiamu Ikanya is the Interim Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Rivers State. In this interview with The Nation, he took a cursory look at recent events in the state and concluded that the President Goodluck Jonathan-led Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is waging a vindictive war on the government and people of the state.   Excerpts……

    You were a commissioner in the last PDP administration in Rivers State. But you left to join the APC. Why did you take such a plunge?

    The major attraction in the APC for me is that I can speak my mind on issues the way I see fit. I see the APC as a party that allows freedom of speech, where one’s comments are not given a thousand meanings or misconstrued to such a dangerous proportion as to label one an enemy of the state. APC looks to me as a place of succour for aggrieved, maltreated, deprived and oppressed progressives who are sick and tired of PDP’s lifestyle of falsehood and deceit. APC is a party of like minds who are disgusted with what is happening at the centre and are, for once, putting aside such divisive tendencies of religion, party associations, tribe etc, to rescue Nigeria from the grips of dark forces threatening to push it into the abyss of oblivion. APC is party of members who are fighting everyday to stop the imminent collapse of Nigeria’s fledgling democracy. I therefore found it attractive because it provides the perfect platform for me to actualise my dreams, for my people. And fortunately for me, my personal ideology of what a political association should be agrees with the manifesto of the All Progressives Congress (APC). That was another major attraction for me because it contains programmes, welfarist, people-oriented programmes tailor-made for the Nigeria of today, and I have no doubts whatsoever that those programmes will surely move Nigeria forward if allowed to be practised.

    When you joined the APC, were you anticipating that Governor Rotimi Amaechi, who was then still in the PDP, would later move over?

    No. We had no inkling Governor ChibuikeAmaechi would join the APC. And for the records, I joined the APC far ahead of him and everybody for that matter, purely on grounds of personal conviction not knowing that even fate was going to play a hand in the whole affair. At the time I joined the APC, I was doing so as a free moral agent not induced by any other thing except a personal conviction that I would fare well in a party that allowed free expression and equal opportunities for one to actualise his political dreams and aspirations. There was no way I could have ever envisaged that a sitting PDP governor, who ostensibly had everything going for him, would be motivated to consider an option such as the APC. I merely see it as fate at work. I see the coming of Governor of Amaechi into the APC as an act of God. To me, I see it as a pleasant re-union of old friends.

    Sincerely, how would you say old APC members in the state received the coming of the governor and his men into the party?

    Happily. Infact, quite elatedly. Don’t listen to PDP-sponsored stories. APC here in Rivers is happy that Governor Amaechi has decided to join us because it was a major coup and a boost for the new party both in Rivers State and in Nigeria. The fact that he came, not just alone but with four other influential governors mostly from the north, made his move especially significant. That the move has also given rise to a spate of defections in the national and state assemblies means it already has a band wagon effect. I would like to refer to what is happening as ‘Hurricane Amaechi!’

    But the state hasn’t been the same since then. Some say it is because the governor left the PDP?

    The state has not been the same since the PDP declared war on us, not since Amaechi joined the PDP. A lot of things were done to provoke what you are seeing now. But one of the things that got the governor angry was the consistent harassment he was receiving from Dame Patience Jonathan, the wife of the president and the president himself. You are aware of the problem that arose in Okrika where the wife of the president broke protocol by snatching the microphone from Governor Amaechi while he was still making a speech in full glare of the public over a perceived grievance. The bad blood since engendered has somewhat spiralled into more unsavoury situations which has further strained the hitherto cordial relationship between the governor and the president. Perhaps the present crisis could have been contained were the president less disposed towards taking sides with his wife. I am aware that a lot of people attempted to wade into the dispute, but had been frustrated by the attitude of the president and his wife. Side by side with this is the unsettling attitude of the police commissioner in Rivers State, Mr Mbu Joseph Mbu, who appears to be dancing to the music being played for him from very powerful quarters. He insists the sitting governor of a state, the Chief Security Officer of a state, must obtain permission from him to hold a function. It is quite very unfortunate, I must say. I guess these issues more than any other finally forced Amaechi to reconsider his alliance and allegiance to the PDP, a party that tries to consume its own. If you also add these injustices to the impunity with which a list of PDP delegates were manufactured on the eve of a convention in Abuja without the inputs of the governor, then you know somebody obviously was following a script written from very powerful quarters in government. If you recall, all the states that experienced what I refer to as a slight engineered the famous walk out saga at the Eagles Square sometime in 2013. If you remember also, that was the day the so-called new PDP was born. Again, you also recall vividly what transpired at the Governor’s Forum where 16 votes for Governor Jonah Jang of Plateau State became superior to Governor Amaechi’s 19. The confusion created by this obvious anomaly would later pave the way for the defection of these very five governors. And I must say this has led to massive defections everywhere else across Nigeria, a situation I guess the PDP never envisaged.

    Things got so bad that a senator, Magnus Abe, was allegedly shot during a rally in the state. What really happened?

