The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Convene genuine national conference, Igbo leaders tell Jonathan

    Igbo Leaders of Thought, an Igbo socio-political think tank, has called on President Goodluck Jonathan to convene a genuine national conference so as to stop future calls for such conferences.

    The leaders made the call on Friday, January 17, 2014, when they rose from the organisation’s fourth assembly in Enugu.

    In a communique signed by the group’s secretary, Prof. Elo Amucheazi, and made available to The Nation, the group said it was “gladdened and encouraged by the fact that the Afenifere, Middle Belt Forum, Odua People’s Congress, Ethnic Nationalities Movement, South-South Congress, Southern Nigerian People’s Assembly, CLO, Hurilaws and the Civil Society in Nigeria and South East People’s Development Assembly, amongst others, have openly endorsed the position of the Igbo Leaders of Thought to wit: that Nigerians desire a proper National Conference where no ethnic nationality would be excluded.

    “Where the decisions will not be sent to the National Assembly for final approval. That a bill should be sent to the National Assembly to give legal backing to the confab. That the decisions should not be integrated to the existing 1999 Abacha constitution but rather that a brand new constitution that will move Nigeria forward should emerge from the confab. That the decisions of the confab must be ratified at a people’s referendum.”

    The meeting also reiterated that the report of the PAC fell short of the desires of the people of Nigeria and  “pleads with President Jonathan to convene a National Conference that is in tune with the wishes of the people to move Nigeria forward and to put an end to agitations for a National Conference in the future as the opportunity this confab presents, if properly convened, has the potential of restructuring Nigeria for good and moving this great and blessed country to the next level in peace, stability, unity and prosperity.”

    In attendance at the meeting were Prof. Ben Nwabueze, the leader of the group, Prof. Elo Amucheazi, the secretary, Prof. Ben Obumselu, Prof. Uche Azikiwe, the widow of Nigeria’s first president, Prof. Ginigaeme Mbanefo, Prof. Felix Oragwu, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, HRH (Prof) V.C. Ike, Prince Emeka Onyesoh, Engr. Obi Thompson, Chief Enechi Onyia

    and Archbishop Maxwell Anikwenwa.

    Other prominent members in attendance were Col. Emma Nwaobosi, Sen. Offiah Nwali, Sen. Anyim Udeh, Chief H.B.C Ogboko, Dr. Chu P. Okongwu, Lolo Kate Ezeofor, Mrs. Maria Okwor and Evang. Elliot Uko, among others.

  • Enugu: Misguided diatribe of Nnaji

    In an advertorial published on page 48 in the January 13, 2014 edition of The Nation newspaper, one Ojiofor Nkanu, ostensibly writing on behalf of Senator Gilbert Nnaji threw decorum to the winds and launched unwarranted attacks against Mrs. Ifeoma Nwobodo, the Chief of Staff to Governor Sullivan Chime.

    The mediocre writing, lacking in elegance and communication skills, was a fitting exposure of its ill-educated sponsor and his warped comprehension of issues of state craft. It is very tragic that after a decade in the National Assembly and a stint as a Council chairman, Gil Nnaji, our half-baked lawmaker who represents Enugu East in the Senate, would authorize such a piece which put our dear Nkanu land on the radar for all the wrong reasons.

    Now, hear our senator: “She (referring to Nwobodo) is paying peanuts to Nkanu  sons for them to continue thriving in ignorance as a diversionary tactics aimed at snatching our senatorial zone and add it to NDI AGBAJA”.

    Here lies his fear, myopic as it is. Nnaji is scared to hell that Nwobodo has an interest in contesting the Enugu East Senatorial District elections in 2015 and has continued to employ all manners of smear campaigns to blackmail the hardworking lady. By seeing her as one usurper of his heritage just because she was born to Udi parents and married to a distinguished justice from Nkanu West, Nnaji has exposed his utter disrespect for the institution of marriage and womanhood in general. And for Nnaji and his cronies to talk of pedigree, Mrs. Nwobodo is a daughter of Prof. Uzoh, a renowned professor of Agriculture recognized by the United Nations for his deep knowledge. For a serving senator who should be making laws for the well-being of our country to talk about such parochial lines of nativism is quite lamentable. But that is the lack of intellectual pedigree and small-mindedness of Senator Gilbert Nnaji for you!

    As his fellow Nkanu man, I want to excuse our other brothers and sisters of the possibility of any collective guilt because unlike our senator, Nkanu people do not nurse any such contempt for our wives, daughters, sisters or marriages. We treat our wives who are mothers of our children as part and parcel of Nkanu land, not as outsiders who have no rights whatsoever. If Gil sees his wife in that light, we can only but pity the poor woman!

    It was quite instructive that Nnaji and his hatchet writer are so shameless to call attention to the senator’s failure to organize the stakeholders’ forum when his other 108 colleagues interacted and collated the views of their constituents toward the on-going constitution review. In the said advertorial, Nnaji went a step further from his earlier timid stance to add all tissues of lies as the causes of his inability to hold the event at Agbani. A shadow chaser, he points at the direction of Mrs. Nwobodo and recalled all the meetings held in the aftermath of the event. Again, all one can do is pity the senator over his misplaced indictment of Mrs. Nwobodo rather than bury his head in shame that he would be blaming a state officer for his failure to hold such  a critical national assignment. Was the Divisional Police Officer he mentioned answerable to the woman? Instead of looking for scapegoats, he should bury his head in shame that of all the 109 senators, he was the only one who could not bring his constituents together to discuss certain aspects of the constitution which is being reviewed.

    If anything, the man needs to be called out of his closet and be told some home truths. He must be told in unmistakable words that aside his limited education and whispers of parading a doubtful certificate, Nkanu land will do better with a more productive, not mediocre representation at the hallowed chambers of the Senate.

    We challenge Nnaji to name any significant bill he has sponsored after eight years in the House of Representatives and over two years in the Senate. Rather than play the race emotive card, can he tell us what he has attracted to boost the lives of his constituents these past years? Or is it not shocking, even hurtful that such a zone with its rich array of intellectual and professional talents settled for a crass opportunist only interested in self-aggrandizement?

    Painfully too, he continues to stifle development in his home Enugu East Local Government Area. Can Senator Nnaji tell the whole world what happened to the contracts awarded to Three Favours Company in respect of three comprehensive hospitals some years ago? By the way, who is behind Three Favours Company? Can he tell us what happened to the two transformers purchased to give electricity to his people – one for Alulu Nike and the other for Nike Lake Road? Who hijacked the transformers for his hotel and residence respectively? Are they packed in whose residence now?

    Gil’s blood brother, Hon. Cornelius Nnaji is the current chairman of Enugu East Council and the state chairman of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON) Enugu State chapter. Can Senator Nnaji tell us his relationship with him? Why does he not have a cordial relationship with other past council chairmen like Hons. Cyril Mbah, Eddy Nnaji, Edward Ubosi and Mathias Anike? Who is sponsoring the crisis in Ibagwa-Nike and the other among the women folk in Nike? The answers to the above questions will reveal the quality and character of the man who represents Nkanu land at the Senate.

    This insecure legislator simply cannot contemplate his imminent climb-down from his senatorial perch. The trouble is that he is incapable of any retrospection and too ill-prepared to cope with the complexities of lawmaking that will benefit both his immediate constituents and the larger society. Perhaps, somebody needs to remind Nnaji that he had said in various public and private events that he would do only one term in the Senate after eight years in the House of Representatives. So, where lies the honour? The inescapable truth, however, is that Nkanu land needs a new face at the Senate in 2015, no matter who that person is. A resort to deliberate distortions and ingeniously ascribing despicable acts to presumed opponents will only raise Nnaji’s profile in notoriety.

    His avowed complicity to join forces with a handful of his co-conspirators to “fight” Governor Chime is as puerile as his threat to “use the EFCC to stop that woman (Nwobodo).” Ditto for all the lame talks bordering on the use of thugs to make Enugu state ungovernable!  These threats are as unimaginative as other lies concocted to portray Mrs. Nwobodo as influencing the sack of officers of Nkanu origin or the distortion of facts that the Deputy Governor of the state, Mr. Sunday Onyebuchi has operated these six years and eight months from his private residence. Of course, nobody loses sleep over such falsehood knowing well that Mr. Onyebuchi only moved out of his official residence for some rehabilitation works to be done.

