The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

Jonathan’s single-term proposal

At this point, I think it appropriate to ask: What exactly does President Good luck Jonathan want? His cheerleaders and godfathers have been campaigning for s return ticket for more than one year now. They did not wait to see their man perform and sell himself to Nigerians before seeking to seize the public domain to canvass a second term. For them, it does not matter that only one good term should deserve another. Or, could it be that they took a cue from Igbinedion’s Edo where the father said his son deserved a second term precisely because he had failed to perform at the first opportunity?

It could also be that proponents of the Return Jonathan Project felt he had demonstrated sufficient capacity during the preview of his first tenure offered by the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2010. Jonathan had nearly two years to show that he understood the problem with Nigeria and had the capacity to fix it. His men could have taken the verdict returned at the poll in 2011 as a validation of the theory that Nigerians were satisfied with his performance. He, too, in turn, could have been served the vodka of power, believing, like Louis the XIV, that he has all it takes to force his decision on the people, not minding the difference in epochs, systems and personalities.

Thus far, it would appear that President Jonathan has been misled into believing the superiority and invincibility of his opinion. He has now come up with the campaign for a single term of six years. It is not an altogether new proposition. In the Abacha Constitutional Conference, it came up alongside such strange suggestions as collegiate presidency and multiple vice presidency. It is not the first time President Jonathan would be backing such a proposal. He had earlier surreptitiously passed the corrosive view to the federal lawmakers and sought, in a nation-wide televised debate, to justify the plan. He said it would save cost of electioneering, win more time for a government to work, perform and win the hearts of the people. He also feigned concern for the health of the polity, arguing that, with elections in the third world taking the form of battles, it would be unfair to subject the country to such consistent tension that grips it at election periods.

What our dear president failed to tell us is what he, as a loving leader, has done to douse tension and concentrate on governance. By the end of this tenure, he would have been in office for about six years, why is he finding it difficult to shut up his paid agents hopping about spreading the gospel that he has a right to another term and would exercise the right? Isn’t it obvious to our president that it is not every right that you exercise? If Jonathan so loves this country, he would make a categorical pronouncement immediately that he has no interest in 2015 and much of the needless fog on the scene would clear.

No one would be taken in by the suggestion that he might not offer himself for another tenure that would push his rule (or reign) to an unprecedented ten unbroken years. I am of the view, as most Nigerians, I suppose, that the Jonathan years have been an unmitigated disaster. The administration is a study in cluelessness and ineptitude that only the Shagari years could rival. How would anyone justify the expenditure of public fund in celebrating 100 years of a colonial contraption? And, that, over a period of one year! How would anyone explain the actions taken in recent times by a government that claims to be fighting corruption but is, at the same time, rewarding sleaze? In the Jonathan government are people who were being investigated for corrupt practices at the point of appointment.

Under his administration, corruption has been given a boost. The pardon of former Bayelsa State governor, Dr. DSP Alamieyeseigha is the latest in the series of activities marking the leadership as one that worships in the temple of corruption. There is the job scam, the pension fund scam, the fuel subsidy fraud and the rot in the judiciary, among others. The most charitable analyst can only describe the federal government as confused.

If corruption were limited to the financial, it probably would not be as dangerous as the situation has assumed now. All institutions and processes have been compromised and most public officials believe that they can literally get away with murder. The worst is process leading to recruitment of political leaders (or dealers). Party officials are turned at such points to auctioneers at bazaars. Consequently, nothing is working.

The president is not alone in this promotion of corruption; the tin gods and mini-despots at the state level -governors- are as guilty. Officials have turned Nigeria into a private estate in which elected officials and their cohorts are the only beneficiaries. God save our country and the people.

May 5, 2013
Niger 2015: Waiting for Muhammed Babangida

A waiting game is ongoing in Niger State as we speak. The wait, reliable sources claim, is not about anything or anybody other than Alhaji Muhammed Babangida, son of former military President, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida. The rumour mill has been agog for a while now that the young Babangida is interested in vying for the governorship seat of the state. The seat it was gathered has been zoned by the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the northern senatorial district where the Babangidas hail from.

Perhaps to send out early signals of his seriousness, souvenirs and posters of Muhammed recently flooded various parts of the state. With this, it became more obvious that the Babangidas are not joking after all.