    The Save Rivers Movement (SRM) had applied to the police in the state for police protection to hold their rally that fateful Sunday. And as usual, the police did not write to say they would or would not provide any form of security cover for the event. We always take it for granted that they will be there to discharge their statutory duties of providing security for the event. Let me make it clearer. There is no law that forbids any peaceful gathering in Nigeria. There is also no law that makes it mandatory for anyone of group to first of all get police permission to hold a gathering. By writing to seek “police protection” to hold an event, you are only informing them formally so that they can be aware that such a meeting is ongoing, just in case. Just like, you wouldn’t, for instance, ask a chance to get a permit to hold a crusade, a music concert or wedding ceremony. Or let me stretch it a bit- if communities want to gather at the town square or hall to hold a gathering. I could go on and on but suffice it to say that because of the bias or should I say the hidden agenda of the police they did not say anything. Only for them to get to the venue of the proposed rally early Sunday morning – as early 5.30am – to start demolishing structures already erected for the rally. And started tear gassing anyone and everyone they thought was related to the event one way or the other. There was also some sporadic shooting by the police. When Senator Magnus Abe got wind of the mayhem, he decided to go see for himself. He was also tear-gassed and shot at. It was a black Sunday in Rivers. It was so sad because as far as the police command in the state is concerned, lives of the people, including that of a serving senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, do not matter. Now, to worsen an already bad situation, the police have a well-oiled propaganda machine adept at misinformation. These days, the police now pay money to people to stage protests against Amaechi. It’s so unfortunate.

    The police have denied shooting any form of bullets, whether rubber or live. The question people are asking is who then shot the senator?

    The commissioner of police cannot deny shooting any kind of bullets. It was not something done in the dark. If you watch the video, you will hear sounds of gunshots very clear and audible. They were shooting. So, who was shooting? Was it the innocent, armless people around the place? Do you also know that the mobile police unit of MOPOL 19 had also been mobilised to the place? So, what were they carrying? Guns without bullets? Or were they just carrying mere batons? Or teargas as canisters alone? How many of the policemen had teargas canisters? They all carried guns! On one occasion during the House of Assembly opening incident, I was to have been a victim as I was shot at. It was someone else, apparently standing in the line to fire who was nicked on the head with the bullet meant for me that fateful day.

    And as a politician, do you think these reasons are enough for the governor to defect to another party?

    Anyone, not just Amaechi, in that situation, would want to dump the PDP. Just like me, he felt unwanted, rejected, humiliated, oppressed and harassed in the PDP and so he decided to join the APC to be free. The governor has been quite painstaking while briefing Rivers people on his reasons for leaving the PDP. First and foremost, as governor, he felt that the impunity in the PDP was impacting negatively on his administration in Rivers State. He was not allowed to do certain things he yearned to do for Rivers people. That impunity graduated into the infamous ceding of oil wells to our neighbouring states. He also talked about the refusal of the federal government to approve the implementation of some World Bank projects due to the state. He also felt very bad that there was virtually no federal government presence in the state in terms of project, and the present administration had been very unfair to Rivers State. I think he was also quite perturbed by the attitude of the FG which was tending towards frustrating the efforts of his government to deliver the dividends of democracy to his people. The aggregate summary of what Amaechi was passing through was congruent with similar fears I had expressed, though on a less elaborate scale previously, that there was so much of impunity, that there was so much of falsehood in the PDP.

    Why do you think the police in the state appear to be taking side in these matters?

    You know Mbu is very funny. Recently, he said the APC was hiding under the Save Rivers Movement to campaign for elections when it was not yet time for such. What will he say of GDI – Nyesom Wike’s sponsored Grassroots Democratic Initiative, which holds their rallies almost every weekend in Rivers State with police protection? They just don’t meet. The PDP is the cardinal agenda at such rallies. Which makes them a cover for PDP. But contrary to what the police think, the Save Rivers Movement is not a cover for the APC. The SRM is campaigning on its own to mobilise support for the APC. The Save Rivers Movement, just like an NGO, is free to organise rallies and talk about issues affecting the well being of Rivers people, including mobilising support for the APC, if they so wish, as freedom of speech, and association prescribed in the country’s constitution. Now, since they are not canvassing for votes, nor campaigning for a particular candidate thrown up by a primary, I don’t see why the police can say they are a cover for the APC. My answer to Mbu when he accused us of campaigning when we were not supposed to be campaigning was that we were only sensitising the public towards building a strong membership base. The law allows new parties, even old ones to continue with membership drive. Why? Because it is the membership of the party that generates the funds for the party. It’s only financial members that are the actual members of the party. And if we do not go on rallies, if we do not go on campaign, if possible from door to door, asking people to join us, how do we get them to join us?

    Now, the latest dimension to Mbu’s antics is to go as far as stopping us from inaugurating our ward executives. One of our members home had been invaded by overzealous police men while holding a meeting of party members. That’s how crazy this has become.

    The police introduced a new dimension to the Bori Town rally of the Save Rivers Movement by empowering thugs to cause mayhem at the venue with the sole purpose of disrupting proceedings. How can a police command hear gunshots all over Bori so early in the morning and decide to fold its hands?

    What do you think is the way to resolve this crisis?

    The first thing is for President Goodluck Jonathan to separate his office from that of his wife. I tend to agree with opinions that it is the wife that is the problem. We have seen how the president’s wife’s appearance in Port Harcourt or the adjoining towns always seems to trigger off these mayhems. Of course with active collaboration of Nyesom Wike. So, if Mr President can do more to separate his office from that of his wife, I think the present tension would be doused. Secondly, let me use this medium to inform President Jonathan that Nyesom Wike is an Ikwerre man who doesn’t love him. I think he is now capitalising on the feud between Amaechi and Mr President to further his personal ambition. So, President Jonathan should not allow Wike make too many enemies for him because contrary to what he thinks, the minister is only fighting for his personal ambition while using the FG’s enormous state machinery and resources to ride to that goal. To prove my assertion, let the president do anything to suggest he won’t back Wike and see the speed with which he will abandon him! For Wike, it is all about his ambition, nothing else.