    I want to end by calling on Senator Gilbert Nnaji to imbibe the wise counsel of Gerard Ford, the 38th President of the United States who says, “I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our government but civilization itself.” We sympathize with his fast-fading grip on power but threatening mortar gunfire, making hateful statements and slandering some state officers who are committed to their jobs and fiercely loyal to their boss, are ineffective deflective tactics that will not guarantee him a return to the Senate.

    •Ani wrote in from

    Maryland Estate, Enugu

  • 2015: Northern leaders plot new strategies to stop Jonathan

    2015: Northern leaders plot new strategies to stop Jonathan

    Northern leaders against President Goodluck Jonathan’s re-election in 2015 are evolving new strategies to stop him following the gale of endorsements of the president, reports Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan

    Following last week’s gale of endorsements of President Goodluck Jonathan as presidential flag bearer of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by some states and zone chapters of the party, leaders and elites of the northern geo-political zones are now plotting new ways of truncating his second term bid.

    The North-East zone of the party and some state chapters, including Bayelsa, Kaduna, Kano, Adamawa, Rivers and Ogun, had last week formally endorsed the aspiration of Jonathan to seek a new four-year term in 2015.

    The party leaderships in the affected zones and states also vowed to ensure the emergence of the president as the candidate of the party in 2015.

    Coming just around the time the president called for an emergency meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party, many observers were quick to describe the endorsements as “predecessors” of many more to follow.

    “This is politics. It is a game of numbers and influences. What we are witnessing is usual in politics. Jonathan is the leader of the ruling party by virtue of being the president. How would you expect him to lose the party ticket? To whom will that be? These endorsements are the beginning of many more to come.

    “ When that happens, the party primary in 2015 will remain nothing but a formality.

    In fact, all other party chieftains hoping to drag the ticket with him will be discouraged from doing so by the widespread endorsement that is to come. It is politics and it is okay,” a chieftain of the party told The Nation.

    Determined not to be outplayed by Jonathan and his men in the battle for the presidency in 2015, northern leaders, according to reliable sources, have been meeting with a view to device means of countering the latest moves by the president and his political handlers to put his re-election bid on sound footing by securing the presidential ticket of the ruling party without any opposition.

    The Nation gathered that some northern leaders and organisations have embarked on a number of plots aimed at stopping Jonathan at all costs following what many of them described as the “shamelessly fraudulent endorsements of the president by some northern politicians, especially within the ruling PDP.”

    The Nation gathered that a group of northern politicians, including about six serving governors, recently met with former President Shehu Shagari to seek his opinion on recent development concerning the region’s quest for the presidency in 2015.

    Sources said the governors intend to visit other prominent leaders and politicians of northern Nigeria extraction in the coming week as part of renewed efforts to ensure the region is not caught unawares ahead of the 2015 presidential election.

    Some governors had last year paid similar visits to Shagari, former president, Olusegun Obasanjo; a former Military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida; and a former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar.

    While acknowledging the fact that Shagari is no longer an active politician, our source, who was part of the delegation that visited the former president said the visit was largely to keep the aged politician informed of developments within the country and seek his advice and guidance.

    “The visit is actually to inform and get advices. Alhaji Shagari, in spite of his age, remains one of the most respected politicians in northern Nigerian today. So it is not a big issue that we went to him to discuss politics.

    “The issues discussed were largely about the state of the nation and how to proffer solutions to some of the problems currently threatening the unity of this country today. We told him what is happening and he gave us meaningful advices accordingly.

    Of course the issue of 2015 presidential election was discussed. We went there to seek his opinion on a number of issues and like the leader and astute politician he is, he spoke with us appropriately.

    “He is not the only person we intend to meet. We are going round the region meeting with prominent northern leaders with a view to fostering unity, understanding and cohesion in the north with a view to ensuring that we speak with one voice always,” our source said.

    A reliable source also told our correspondent that series of meetings had commenced among anti-Jonathan camps in the region to determine how best to thwart the plan of pro-Jonathan camps to get the party to nominate him as its flag bearer unopposed.

    It was gathered that the anti-Jonathan camps in the region are now closing ranks across party divides while also reaching out to more prominent northerners and other interest groups within and outside the region in a bid to form a formidable front against the president ahead of the 2015 election.

    A reliable source said one of such meetings was held in the Kano home of a prominent second republic politician last Thursday. One of the major decisions taken at the meeting, which had about three scores elites and politicians in attendance, was that a five–man committee put in place at the meeting should reach out to all former leaders of the country of northern extraction.

    “The decision to contact all former leaders of the country was taken, following an observation by some people that it is important for us to know the mindset of our leaders before going all out against the current president. The committee is to meet them, discuss with them, seek their opinions and invite them to our next meeting,” our source explained.

    The Nation also learnt that the committee already met with two former military Heads of State. While our source would not say what the responses from the duo are, it was gathered that the committee, which is due to report back to the house at its next meeting scheduled for this week, will be meeting another ex-military ruler today in Abuja.

    The committee is also expected to meet the likes of former Vice- President Atiku Abubakar; the Niger State governor and Chairman, Northern States Governors Forum, (NSGF), Babangida Aliyu, Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido, among other prominent northerners, on what should be the next step of the region towards the 2015 presidential contest.

    “We may not all be political associates. We may even differ on most issues, but one thing that is generally accepted by most northerners is that the presidency must return to us in 2015. This is why there is need for wide consultation on the recent stage managed endorsements of a non-northerner by some of our misguided political leaders,” Samaila Fari, Secretary-General of the Arewa Youth Forum (AYF), said.

    Shedding more light on the new plans by the north to stop Jonathan in 2015, Fari said one option being seriously considered is to shop for an alternative platform to the PDP.

    “While we are determined to stop Jonathan from hijacking the PDP for his unpopular re-election project, we are not losing sight of the fact that he may somehow get his will done by the party. This is why the issue of looking for an alternative platform is quite popular amongst us.

    “The good thing about what is happening now is that a lot of groups and individuals are jettisoning political and all other forms of differences to co-operate on this mission. Stopping Jonathan from taking the north for granted in 2015 is a project we all believe in. And this is why we are all coming together to devise means of doing just that,” he added.

    Another source told The Nation that the region may also return to the Courts in its bid to stop Jonathan in spite of an earlier declaration by the Appeal Court that the President is eligible to contest the 2015 election.

    According to our source, it is likely that some people will approach the Supreme Court for an interpretation of the judgement.

    “That way, we may be able to re-open the case and hopefully get a favourable judgement thereafter. We strongly believe justice was not done to the case by the Appeal Court in its ruling.

    You will recall that the Arewa Consultative Forum, ACF, had earlier said the battle against President Jonathan’s ambition in 2015 had just begun even with the court victory. Mr. Anthony Sani, the spokes person of the forum, once said the case against Jonathan would be taken to the Supreme Court for interpretation. This, we believe, is the time to do that,” our source revealed.

    Sources at another multiparty meeting held on Wednesday in Abuja, at the instance of a former president, which had representatives of the ACF, Unity Forum (UF), Northern Union (NU) and scores of other northern groups in attendance, claimed that the meeting concluded on the need for the north to drag the control of the PDP with Jonathan’s camp ahead of the 2015 elections.

    The meeting was said to have resolved to do everything possible to ensure the election of a northern president in 2015, while also checkmating Jonathan’s re-election project.

    “The meeting took place in the late hours of Wednesday in Maitama District of Abuja. Participants were generally displeased with the political and socio-economic fate of the north in the last couple of years. Participants deliberated on the imperative for consolidation and strategies towards ensuring the emergence of a northern president in 2015.”

    “Those at the meeting included officials of the ACF, NU, UF, MBF, governors, former ministers, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Senators, a former Inspector General of Police, federal and state legislators, party chieftains and numerous other northern leaders.

    “The meeting resolved that the only opportunity we have is a democratic change of the situation and that can only be achieved through a joint effort by all northerners to reject the ongoing degradation of our region by the president and a few people amongst us. Everybody at the meeting emphasised the need for change, irrespective of which platform would be used to bring about that change,” our source said.

  • Can divided Southwest PDP bounce back?

    Can divided Southwest PDP bounce back?

    The Southwest Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is enmeshed in a protracted leadership crisis. There is no Zonal Executive Committee in place. Its caretaker committee headed by an acting chairman is weak. Following the feud between President Goodluck Jonathan and former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the former leader has not been able to command the loyalty of the dispirited party chieftains in the zone. But, the leadership of the President’s pointsman, Prince Buruji Kashamu, has also been disputed by some aggrieved stalwarts. With Ekiti and Osun State governorship election lurking around the corner, who will lead the PDP battle against the formidable All Progressives Congress (APC) arsernal? What impact can the party make in the Southwest? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the fate of the crisis-ridden party struggling to bounce back in the APC stronghold.