That started the waiting game. There are indications that two groups of waiters are involved. While there are those waiting for Muhammed to publicly declare his intention for them to jump in the wagon of support and solidarity for him, there are also those waiting to tell him to his face that he is not fit to govern the north central state.

The two groups sure have their reasons but these reasons may not be known to all until Babangida opens up.

May 5, 2013
Jonathan and his many critics

Dr. Goodluck Jonathan once described himself as the world’s most criticised president . In this report, Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, takes a look at why he attracts so much criticism and the issues raised by the critics.

Since his dramatic emergence in 2011 as the elected President of Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has been a subject of seemingly unending scathing remarks and virulent public criticism.

At the beginning, when he first served as Acting President, later President and then elected President, it was mainly his known political opponents that raised alarm over his style of governance, describing him as “slow” and “weak.” Their criticism was understandably dismissed, by his associates and supporters, as a fruit of political intolerance, but when former national leaders, including the president’s political mentor, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, and other known associates within and outside his political party, (the People’s Democratic Party) joined others to publicly condemn most of his actions and policies, it has been a source of public concern.

Even Jonathan, in a bid to correct public perception of his person and that of his style of governance, has occasionally come out to explain the reasons behind his criticised actions and pace.

But so far, this has not succeeded in stopping such harsh criticisms as the number of Jonathan’s critics seem to increase by the day. The critics have also become more blunt and daring.

For example, during the grand finale of the 2013 Police Week celebrations at the Eagle Square, Abuja, Jonathan had tried to exploit the opportunity to explain the peculiar circumstances that have hindered the efforts of his government in its fight against insecurity in the country. He had said rather poetically, “This is quite a trying moment for this country in terms of security. A number of our police officers have lost their lives while serving their fatherland. We have challenges from the South to the North and from the East to the West.”

Reacting to that explanation however, former minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai, cautioned the president to stop lamenting over the deteriorating security situation in the country and take appropriate steps to tackle the menace.

This, in a way, represents the current relationship between the president and his many critics. As he and his aides try desperately to explain what the critics consider his failures, they, in the opinion of his political opponents and some other Nigerians, fertilize more grounds for condemnation.

As a result, the question in the mouths of many Nigerians today is whether the President is completely unaware of how to get anything right or his critics are mainly being unduly harsh and intolerant?

To answer this question, it seems necessary to take a cursory look at the personality of the major critics and some of the issues they have raised.

Olusegun Obasanjo

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who is today considered as one of the major critics of President Jonathan, was once his major political mentor. At the twilight of his eight-year tenure in 2007, Obasanjo had single handedly picked the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Jonathan to succeed him. At the demise of Yar’Adua, it was reported that Obasanjo remained a major pillar behind Jonathan as he volunteered his wide political connections to ensure the emergence of Jonathan as President.

Things have since changed as Obasanjo has been at the forefront of critics who have expressed disappointment over Jonathan’s score card in the anti-corruption crusade. Some of his latest verbal attacks on the Presidency include his views on the government’s plan to set up an agency to guard pipelines and fight against corruption.

Just last month, at a book presentation in Lagos, Obasanjo said of federal government’s fight against corruption, “The poor enforcement of anticorruption laws in turn makes the citizenry less enthusiastic to act positively on any call by the government to (make) sacrifice(s).”

He contended that corruption remains the most serious factor undermining economic growth, regretting that African leaders know what to do, but that they have self-made constraints perpetuated by an elitist few in the political and bureaucratic class. “This class,” he said, “which forms less than 10 per cent of the population, consumes a whopping 90 per cent of the available resources. Their decadent orientation of personal opulence and conspicuous consumption is poisonous to growth.”

A few weeks later, at the 50th birthday ceremony of former World Bank Vice President, Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili, Obasanjo, also faulted the move by the Federal Government to set up an agency for pipeline protection, saying it was another way of stealing from the government coffers.

“When I was coming from Abeokuta, I was listening to the radio and they said they are going to set up an agency for pipeline protection. Now, what are the police there for? All the security agencies that we have, what are they for? This is another chop-chop,” he said pointedly.

Mallam Nasir El Rufai,

Asides his recent advise on the need for the president to stop lamenting and concentrate on finding solutions to the security challenges of the nation, former minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai, has for some time remained a major critic of the Jonathan administration.

For example, shortly after the Baga tragedy, El Rufai accused the Federal Government of being insensitive to the plight of the people of Baga, in Borno State.