    For the Southwest Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), history is about to repeat itself. In 2011, the party, which once dominated the region, was dislodged by the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). The unresolved post-primary crisis became the party’s albatross during the election. Ahead of the proposed governorship polls in Ekiti and Osun states, the party is held down by leadership crisis.

    The PDP army is scattered like sheep without a shepherd. Its leading lights are in disarray and working at cross-purposes.

    Following its defeat in the last general elections, the party was heading for the doldrums in the zone. Many party leaders retreated to their shells. Their supporters were left in the cold. Many of them consequently defected to other parties. Those who stayed back were disillusioned. Others were simply indifferent.

    Worried by the decline in fortune, a chieftain from Ogun State, Prince Buruji Kashamu, picked the gaunglet. The billionaire businessman started the process of rebuilding the collapsed edifice. His platform was the ‘Omo Ilu Foundation’, which gave succour to the people. The empowerment programme was unprecedented in the Gateway State.Thousands received vehicles, motorcycles for commercial purposes and money to set up petty businesses.

    But, today, the embattled Southwest PDP leader is swimming in the pool of controversy. As the Chairman of the PDP Mobilisation Committee in the zone, he does not enjoy the support of some influential anti-Jonathan forces. Obasanjo, who has described him as a drug baron, is annoyed that the President has recognised him as the zonal leader. Some party chieftains in other states are also grumbling that his leadership lacks credibility. But, the politician from Ijebu Division is undeterred. Apart from denying being a drug trafficker, he said that he had worked closely with the former President in the past.

    Kashamu, according to his followers, came with a message of hope. When their morale was down, he urged the party members not to jump ship. He also wooed members of other parties to defect to the PDP. In August 11, last year, no fewer than 5,000 members of the Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN) and the Labour Party (LP) defected to the PDP. Among them were Elder Yemi Akinwonmi, former Secretary of the PPN and Commissioner for Education under the Gbenga Daniel Administration, and Otunba Adeleke Adekoya, former PPN chairmanship candidate in Ijebu North Local Government Area.

    At the PDP Secretariat in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, over 15,000 people also defected to the party. They were led by the former deputy governor and Ogun State ACN chairman, Chief Rafiu Ogunleye. “This great journey started on that fateful day when Prince Buruji Kashamu came to my home in Itele-Ijebu, in company of the PDP chairman, Bayo Dayo, Otunba Ola Kukoyi, Prince Fakoya and Chief Dele Odulaja ,to ask me and my group, Imole, for partnership in PDP”, said Ogunleye, who praised Kashamu for his mobilisation prowess.

    At the event, prominent PDP leaders, including former Deputy Senate President Ibrahim Mantu, PDP National Secretary Prof. Wale Oladipo and Otunba Rotimi George-Taylor also applauded Kashamu for rebuilding the party.

    Party chieftains also acknowledged Kashamu’s financial support for other chapters in the region. He has lent support to the state executives and encouraged them to embark on massive membership drive. At a party meeting in Ijebu-Igbo, the former Caretaker Committee Chairman, Chief Ishola Filani, told the stakeholders that the businessman-turned politician has revived the party in the zone.

    When the PDP National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, visited the Southwest in March, last year, Kashamu mobilised members from the six states for the event.

    Also, when President Goodluck Jonathan came to flag off the reconstruction of the Lagos/Ibadan Expressway, he mobilised party members who came in lorry loads to cheer the President.

    Applauding Kashamu’s exploits, former Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose, was quoted as saying at a party meeting in Atan, Ijebu North East Local Government Area of Ogun State, that, since his days as governor, he had never seen a great mobiliser like Kashamu. Echoing him, Dayo, said: “Prince Kashamu is the brain behind the current growth we are experiencing in the party in this zone. Prince Kashamu has demonstrated to us that, with determination and proper planning, our party can regain its prime position and bounce back to power in the Southwest. He is a great mobiliser and we are proud of him.

    “We are lucky to have a man like Kashamu in the zone. Thank God, he is not contesting for leadership position with anybody. All he wants is just to be allowed to mobilise the people for the success of the party. If he is given a free hand to do that, with the support of everybody, I can assure you that PDP will regain its control of the Southwest.”

    During a media chat in Lagos, Kashamu spoke about his vision and mission in politics. He clarified that he is not in politics for personal aggrandisement or to seek any political office, but to improve the lot of the common man.

    “As an individual, there is a limit to what one can do. On my own, through the Omo Ilu Foundation, I have done a bit to improve the lot of our people. But how many people can a person or even a group touch? For everyone we help, there are many more we wish to help, but can’t help due to resource constraints.

    “That is why I am passionate about having the PDP in control in the Southwest. For the party to return to power in the zone, the people have to own it. The party must belong to the people. It must not be a party for a few well-heeled people. It must not be a party for only those who know people in Abuja; it must be a party of equal opportunities for members. That is my heart cry; that is my desire for the party; that is why I am committing myself to rebuilding the party in the zone,” he said.

    Kashamu boasted that the PDP will bounce back in the six states. “I’m ready to commit myself to ensuring the success of the PDP governorship candidate in Ekiti State during the forthcoming election. It would be a shame on my part, if I fail to do that. I’m ready to do the same thing in Osun, Lagos, Ogun, Ondo and Oyo states,” he added.

    Kashamu, it is believed, has risen on the back of the proracted feud between Dr. Jonathan and Obasanjo to the zonal leadership. Vocal and blunt, he has stood shoulder to shoulder with former Governor Daniel. he has also challenged Gen. Obasanjo to a duel. Even, when the Lagos PDP leader, Chief Bode George, frowned at his soaring image in the PDP, he called his bluff.

    In the West, the billionnaire politician is a leading advocate of ‘Jonathan for second term’. “Those fighting Jonathan don’t love Nigeria. Once someone has been elected into office, we must support such a person, until his tenure is over”, he said. He has also been chiding the defectors from the PDP for jumping ship.

    Kashamu has also adorned the cap of a propagandist. He has objected to the carrot and stick approach of Obasanjo, saying that President Jonathan cannot afford to wipe out the troubled spots in the North like Odi. He has also advised the North to negotiate for power shift, instead of making it a ‘do-or-die affair’. he urged the President to declare his bid for continuity, stressing that heaven will not fall.

    Kashamu, who acknowledged that the Southwest has been marginalised, appealed to the President to give the region its dues. “Yoruba men and women should be appointed to key positions by this administration,” he said.

    Many agree that Kashamu is on the prowl in the Southwest at a time the APC is not prepared to yield any ground in the region.

    “PDP has produced many leaders in this zone-Chief Sunday Afolabi, Chief Yekini Adeojo, Chief Shuaib Oyedokun, Senator Yinka Omilani, and Alhaji Oladipo. None of them could mobilise the party for victory, until the PDP rigged out the AD under Obasanjo Administration in 2003. But, rigging failed in 2007. The stolen mandates in Ekiti and Osun were retrieved at the Court of Appeal. How can the PDP bounce back now that the Southwest progressives governors are performing?,” asked an APC chieftain.

    A Lagos PDP chieftain, who craved for annonimity, said that Kashamu is a disputed party leader in the zone. “We don’t know him in Lagos. Our chairman, Captain Tunji Shelle, has never attended any meeting called by him. But, I know that he is really trying his best in Ogun State”, he said.

    For now, there is no proper zonal leadership in place. The Southwest PDP congress has not been held. Can Kashamu instal a new zonal executive, if a legal congress holds today? A party chieftain from Ekiti State said that this feat is possible, although he pointed out that no zonal congres can be held now because of the atmosphere of disharmony in the party.

    Across the six chapters, there is tension. Although party leaders were pushing for consensus candidacy at a time, the option has been dropped. There were allegations that the Presidency had settled for annointed candidates. This did not go down well with other governorship aspirants.

    In Lagos, there is the peace of the graveyard. The combatants have deliberately withdrew from the battle front. But, they will soon return during the governorship primaries. In the last eight years, Lagos PDP has been battling with crises triggered by personality clashes and ego war among its leaders. The grouse of the leaders is that George is fond of politics of exclusion.