He described as “saddening” the fact that the government disputed the number of people killed in a clash between members of Boko Haram and a military task force. According to him, the government should have instead found ways of alleviating the sufferings of the people.”

It would be recalled that in that incident, government said only 25 people died but some reports put the number of the dead at 185 or thereabout.

El Rufai had said, “It is unfortunate that we place so little values on human lives that we will be arguing whether six Nigerians have died or 185 or 200. When three people were killed in Boston, Obama left the White House to go and commiserate with the people of Boston. Perhaps more than 200 have been killed here and our own President is still sitting in Abuja. It then shows the kind of government that we have. It is pathetic, it is disappointing and God will make them to account.”

Also, when he featured as a guest on Channels Television’s breakfast programme, recently, El Rufai challenged Jonathan over the identity of Boko Haram leaders, alleging that the Federal Government knows much more about the sect than what it is letting out to the public.

“I think President Jonathan knows the leaders of Boko Haram because at one point he said that Boko Haram members are in his government. Who are those members that have infiltrated his government?”

He was reacting to Jonathan’s comments at a town hall meeting during his visit to Damaturu, Yobe State. The president had reportedly said “You cannot declare amnesty for ghosts. Boko Haram still operates like ghosts. So, you can’t talk about amnesty for Boko Haram now until you see the people you are discussing with. When you call the Niger Delta militants, they will come; but nobody has agreed that he is Boko Haram; no one has come forward. If amnesty can solve the situation, then no problem, but nobody has come forward to make himself visible.”

Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili

Former Vice President of the World Bank, Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili, an influential former minister, who presided over the Due Process Office during the civilian government of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, is another top flight leaders who has openly criticised the current federal government.

Her latest arsenal was when she alleged that Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan’s government wasted $67 billion (about N10.72 Trillion) left in the Federation Account by the Obasanjo’s administration.

Assessing the democratic government in Nigeria, she lamented: “Neither our thirty four years of cumulative military governance nor the nineteen cumulative years thus far of our democratic governance provided us “inclusive and accountable governance.”

“Instructively, a person, or as in our own case; a nation, is counselled to “stop digging when in a hole”. Lamentably, in our case, we have consistently rebuffed the wisdom behind that counsel. We have instead dug deeper and the more we have dug, the deeper into the hole we have sunk and all because of political misadventures.”

On corruption in Nigeria, Madam Due Process had this to say recently, “My general overview is that we are going through the throes of challenges that require a very strong sense of sacrificial leadership. The whole problem of a corrupted environment, the corruption in the society right now is so endemic, it has been democratised. And that is going to sink us. We need to tackle corruption and tackle it as you will tackle cancer. It can kill.

“ There is no need pretending that this country is burdened by the weight of a cancerous phenomenon. Every Nigerian knows that we have a problem. This is a broken society and it has permeated every aspect of our national life. So, we must have to do something about it.”

Urged to comment on recent controversial statements attributed to her, Ezekwesili said during her golden birthday, “Am I controversial? I don’t think. I am not one bit controversial. I am hard on the government. Is it probably because of the excess crude? No. you should say that the government did not handle its citizen who have served this nation with all her heart and my speech to the young people at the graduation ceremony was not picking on the government. It was picking on the act of the governance system in the petroleum sector on that fact that the oil sector has not delivered any benefit to the poor and that it was needed to be tackled. That was what it was about. I am not controversial.”

Apart from these critics, other outspoken leaders that have openly expressed disappointment over the policies and performance of Jonathan- led Federal Government or are openly opposed to it include the leaders of the major opposition political parties like the Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu- led Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and General Muhammadu Buhari-led Congress for Progressive Change [CPC] who have repeatedly declared that the government has failed.

Other major opponents include some Peoples Democratic Party state governors like Governor Aliyu Babangida of Niger State and Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State, among others, whose opposition are traced to either 2015 succession bid or the leadership of Nigeria Governors’ Forum.

As the opposition increases, observers are urging the Jonathan-led government to seek ways of building more understanding and confidence as a way of easing political tension ahead of 2015. Dr Boniface Awah, who gave the advise in a chat with The Nation, said, “no meaningful development could be made under the current situation.”

May 5, 2013
Obi: Place of traditional rulers in our democracy

The way some governors sometimes infringe on the fundamental rights of the people they took oath to govern has become a source of concern.