    In Ekiti, there are caucuses revolving around key leaders, including the deposed governor, Mr. Segun Oni, Minister of Police Affairs Navy Captain Caleb Olubolade (rtd) and Fayose. There is an agitation for zoning to the South District. But, the clamour is being resisted by other zones. Some people even believe that zoning is not an issue in Ekiti. They believe that the state is one zone.

    There are over 14 governorship aspirants in Ekiti. Thus, it is feared that the crowded race may be a prelude to post-primary crisis.

    In Osun, crisis is brewing, ahead of the governorship nomination. There is a gang-up against Senator Iyiola Omisore by other governorship contenders. A source said that, if he emerges as the candidate, others may work against him at the poll.

    In Ondo, there is no difference between the ruling Labour Party (LP) and the PDP. The infiltration of LP elements into the PDP has unsettled some leaders. The chapter lacks a dynamic leadership. Pro-Mimiko chieftains of the PDP are not at peace with other party faithful.

    Oyo is also a divided chapter. The leaders -Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala, Senator Teslim Folarin, Oloye Jumoke Akinjide, Afez Gbolarunmi, and Taofeek Arapaja, are nurturing their antagonistic structures, instead of the party.

    Last week, some Southwest PDP chieftains converged on the residence of Chief Richard Akinjide at Ibadan and resolved never to accept Kashamu’s leadership. The former Attorney-General and Justice Minister echoed Obasanjo’s objection, saying that the leaders cannot work with a drug baron. Kashamu fired back, saying that he has been cleared by the court.

    Can the PDP bounce back in the Southwest? Can Kashamu lead the party to victory? Time will tell.

  • Akande: A quintessential leader

    Akande: A quintessential leader

    In this piece, Aderemi Idowu pays tribute to the All Progressives Congress (APC) Interim National Chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, who clocks 75 this week.

    There is no better time than now to assess the quality of leaders Nigeria has had in the last 50 years of its independence. The Zik of Africa, whose political razzmatazz and oratorical skills were second to none in the continent, was at his twilight addressed as the Owelle of Onitsha. Zik was reputed for one of his famous quotes that “it is only a fool that fails to change his mind when there is the need to do so” The question remains whether he must have changed his severally in matters of national importance. The Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, was the unapologetic founder of modern Northern Nigeria. His classical assertion that he would rather be the Sultan of Sokoto than be the president of Nigeria demonstrated his deep love for his people more than for his country. The last of these great nationalists, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was the best manager of men and resources and also crowned in death as the best president Nigeria never had, as testified to by the late Ikemba of Nnewi. Awo chose to pursue a national interest rather than solidifying his base. This tripod came, led and left their imprints on Nigeria political landscape. History will continue to judge them individually and collectively as to their roles in shaping or failure to mode Nigeria in readiness to a 21st century wonderland. After these remarkable leaders, the country had grappled with both military rulers and their civilian counterpart with little or nothing to show for their efforts, in terms of physical development, institutional growth and economic advancement that commensurate with the large amount of billions of dollars generated from our God given resources.

    Amongst the pack however, is one man who stands conspicuously taller than the rest in character, honesty, integrity, achievements and personal examples as a leader and as an unassuming team player in the quest for nation building. His is no other person than Chief Adebisi Akande, the current National Chairman (interim) of the fastest growing political party in Nigeria (I dare say in Africa)!

    His meticulous national and international rise became noticeable when he became the executive governor of Osun State in the Fourth republic between 1999 to 2003. Prior to that, he was the deputy governor to the late Chief Bola Ige in the Second Republic. What did he do differently? He was arguably the only executive governor that neither created room nor condoned corruption in his government. Contracts were awarded, using a master stroke policy of not given advance mobilisation to contractors in execution of same contacts bided for. Added to that was a no- room variation on contracts during and after execution. With that saintly management style and prudence in a country notorious for corruption, he was able to execute over 500 projects, from education to infrastructure, health, community housing, a new secretariat including over a 1000 kilometres of roads with meagre revenue at the state’s disposal and without borrowing a kobo. In fact Osun State was among the poorest states, in terms of revenue allocations and IGR. He left the state as the most best governed financially and in terms of developmental indices as attested to even by his political opponents.

    Whilst the Federal government under General Obasanjo was awarding a one- room classroom for an average of N1.5 million, Akande was doing the same standard of classroom for half a million naira under the Universal Basic Education Programme. That to Osun state was a bonus of “three for a price of one” benefit!

    Chief Bisi Akande’s integrity and averse to greed and corruption was also spotted when OBJ wanted him as a ministerial nominee in 2003; what did he do? In a country where most people would sell their mother and father, spilt innocent blood and sweat and worship at Okija shrine and other evil alters to get to power, this simple, God fearing leader just went on a long holiday, until all available posts were filled. That uncommon tactical rejection dazed OBJ and he was determined pay Akande back at all cost.

    At a time when it was fashionable to sell integrity and honour for a paltry some of naira, this adorable man with the help of some compatriots stood their grounds, paid their dues in ensuring that the AD (Alliance for Democracy) did not go under water after the political tsunami of 2003 election in the South West states, where five of the six governors (including Chief Bisi Akande) were un-intentionally sold out to OBJ through Afenifere elders. He fought hard to re-build the party from AD into AC, then into ACN, and finally into a national political merger as predicted by the Sage, Chief Obafemi Jeremiah Awolowo; All Progressive Congress (APC).

    Political historians would have some stories to tell in the nearest future on the emergence of the first successful political merger in Nigeria, the APC, under the able leadership of a man of steel, but sweet in spirit, who for all it takes worked day and night with his friends and political associates in given birth to what is slowly killing the biggest political fraud in Africa, the PDP. Little by little, step by step, the once indomitable monster is now a shadow of it old self.

    It was not an all sweet journey for Chief Akande, a political associate of the late sage. What he lacks in Nigerian standard of measuring wealth, he has in abundance in good nature, good health, amazing grace, respect, honour, competence, wisdom, peace including good friends, associates and political sons and daughters that would go to war with him without a request and without hesitation. He single-handedly repelled the prince from Okuku and his clique in an attempt to maliciously taint his reputation and integrity in a false allegation of corruption. He not only won because he was never guilty, but forced them to beat a retreat when all attempts to rope him and force him to admit guilt failed.

    A good leader is not made overnight while charity begins at home. Akande is a product of good marriage, family life and dependable allies, the reason he enjoys peace and supports both at home front and at national level.

    It is for these reasons and many more the space and time would not allow one to write that I doff my hat to an iconic leader of all leaders, a political generalissimo and ever smiling, ever loving and ever hard working leader at 75. Many happy returns of this day, Sir.

     

    • Idowu, former Chairman, Media and Publicity Committee, Action Congress of Nigeria, United Kingdom Chapter, writes from London.

  • No budget failure in Delta, says Speaker

    No budget failure in Delta, says Speaker

    Delta State House of Assembly Speaker Hon. Victor Ochei spoke in Lagos on the activities of the House, the 2014 Appropriation Bill, and other issues. MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE met him.

    When is the House of Assembly passing this year’s budget?

    Well, I think that, basically, many principles guide every budget process and its consideration. What is being planned for now is to ensure that, even when the House is on a short recess, the Finance and Appropriation Committee will be at work and go through the budget defence and also assess the performance of the former budget, with a view to assessing what factors are due for the review in considering this year’s appropriation as well as to ensure that some key projects are accorded priority, if not appropriately funded before.

    It is being said that, since the House is tied to the apron string of the executive, it may not do a thorough job…

    If they say so, who, then, has the constitutional power to do it? Sometimes, people know only how to criticise and never belong to the solution. That criticism, without being immodest, is unfair to the legislature. I say this because, basically, the ingredients of budgeting are very standardised. In other words, they are not mere wishes or the result of the rule- of- the thumb decisions. Well, whether anyone thinks we are an appendage of the executive or not, whichever way you deal with the budget, it is still going to be the executive that will do the implementation. That does not take away the fact that we still have to do our work, although the public must also understand the very clear difference between a state budget and a Federal Government budget. A Federal Government budget is based on a fixed benchmark price per barrel of oil and the estimate of the barrels of oil to be sold in the fiscal year and the proceeds will be shared among the stakeholders-the federal, state and local governments. That is why they stick to bench mark and all of that.

    As for the state, the government picks a bench mark, possibly the one of the year before and produces what we call a budget estimate. It is more or less a proposal. In other words, it is near what is expected as income. By the time they take cognizance of the internally- generated revenue, the statutory allocation from the Federation Account (FA) and other receipts, which include the Value Added Tax (VAT) and some other receipts that may come in, they have a fair idea of what should be the budget proposal. That is how you have an estimate, based on the idea of how much that they are expecting in a fiscal year in the state. thereafter, they tailor their expenditure along that terrain.