It goes without saying that a governor, nay any political office holder, is not a task-master with the citizenry as slaves, or servants. In point of fact, it is the governor who is the servant, the person chosen by the people through the instrument and machinery of the ballot box to work for them and to be at the helm of affairs to take charge of and control the affairs of government and governance.

Some governors are yet to come to terms with this reality of the servant-leader role cast upon them, as some of them are filled with sheer arrogance and even contempt and disdain for the people who elected them into office in the first place.

This is a reprehensible conduct, to say the least. Perhaps, on account of the prolonged period of military incursion into governance in the country, a lot of people are yet to come to terms with the reality of our democracy with the constitution as the grand norm and supreme law.

Take, for instance, a recent development in Anambra State, where Governor Peter Obi threatened to sanction some traditional rulers from the state for honouring a wedding invitation from a son of the state in Lagos. A top flight businessman, Dr. Patrick Ifeanyi Ubah, who hails from Anambra State, had reportedly extended an invitation to some traditional rulers, Presidents-General of town unions and other opinion leaders and stakeholders from the state to witness his younger sister’s wedding in Lagos.

The business icon, as is customary in Igboland, hosted his guest in Lagos and conducted them round his office, business places and facilities in Lagos. Thereafter, he gave them customary Kola in form of money for honouring his invitation. For this, Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State became infuriated. He quickly put together a seminar during which he threatened to sanction the traditional rulers who made the trip to Lagos at the behest of Ubah. He also asked them to return the sum of three thousand dollars each, allegedly given to them by Ubah.

He also upbraided the traditional rulers for daring to travel out of the state without approval from him or his Special Adviser on Chieftaincy Affairs.

I am not aware of any law which makes it mandatory or compulsory for a governor to be notified before hand before a traditional ruler could travel outside the state.

So, I consider the governor’s alleged threat or suggestion most indefensible and untenable. It shows he has a wrong notion of the place of traditional rulers in our demo racy. His reported action creates a negative and disgusting impression that traditional rulers have suddenly become servants or errand boys of governors. Governor Obi’s hypothesis is, to say the least, absolutely demeaning to the institution of traditional rulership in Igbo land. This is the first time in Igboland that a governor would demand that a traditional ruler will not leave the state unless he, as the governor, is put in the know about the trip.

It is interesting that Obi attempted to justify his position by stating that he could not travel out of Nigeria without the knowledge of the President. Now, the two scenarios are wholly and totally different. Obi does not seek the consent of the President before traveling out of Anambra State to another State. In the same manner, a Traditional Ruler from Anambra State need not put Obi in the know that he is going to Lagos. For the avoidance of doubt, Obi did not select or appoint them as traditional rulers.

The traditional rulers are not under Obi. They are not his appointees or aides. In fact, Obi rightly observed that they are ‘Primes Inter Pares’ among their subjects and the veritable custodians of the custom of their people. He also opined that their people look up to them for inspiration, guidance and direction. If Obi truly made these observations from his heart of hearts, why would he not have seen the futility of his directive, which is akin to an instruction from a master to his servant.

The frivolity and mischief implicit in Obi’s reaction to the traditional ruler’s trip to Lagos came to a head when he reportedly asked the royal fathers to return the money which they received from their son, Ubah. He also promised to provide SUV vehicles to the traditional rulers very soon.

There is no need denying the fact that this is an absolute descent from the sublime to the ridiculous. It shows the abysmal level and depth to which governance has fallen in Anambra State. It is strange that a governor should lose sleep over a social visit by the Igwes to Lagos. Obi’s reaction to the trip smacks of psychological defeatism. It paints His Excellency as a man who is unserious.

It is a sad commentary on the way things are done in Anambra State that Obi should abandon his constitutional responsibilities to fret over frivolities.

The SUVs reportedly promised by Mr. Obi at this time looks like a Greek gift. Of course, it should be rejected outright. It is curious that the governor wants to give the cars to the traditional rulers free of any cost at the twilight of his tenure. Why did he not give them the cars before now? Is Obi afraid of anything? Why did it take the traditional rulers’ visit to Lagos for Obi to remember the SUVs? I do not see how anybody would deny the allegation that the proposed car gift to the natural rulers has a political undertone. So, I join other right thinking Anambra indegines to urge Obi to leave the royal fathers alone.

– Ikechukwu, wrote in from Onitsha, Anambra State

May 5, 2013
Delta North and 2015 guber race

Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, takes a look at the current moves ahead of next Delta State governorship race.

One issue that has dominated public discourse since 2011 when Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan began his second and final term in office as the governor of Delta State is the issue of which senatorial district should produce his successor in 2015.

And as the date for the next gubernatorial election gradually draws nearer, the discussions on the matter also get more intense. Rumours that some politicians who are not from Delta North Senatorial District are gearing up to throw their hats into the ring of the contest for the governorship seat are also heating up the polity.

Besides, the silence of the leadership of the party on the much-argued existence of a zoning arrangement that ceded the 2015 governorship to Delta North has continued to fan the embers of political agitation within the state.

For instance, the Anioma Agenda, a political pressure group that seeks the emergence of the governor of Delta State in 2015 from the northern Senatorial zone of the state, recently cautioned the Urhobo Progressive Union (UPU), against denying Delta North the chance to produce Uduaghan’s successor.

The group, in a press statement, jointly signed by its Chairman, Alex Nnamdi Onwudiamu and Secretary Godwin Ossai, said it was aware of what it called desperate moves by an Urhobo group to deny Anioma people their turn to be governor.

“This call became necessary due to current political manoeuvres with reference to a recent parley between Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and Urhobo Progressive Union (UPU), which we see as having the capability of creating disaffection among the different federating units in Nigeria with predictable consequences on the polity, peace and unity currently pervading the landscape in Delta State,” the statement read in part.

While urging UPU to exercise restraint in the interest of the Delta State, Anioma Agenda explained that the Anioma people’s strategy to clinch the governorship position of Delta State in 2015, is that of “appeal and persuasion to the conscience of all, hinging primarily on the altar of equity and fairness and backed strongly by the political history of Delta State since its creation in 1991.”

The group added that the “Anioma people will obviously not accept to remain in a state where we do not have equal access to political power, neither are we going to say that in pursuance of our quest for power, that we are willing to engage all and sundry in a needless desperation for power at all costs.

“We are seeking, soliciting and pleading for the support of the Urhobos, Ijaws, Isokos and the Itsekiris, knowing full well that an alliance within Delta State shall achieve for us the desired good and we advise other ethnic nationalities to follow this worthy example which is hinged on equity, justice and fairness. Indeed, we believe equity breeds unity,” Anioma Agenda said.

Similarly, Ndokwa Unite, a political pressure group based in Delta North, also rose from an enlarged meeting and said in a communique signed by Dr. Boniface Opia, Greg Ikoko and Mr. Mathew Emeni, that since the Delta Central and South districts had ruled the state for eight years respectively, any attempt to prevent the emergence of a governor from Delta North will heat up the polity.

The group further stated that it was important that other senatorial districts support the quest of Delta North for the 2015 gubernatorial race, disclosing specifically that the gubernatorial seat should go to Ndokwa ethnic nationality.

But if feelers emanating from various political camps in the state are to be considered strong enough, then the people of Delta North will have to brace up for serious politicking if their dream of producing the next governor is to come to fruition.

This is because numerous politicians from the two other senatorial districts appear to be opposed to the zoning arrangement being canvassed by Delta North. The critics of the arrangement say the contest should be thrown open in order for the best candidate to emerge as governor in the interest of the state.

The National Chairman of Urhobo Political Movement (UPM), who is also Commissioner representing Ughelli North and Ethiope East Local Government Areas on the board of DESOPADEC, Emaye Obiewevre, recently declared that there will be no zoning in Delta State come 2015.

While emphasising that only a credible candidate should be allowed to occupy Government House in 2015, Obiewevre urged Deltans to be wary of politicians with hidden agenda who come to them under the guise of zoning.

“We don’t want somebody who will come to Government House to implement an ethnic agenda. Those aspiring to the governorship under the banner of one ethnic group or the other should be resisted by the people.

“So we must all resolve that in 2015 we will not select our candidate based on tribal line, rather our yardstick for selection of candidate for Government House will be credibility, purposeful leadership and the interest of Deltans,” he said.

Toeing a similar path, the Chairman of the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) in the state, Tony Ezeagwu, said zoning does not exist in his political party currently ently and that he was not a party to any arrangement about rotation of political offices within the PDP fold.