    Are you satisfied with the level of budget performance in the state?

    The extent that the budget performs is the function of the receipts from the Federation Account. Last year, we had a proposed budget of N472 billion. Now, for 2014, we, that is Delta State Government, have proposed N391 billion, which is short on last year’s estimates by about N80billion. And the reason is obvious. what they received last year fell far short of what was expected. So, the state government, quite wisely, felt the best thing now is to budget close to what is more realistic so that where there is deficit, it will be minimal, and there can be public confidence restored in our budgeting system. When you budget for N472 billion and, at the end of the day, your receipts, statutorily and through Internally-Generated Revenue (IGR) fall short of that by almost close N80 billion, (even though the fault may not necessarily be that of the state government), then you know that there is a problem and you cannot continue to budget like that any anymore. You now have to tailor your coat according to your cloth and not your size anymore; and that is what the Delta State Government is trying to do.

    But, so far, in terms of performance, in spite of the fact that we have a big short fall, the performance has been tailored along the line of priorities. Whenever you have a short fall of the expectation, the only thing you have to do in the strictly economic sense is to have a priority scale or scale of preference or opportunity cost, so to speak. In following that, I will say the state government has done well in line with the budgeting process.

    Is there a better prospects for budget implementation this year?

    It is better to under-estimate and later resolve the positive difference with a supplementary budget, than to over -estimate and not meet your expectations. In budgeting, it is better to shoot to aim at the roof top so that, when you hit the sky, you would have recorded some appreciable progress, in terms of surplus, rather than do otherwise and suffer the loss of the differential. What happens in relation to deficit budgeting arising from poor receipts is that, after having a lot of expectations and aspirations, but cannot meet them, hopes are dashed. You are going to have problems with prioritisation and then, political interests start coming in; that is where you begin to see failures.

    What is your assessment of the role the legislature in this dispensation?

    To ask that question will be to undermine democracy because the legislature is the symbol of democracy, since the constitution is supreme. The legislature is the only place on account of which the constitution comes into play and we are guided by the law as enshrined in it as every other law is derived from it. Without the legislature, it is like having a lawless democracy.

    If democracy is all about the rule of law and democracy is of the people, by the people and for the people, then, the very imperative of the legislature becomes expedient. So, if you take out this all- important arm of government, will you still be running government, since government is anchored on the law? Will you be implementing policies that are not bound by law? At the end, if you want to raise the IGR when there is no law, it will be at my discretion to pay or not and, if it comes by the use of force, we are going to resort to a chaotic and crazy society. So, I don’t imagine anyone talking about democracy and removing the legislature, which is the back steam. The place of the legislature cannot be over -emphasized. It is more than the essential ingredient in the process of democracy.

    You are the longest serving Speaker in this dispensation. What is your source of strength?

    I am sure you know that no one can make himself or herself Speaker in any state, not talk of a complex state like Delta. So, anyone who is the Speaker has some measures of support from other legislators. That I was elected the Speaker was by the goodwill and support of the people, because , in a very vibrant legislature as the DTHA, every member is equal to the other, and there is equal opportunity for all to become Speaker, depending on the level of support among the members/stakeholders. Having said that, I hasten to tell you that there is no grave yard peace situation in the DTHA. If it was the silence of a grave yard, it would not have lasted long. First, it is by the grace of God and the understanding and cooperation of my colleagues that I have been sustained as the longest-serving Speaker in the Uduaghan Administration, especially in a multi- party House as we have in the DTHA. It has been a situation where your traits and qualities as a leader are constantly being put to test in the sense of your ability to relate with your colleagues.

    First, you are only a first among equals. There is hardly anything that I have done that has not come to the knowledge of the house. If you want to get greedy, you are going to make a lot of mistakes. so, you should run an open door policy for them to see and understand whatever you do. When you let them know that, “look, these things cannot be like this”, they will appreciate it than when you shroud facts in secrecy. So, if anything has kept me on as the Speaker, it is probably the fact that I keep my colleagues adequately informed of goings-on, and without sounding immodest, I strive to be transparent and even-handed, at least, to the best of my ability as a human being.

    Some persons talk of my age; age, for me, is but a number. Of course, people credit me with wisdom and,if that is true, it has nothing to do with age because it comes from God. So, if I have applied wisdom at my age to be able to manage a house were about 50 per cent of persons are older than me, it is by the grace of God and the support of my colleagues.

    It may also be that my colleagues see something in me, which they appreciate and believe in. Besides, and I must say this categorically and I must give it to them-that in them, I have seen the most understanding set of colleagues. By just looking at your face, they know when you are sad and they bear with you because they know that, if the reverse was the case, you would always be there for them. Mutual trust has been established and it has been working well for us.

  • APC and challenge of reconciliation in Kano

    APC and challenge of reconciliation in Kano

    Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the rivalry between Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso and his predecessor, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, and how the All Progressives Congress (APC) Reconciliation Committee led by Chief John Odigie-Oyegun is brokering truce between the two gladiators.

    The defection of Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has continued to generate ripples in the PDP. Many observers agree that his exit is a loss to the party in its quest to retain power in the state in 2015.

    But, his defection to the APC has also imposed on the party leadership the challenge of reconciliation between him and his predecessor, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. Both of them have been locked in a supremacy battle in the Northwest state for over 10 years.

    Before Kwankwaso’s defection, Shekarau had emerged as the leader of the APC in Kano, following the consumation of the merger of the progressive parties. He was the undisputed leader of the defunct All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), which merged with the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) to form the APC. However, with Kwankwaso’s defection, the power equation changed. The governor instantly displaced his predecessor as the leader of the mega party.

    Shekarau’s supporters are irked by the turn of events. They complained that their leader was not consulted during the negotiation with the governor. They also pointed out that Shekarau may now play a second fiddle under Kwankwaso’s leadership. Since the defection, the two camps have been exchanging tirades in the media.

    It was the carry-over of the 2011 battle. Shekarau had defeated Kwankwanso in the 2003 governorship poll. The election was bitterly contested. He ruled for eight years. However, Kwankwaso bounced back in 2011 as Shekarau’s successor. Thus, the two players perceive themselves as political foes.

    A major event that aggravated the rivalry was the visit to Kwankwaso at the Government House by the APC leaders, when they were wooing him into the party. Although, the APC leaders later apologised to Shekarau for not carrying him along, the former governor felt that he was sidelined. The former governor said it was an attempt to cut his influence.

    Former Edo State Governor John Odigie-Oyegun, who led the party’s delegation to Shekarau, said: “Under no circumstances shall we turn our back on Shekarau, the APC and its leadership in Kano State because the state is critical to the APC. Shekarau is one of the architects of merger negotiations because when there was difficulty in the merger talks, he came up with a solution. Shekarau is very important to the party as he was among those who played a key role in the merger negotiations”.

    According to observers, there was the Buhari angle to the political rivalry between the strong men of Kano politics. They recalled that the frosty relationship between the retired General and Shekarau dated back to his tenure as governor. It was said that in the eight years that Shekarau was in office, Buhari did not pay him a visit, although he visited Kwankwaso, who was elected on the platform of the PDP.

    Party sources disclosed that Shekarau was not happy that Buhari did not protest when his name was not included on the list of chieftains that visited Kwankwaso.

    Thus, his supporters feel that, since Buhari has thrown his weight behind the governor, he had, through his body language, abandoned an old ally.

    Analysts are of the view that the Oyegun Reconciliation Committee has a lot to do in Kano State. The committee has been mandated to broker peace between the two gladiators.

    The rivalry started in 2003. It was the build up to the 2003 elections and the reintroduction of the Sharia legal system. Shekarau, who was a Permanent Secretary, was attending meetings for the resuscitation of the Shari’a law. Kwankwaso objected, saying that the meetings had political undertones. Shekarau maintained that he had a fundamental right to attend the meetings. Consequently, he was removed as a Permanent Secretary and posted to a public school as a teacher.

    Shekarau’s predicament brought him into the limelight. Many people had sympathy for him. They believed that he was unjustly demoted. Many rights groups chided Kwankwaso for the victimisation. Following his redeployment to the classroom, Skekarau retired from the civil service. He joined the ANPP and emerged as its governorship candidatte. Although he lost the primaries to Alhaji Aminu Little, the party insisted on his candidature.

    Shekarau defeated Kwankwaso at the poll because of what analysts referred to as the ‘Buhari factor’. When he assumed office, Shekarau instituted a probe into the Kwankwaso’s tenure.The commission, in its report, indicted Kwankwaso for embezzlement. A White Paper was released to that effect. The probe truncated the ambition of Kwankwaso to re-contest the 2007 governorship election. But, he fielded one of his close associates, Alhaji Garba Bichi, who was defeated by Shekarau. But, in 2011, Kwankwaso defeated Shekarau’s anointed candidate, Sagir Takai.

    Between 2003 and the defection of Kwankwaso to theAPC, it was fashionable for both leaders to accuse one another at public functions. That is why some people feel that political cohabitation may be difficult for the duo, unless there is reconciliation.

    An indication that all is not well with the Kano APC manifested recently when Shekarau and his supporters stormed the party’s national secretariat in Abuja to register their displeasure over the powers conferred on the five PDP governors, who have defected to the party.

    Shekarau complained that the labours of the old APC chieftains were being ignored by the party leadership. He said that the old and new members deserved equal treatment.

    The former governor said: “If a governor comes into the APC today and wants the structure of the party in his state to be handed over to him, we may have to critically look at it. This is because there are structures on grounds in the state before such a governor came in. It is not possible to ignore this reality when you are discussing the terms under which a new person is coming into the party, else there could be confusion”

    But, not all the associates of Shekarau are with him in his battle to maintain the status quo. There is a crack in his camp. Some leaders of the defunct ANPP, including a former presidential candidate of National Republican Convention (NRC), Alhaji Bashir Tofa, and Senator Kabir Gaya, have visited Kwankwaso and pledged their support to his leadership.

    But, another associate of Shekarau and former Chairman of the ANPP in Kano State, Alhaji Sani Hotoro, dismissed the delegation to the governor, saying that Tofa and his crew visited the governor in their individual capacities, and not on behalf of the defunct ANPP.

    According to Hotoro, members of the defunct ANPP had written a letter to the APC Interim National Chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, about their grievances.

    “It is in the public knowledge that members of the APC coming from the defunct ANPP, Kano State, have on December 18, 2013 under the leadership of our 2011 presidential candidate and former Governor of Kano State, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau , delivered a letter to the APC interim leadership in Abuja conveying our concern and the way forward.

    “In it, we requested for clarification on the rumour going round that the five aggrieved new PDP governors who decided to decamp to the APC did so as a result of an alleged agreement they reached with a section of the APC leadership that they will be given special privileges that are clearly against all fairness and democratic norms. These included the state leadership of the party, automatic tickets for all their members of the state and national assemblies and also the handling the registration of members.”

    Hotoro said that, as far as “the ANPP section of the APC in Kano State” was concerned, Shekarau remained the leader of the party in the state.

    Will Shekarau group dump theAPC, if the party is adamant on its constitutional provision that confers the leadership of the party on the governors? Hotoro said Shekarau and the other aggrieved members had no plan to defect to other parties.

    It was also learnt that the bickering is rampant among those currently eyeing the Government House in Shekarau’s camp in 2015. Prominent among them are Malam Sagir Takai and Hon Kawu Idris Sumaila, a member of the House of Representatives.

    Kwankwaso has pledged to treat every member of the party with fairness. He also promised to carry everyone along in the decision making. He has urged them to join hands with him for the progress and success of the party.

    The party elders are not relenting in their bid to reconcile the two leaders. A source said that truce is possible, but added that confidence building may take some time.

    Already, party sources said that Shekarau has reconciled with Buhari. The reconciliation, according to sources, was facilitated by former Minister of Agriculture Alhaji Sani Zango Daura. A deal was struck that Shekarau should drop his presidential ambition for Buhari, the source added.

    Currently, Odigie-Oyegun and his team are in Kano. The former Edo State governor has said that both leaders will work together for the party in an atmosphere of oneness. The APC interim Publicity Secretay, Alhaji Lai Muhammed, also said that the APC will not neglect crisis resolution.

    “To take care of some of the grumblings and protests that may come up in the affected states, we have set up some committees that will take care of the concerns of our leaders in those states and ensure a seamless integration of the new members. The committee will take care of whatever crisis that may ensue in the on-going process of integration,” he said

  • Balewa: 48 years after

    Balewa: 48 years after

    The first military coup by five majors paved the way for a prolonged military rule and stifled the growth of democratic institutions. Would the country have fared better without the incursion of the military into politics? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits the fall of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, the disruption of orderly political evolution by soldiers and the current tedious democratisation process.

    The tall, dignified politician was the symbol of the young democracy in the 60s. He was often dressed in the conservative Northern Nigerian robes. For speaking slowly in deep mellow voice, he earned the appellation, ‘the Golden Voice of Africa’. He was an old political warhorse; mature and sophisticated.

    As a leader, he was frugal and disciplined. He was incorruptible. By birth, he was a commoner. Although he had not been acknowledged as a giant of history in the mould of the three competitors- Zik, Awo and Sardauna, the first Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, led the country to independence in 1960 and offered a dynamic leadership for the tension-soaked country of unequal regions.

    He had the premonition about the coup that drew the curtain on his life. But, he did nothing to avert it. The Prime Minster was only pre-occupied with the preparation for the Commonwealth meeting holding in Lagos, the former Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on the eve of the disaster. The meeting, which was presided over by Queen Elizabeth 11, was the calm before the storm which broke on January 15, 1966. That date, as a political scientist, Prof. Isawa Elaigwu, observed, marked the effective explosion of the military on the political arena.

    Apart from Balewa, who was kidnapped along with the Minister of Finance, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, the Premier of the Northern Region, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, and his counterpart in the West, Chief Ladoke Akintola, were killed by the mutineers. Many senior army officers, including Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun, his wife, and Col. Ralph Sodeinde, were also assassinated.

    Ademulekun, a professional soldier from Ondo Kingdom, was the Commander of the First Brigade, Kaduna. He had alerted the Minister of Information, Chief Ayo Rosiji, to the impending doom, when the latter visited him. Before informing the Prime Minister, Rosiji contacted Bello, who was Balewa’s leader in the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). The Northern premier confirmed the coup plot. He told Rosiji that he had informed the Head of Government, who was reluctant to take an “avoiding action”. That reply baffled the Information Minister, who, on his return to Lagos, intimated Balewa with his fears.

    However, Balewa reassured Rosiji that everything was under control. In his bibliography written by the historian, Nina Mba, the late Rosiji described Balewa’s reply as a “characteristic fatalistic response”. The Prime Minister said: ‘Oh chief, you worry too much. So, if they kill us? If they kill us, we must die sometime”. The death of Balewa marked the end of the First Republic. It also put an end to the practice of the parliamentary system. It marked the gradual decline of the federal system.

    Balewa, a founding chieftain of the NPC, which rose from the tribal northern cultural organisation, Jam’iyyar Mutanen Arewa, was a non-aristocrat, humble school teacher before be entered the Northern House of Assembly. He was the deputy leader of the NPC. From the Northern parliament, Balewa was elected into the House of Representatives and became the Minister of Transport. In 1957, he became the interim Prime Minister, presiding over a National Government characterised by divisive interests

    Balewa presided over a turbulent polity. Between 1960 and 1966, the country was battling with normal conflicts and crises that shaped its nationhood. Amid these unresolved conflicts, the coup, which had ethnic colouring because of the way the plan was hatched, imposed a new challenge of democratisation and wiped away the gains of civil rule.

    Under Balewa, the four regions were autonomous, thereby subjecting the central government to the strains of centrifugal forces, which suggested that, for many political elite, federalism translated, not to a desire for unity, but a compelling need for union. Putting this into perspective, Elaigwu said: “In Nigeria, the federal adjustment between 1960 and 1965 was in the direction of further differentiation and autonomy of the component units. It was a federation based on psychological fears of political and economic domination among Nigerian groups”.

    To observers, these suspicions and fears of domination arose from two basic issues. These were the fundamental imbalance in the federal structure and the educational gap between the South and North. Thus, while the South nursed the fear of domination and political marginalisation because of the sheer population of the North and its corresponding representational strength in the Federal Parliament, the North was also livid because of the advantage conferred on the South by education and proximity to the modernising sector of the society.

    Early civilian leaders acknowledged these strains. Nevertheless, they were eager to make the fragile federation work through their eternal devotion to power devolution. But, the competition for federal power among the three dominant parties-the Western Region based Action Group, the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), which dominated the East and Midwest and the NPC of the North-created stress. Unlike Bello and Zik, who never aspired to become the Prime Minister, Awo’s AG challenged the NPC to a duel. Then, the leaders started to fail the test of political tolerance.

    The Prime Minister and Bello capitalised on the split in the AG to liquidate Awo. Apart from aiding Akintola to consolidate his hold on power in the ‘wild wild West’, the judicial coup against Awo landed him in prison on charges of treason. The 1964 federal election in the West was controversial as the AG was robbed by Akintola’s Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). The 1965 Western Regional election was also rigged. Hell was let loose in the region. Many have argued that the civilian leaders were not privileged to resolve the crises they created because the coup took place. Others have submitted that they were overwhelmed by the conflicts arising from the structural composition of the country.

    The revolutionary soldiers who hatched the plot against the First Republic were led by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu. They may have been motivated by a sense of patriotism. They may have also derived the motivation from similar coups in other parts of Africa. The General Officer Commanding the Armed Forces, the late Gen. Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, became the beneficiary of the coup. He was a political novice. The statement of the Federal Military Government on the civilian regime also underscored the soldiers’ lack of knowledge about the workings of federalism. “Under the old constitution, the regions were so large and powerful as to consider themselves self-sufficient and almost entirely independent. The Federal Government, which ought to give lead to the whole country, was relegated to the background. The people were not made to realise that the Federal Government was the real government of Nigeria”, it said.

    Ironsi was carried away by his new status as the Head of State on a platter of gold. Although the coup had failed, he still decided to take power from the Council of Ministers at gun point. He refused to douse the tension created by the coup plotters by not punishing them. The North continued to nurse grudges. The first mistake he made was to make some radical changes in the federal/regional relations. Ironsi opted for greater centralisation of power through unitarism.

    Following the promulgation of Decree 34, 1966, the federal principle became old fashioned. The former regions were abolished. The Head of State explained that the unitary model was “intended to remove the last vestiges of intense regionalism of the recent past and to produce that cohesion in the government structure, which is so necessary in achieving and maintaining the paramount objective national unity”. Ironsi also unified the civil service. Since many critical appointments made by him also favoured the Igbos, there was the sentiment, particularly in the North, that he supported the coup that claimed the lives of Balewa and Bello.

    Brimming with vengeance, the Northern soldiers led by Muritala Mohammed and Yakubu Danjuma terminated the lives of the Head of State and his host, the military governor of the West, Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, at Ibadan. The retaliatory coup unleashed succession problems in the military. While Ironsi’s second-in-command, Brigadier Babatunde Ogundipe, was sidelined, or he absconded, his junior, Co,. Yakubu Gowon, became the Head of State. The military governor of the East, Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, objected. The chain of events culminated into the three year-old civil war.

    The first 13 years of military rule did not completely erase the memory of federalism. But, when the civil rule was restored in 1979, the polity sunk into a period of difficult adjustment. The military had nationalised the regional institutions. Although states were created for easy administration, its distrubution was skewed between the North and South. Democratic institutions were revived under the 1979 Constitution, but they could not be nurtured to growth before the civilian authorities were displaced in 1983. From 1983, the country wobbled on under the successive military administrations.

    Under these administrations, the twin challenges of nation-building and democratisation resurfaced. The military did not pretend about making efforts to resolve these challenges. By 1999, when civil rule was restored again, the lieutenants of Balewa, Bello, Awo and Zik were locked in lamentation. Civil rule was restored, but democracy remained elusive.

    Many stakeholders have therefore, been clamouring for the return of the Balewa era. “We need to go back to the practice of the parliamentary system”, said Ayo Adebanjo, who was an Awoist politician at the time. “It is cost effective. The Prime Minister is not expected to campaign round the country. He will only limit his campaign to his federal constituency. If his party commands the majority in the House, he will become the leader of the majority and the head of government. There is the fusion of power and the legislators also serve as ministers”, he added.

    But, the Minister of Education under Balewa, Chief Richard Akinjide disagreed. He said it is not impossible for the country to reverse to the Westminster model. “The system is not the problem, but the operators”, he argued.

    In the First Republic, the vexed issue of resource control was a non-issue. The resources from the regions were used to develop the regions. The leaders subscribed to the principles of derivation, need and national interest as the formula for resource sharing. “If we adhere strictly to this formula, there will be no crisis. Then, the states will grow in an atmosphere of healthy competition,” said Bisi Adegbuyi, a lawyer and politician, who added: “The lack of equity in the sharing of the resources has led to the agitation in the Niger Delta. There can be no peace where there is no justice”.

    Under Balewa, the country also showed a tendency towards a two-party system. This may have somehow moderated the argument for a multi-party, although it is legitimate. Then, the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), made up of the NPC and NNDP, clashed with the United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA), made up of the AG , NCNC and the United Middle Belt Progressive Elements (UMBC). In the Second Republic, the NPN and Progressives Parties Alliances (PPA) mirrored the pattern of alliance. In this dispensation, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All progressives Congress (APC) will slug it out in 2015.

    However, a politician, Alhaji Isiaka Adekunle-Ibrahim, said that what made the Balewa era a wide departure was the leadership style of the Prime Minister. “Although he was, like his contemporaries, a defender of tribal interest, he was still a great leader. He was not corrupt like the current crop of leaders. He did not amass wealth. He was a man of contentment”, he added.

     

     

  • ‘I am still reflecting on 2015’

    ‘I am still reflecting on 2015’

    Former High Commissioner to Ghana and Chairman of the Industrial Training Fund (ITF) Senator Musiliu Obanikoro spoke with reporters in Lagos on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) crises and the future of the party in Lagos State. EMMANUEL OLADESU was there.

    Why did you not contest for the governorship of Lagos in 2011?

    I was on a national assignment at that time. I was the country’s representative in Ghana. There is no way I can abandon the responsibilities given to me by the Federal Government and come home only to be chasing a political office at the state level. Now that I am home, I am strongly reflecting on the last 15 years of civil governance. I will not sit down here and tell you that we don’t have few things to celebrate in the state. But,, by and large, there are still many holes to fill up.

    We need to do more in education so that more people can send their children to public schools.

    We need to revatalise the health sector. Everybody that is somebody now goes overseas for ordinary medical check–up. Even, the governor does his medical check–up abroad. We need to look at the environment. We need to do something about the Olusosun dumpsite at Ojota and the level of pollution. The dumpsite is surrounded by residential communities. I was one of the beneficiaries of Alhaji Lateef Jakande’s housing policy. We need to build houses for the low and middle income earners.

    What is your ambition now?

    As I have said, this is a time for reflection and I am still reflecting. I do believe that Lagos state, with its potentials and the kind of IGR they got every month, can be managed better than it is now. The business of government can be done more transparently.

    The best investment the state government would have made is to invest in education. Instead, the government increased tuition fee from N25, 000 at the LASU to N250, 000.

    Why did you leave the AD for the PDP?

    I left before they formed the ACN. With the benefit of hindsight, I did the right thing by pulling out of the AD. There is no internal democracy in the AD in those days.

    Lagos PDP is not united. How can the party fight for power in an atmosphere of disharmony?

    Well, they are not united either. What you are looking in their party as unity is a peace of the graveyard. An honest member of their party will tell you that all is not well in that party either.

    Do you think that the PDP can defeat the APC in Lagos State?

    I am convinced beyond any doubt that our party, the PDP, is winning Lagos State in 2015. The people in the state will vote en masse for our party because they need change. The indices of rejection of the ruling party in Lagos are there for people that care to see. For example, if you observe clearly, you will realise that the present government has become unnecessarily arrogant. They are running the state as if it is their personal business venture. We are serious; we have what it takes to dismantle this government in the state.

    When last did you meet to discuss party affairs with the likes of Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, Chief Bode George and other chieftains? Recently, we had a meeting at the party secretariat in Ikeja. Our leader as you know is not in the country for now. I spoke with him for about an hour yesterday. We are all united now. As I speak with you, Lagos PDP is one big family.

    Have you all agreed to work together for the same purpose?

    I don’t know why you are particular about our party’s internal affairs.

    Members of the party here in Lagos used to fight one another all the time and that does not show any sign of seriousness.

    That is democracy for you. Democracy is about us dealing with our convictions. We don’t have to see things from the same point of view all the time. But, I think we are more united now than ever before and we are coming out to say enough is enough. Right now, as I speak with you, we are united.

    If you’re still reflecting whether to contest 2015 governorship election in 2015, then it means there is problem somehow

    No. You get it wrong. Let me tell you that I am eight years older than I am when I contested in 2007. A Yoruba proverb says that an elderly person doesn’t act like a child. I have focus. Don’t forget that I have also done other things since 2007. I’ve served my country meritoriously as an Ambassador. May be, the diplomatic part of me is having greater share of me this morning. I want to let people know that we the Lagos PDP is serious about 2015 and we have what it takes to dismantle this elitist government in Lagos State.

    What has the Federal Government done to assist the people of Lagos and the government?

    Federal Government has done a lot to assist Lagos. For instance, our government at the centre ensures that the Third Mainland Bridge does not collapse. We have done that continuously in the last five years. Yar ‘Adua did it, Jonathan has done it. There is the expansion the federal government is doing along Apapa-Oshodi expressway to ensure access in and out of the harbor. There is also the massive renovation done at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport at Ikeja. The arrival and departure section have been expanded. And the interesting thing about all these is that, if you goggle the Ministry in-charge of these works to get how much was expended on each of the project, you will get them stated clearly. Whatever question on cost that anyone asks the state government officials on any project, their reply used to be, it is provided for in the budget.

    The APC is saying PDP is corrupt. You’re also saying Lagos state government being run by APC is corrupt. One finds it difficult to believe both sides?

    They will say anything they want because they are seeking what doesn’t belong to them. We are telling the people and we have demonstrated to the people that we have the capacity to deal with erring members. For instance, during Yar’Adua administration, the Minister of Health, Mrs. Grange erred and President Yar’Adua fired her immediately. During Obasanjo’s tenure, the then Minister of Education, Dr. Fabian Osuji was also fired. We forced Senator Nwabara to step down as President of the Senate. This is a progressive action from our party.

    Under President Goodluck Jonathan, with all kinds of corrupt practices by top members of his cabinet, nobody has been fired, in spite of people’s condemnation of actions taken by some of the cabinet members?

    It will be very unfair to ask such question because we are looking at an un interrupted 15 years governance by two political parties. It will be very unfair of you to reduce focus on only Jonathan’s administration. We are saying we have history of dealing with corruption. Do they even have any history at all in their party?

    What about the current Oduah scandal in the Aviation sector?

    Oh yes! Accusation has been made in the open. Panel have been set up to look into the matter, the president have received the report. I am sure in good time; he would come out with a position. Be that as it may, nobody can sweep under the carpet what PDP had done to tackle corruption. Their party has not done anything; that is what we are saying. Everything they have accused us of doing, they are worse off. They accused Stella Oduah of buying two armoured cars for N255 million. The one which the Lagos state governor is riding up and down in Lagos is more expensive than Oduah’s car. He is a public officer too who draws his salary from tax payer’s money. It is the same standard, it doesn’t matter. It is even more damning for the governor because he is elected by the people and he is supposed to uphold the trust and confidence of the people of Lagos. So, their own is even worst in that case, but it is unfortunate the media refuses to look at that area.

     

  • ‘Yewa/Awori should produce next Ogun governor’

    ‘Yewa/Awori should produce next Ogun governor’

    Prince Segun Adewale is a chieftain of the Labour Party (LP) and a senatorial aspirant in Ogun West District. In this interview with Jeremiah Oke, he speaks on the Yewa/Awori agitation for power shift in 2015.

    What is the political situation in Ogun State?

    Ogun State is a state where we have intellectuals, educationists and prominent people like the former President, Olusegun Obasanjo, and other notable politicians. You should know that it is an important state. The political situation in Ogun State is that we have the former President, Olusegun Obasanjo, who is a member of the ruling party People Democratic Party (PDP) and the state is controlled by the opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC). The people of Ogun State have experienced the PDP leadership for eight years and the AD/APC for close to seven years now and the people are still yearning for another political party to give them a change. That is why the Labour Party is being recognised in the state to give them the change they are clamouring for. Today, the Labour Party has become a force in Ogun State politics and that is the political situation in Ogun State as we speak now.

    Moreover, Ogun State is not a kind of state you will say because a political party is a national party that has ruled them for eight years, it will use a veto power to influence anything for them. But, it is a dynamic state where a credible political party is welcomed and no other party can give them the deserved dividends of democracy than the Labour Party.

    Since your party is just coming up in Ogun State, don’t you think the party might be lost in the struggle for power?

    Before the PDP came on board as a ruling party in Ogun State, there was no party, except that the President came from Ogun State. The President himself lost in his ward. What that is telling us is that, regardless of the number of years a political party has existed in a state, a new party can defeat it. It is possible for a new party to record a landmark victory in an election. People know what they want and they how to get it. So, the issue of our party coming up in less than a year has nothing to do with our success in the proposed election. It is not about how long, but it is about how well we can harmonise and mobilise the people.

    Do you think the Yewa/Awori will unanimously adopt the Labour Party in 2015?

    Yes, they have adopted the Labour Party already. The dynamism of politics differs from state to state and from region to region. What is happening in Akwa Ibom today may not necessarily reflect what is happening in Lagos and Ekiti states. This is because there is a peculiar agitation in the state and that is what happened in Anambra State where we heard that the APGA swept the poll just because there was the agitation from the Anambra North to present the governorship candidate for a very long time. That is why it is very easy for the APGA to clear the poll. the same thing also applies to Ogun State where the Yewa/Awori has never produced a governor in the last 38 years of existence. The Labour Party now said that, because of equity and fairness, the state should maintain balance in governance. Therefore, Yewa/Awori should produce the next governor.

    Do you think the antecedents of the people in the Labour Party can give the anticipated victory in 2015?

    What antecedents are you talking about? The people in other political parties are not better, in terms of the antecedents. What was the antecedents of Otunba Gbenga Daniel in 2003 before he became the governor? We are not selling names in the Labour Party. But, we are parading the grassroots politicians who know the problems of our people. So, it is not about big names, but what we are able to achieve individually. I can tell you that, come 2015, it is the people that will win elections and not the big names.

    In 2011, Gboyega Isiaka, who is from Yewa/Awori, was unable to make any impact as the People Party of Nigeria (PPN) governorship candidate. Don’t you think the same thing will repeat itself in 2015?

    The question you ask could be titled “so near, yet so far in 2011”. But today, I want to tell you that the Yewa/Awori have learned their lesson by speaking in one voice and we are ready to correct our mistakes. We have done a lot of re-orientation within Ogun West. I have been in the forefront of doing that and I am sure it is going to be a productive effort. Some of our people coming from the Labour Party have even agree to have a gentleman agreement with the other regions of the state to ensure that the Ogun West Senatorial District produce the next governor for the first time in the history of Ogun State. I am sure they will actualise their dreams.

    As the aspirant of the Labour Party in the Ogun West district, what have you done for your people that will make them vote for you?

    I am a grassroots politician who understand the plight and aspiration of our people and I am ready to assist them. In the history of a nation, there is always a move to rescue at a critical point and that is why we have agreed in Ogun State never to play politics with the warfare of the people, but to play politics the way it should be played. I saw the challenges of our people and that is why I rise up to rescue them and give them the dividend of democracy. In the last eight years, I have been associated with the people of Yewa/Awori and I know their challenges. I have several on-going projects in 52 wards of the region. I have been able to construct 10 schools across my senatorial district. I have inaugurated many transformers for our people. I have created many job opportunities for our children in Yewa/Awori. I have empowered many people mentally and financially, which is the most important thing we need in Ogun West. In the past one and the half years, I always spend an average of N250,000 every week to provide free medical care for the people in the grassroots and the medical personnel are always on ground to attend to our people whenever need be. Go round the Ogun west and ask of all these things I have mentioned.

    After Otunba Gbenga Daniel was expelled by the state chapter of the party, the national secretariat return him as the grand patron of the party. Do you think his past record will not affect your party in 2015?

    What past record are you talking about? We need all sort of people in a particular party regardless of their antecedents and what they must have done in the past. Our party is the only party that has ideology and tolerance because we have records. The party was formed as a result of the agitation of the people for good governance, so therefore, we are welcoming people from anywhere they may be coming from. it is not about OGD antecedents and what he has done in the past but it is about what he will do in the future. His coming to the party will even strengthen the party the more. OGD has ruled the state for eight years, also unseat a seating governor, and a governor unseated him, I think we need a lot to learn from him. So what I am saying in essence is that LP is a party for everybody in the state regardless of their past and antecedents.