“As far I am concerned, if an Anioma man comes to my party to take the governorship form, I will not deny him. And if an Urhobo man comes to take form, I will not deny him either. This is because in my party, there is no zoning arrangement for now. Our party is open for all Deltans.”

But Delta State House of Assembly Speaker, Rt. Hon. Victor Ochei, during a consultation visit to him at his residence by leaders of the Anioma Agenda, while reiterating his earlier commitment to peaceful co-existence in the state, applauded the overall developmental programme put in place by Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, adding that the existing tripod that led to the emergence of a Delta Central and South indigenes occupying the number one seat of the state should be symbol for promising equity, fairness and justice.

The speaker said there are enough bases for the Aniomas to have a shot at the governorship in 2015. He, however, advised the group to maintain absolute decorum while persuading other senatorial districts who are yet to key into this laudable programme to do so without over heating the polity for the general good of the entire state.

In the opinion of Chief John Ehikwe, former secretary of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the old Bendel State and the national coordinator, Anioma Awareness Initiative, a group of leading politicians championing the quest for a governor from Delta north, the district is ready to govern the state.

“I want to tell you that Delta North Senatorial District is the most united district in the state. For instance, since we started this question on who is to occupy the Government House come 2015, there has not been anybody who has come to say we do not want to produce the governor. All the groups that came out have been saying that it is our turn,” he said.

But the question remains how far the people of Delta North can go in their quest to be allowed to produce the next governor of a state as multi-ethnic and diverse as Delta? Only time can provide an answer to this question.

May 5, 2013
‘We have lost confidence in Ondo election petition tribunal’

Soji Ehinlanwo contested as the governorship candidate of Congress for Progressive Change [CPC] in the last gubernatorial election in Ondo State. In this interview with Damise Ojo, he explains why his party petitioned the Appeal Court President to disband Ondo State Election Petitions Tribunal and other related issues. Excerpts.

You were the candidate of the CPC in the last governorship election in Ondo state. What motivated you to run for the Ondo State governorship?

Until I ran for governorship, I was working as a senior consultant at the European Commission. From 2007 to 2009 when the appeal court pronounced him winner of the 2007 governorship election, we backed the incumbent, so we could engender significant change in terms of infrastructural development, ensure transparency and accountability in the management of state resources, bring Ondo State to the forefront in relation to industrial growth, stimulate, in an impressive manner, the generation of employment opportunities for our teeming unemployed youths and generally make Ondo State a strong reference point like Lagos in terms of good governance. Unfortunately, a year or two after the inception of this government, it dawned on many, including myself, that our confidence in the ability of the incumbent to bring about the desired change was utterly misplaced.

It was a case of a government that was simply drifting although obsessed with media spin meant to give an impression it was performing. This state of affairs was not what we had hoped for and many people felt that given my deep and broad experience in public sector change, I should put myself forward to salvage our state

After the October election, your and your party presented a petition to the Ondo State Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal challenging the results of that election. What happened thereafter?

After presenting the petition, it was dismissed at the pre-trial stage by the tribunal in a way that conveyed an hasty disposition to prevent us from providing evidence. Of course, we challenged the dismissal of our petition at the Appeal Court. The appeal court agreed with us that it was wrong to dismiss our petition without allowing us to present evidences and to show in full trial our grounds for disputing the outcome of that election. The petition was then referred back to the tribunal for trial on its own merit

But, there were reports that after the tribunal resumed sitting a few weeks ago to hear your matter, you refused to appear before it. What were your reasons and what happened after wards?

When the tribunal gave its judgement, I was in Europe. We referred the judgement to our lawyer at the time and it was agreed that the judges erred in many respects in relation to their decision to strike out our matter.

A decision was then taken to appeal against the judgement at the Appeal Court. I returned to Nigeria after our victory at the appeal court and then took some time to fully study both the Tribunal and the Appeal Court judgements.

I was extremely shocked by some of the pronouncements of the tribunal judges in the judgement which they delivered and it became crystal clear to me, my state party chairman and other party members that their pronouncements reflected unacceptable and manifest bias against myself and the CPC, obviously with a view to favouring the respondents.

We felt fully convinced that it would not serve the course of justice for us to subject ourselves and our petition to a panel which appeared to have already made up its mind about our petition even before we adduced evidences given the wild conclusions they made and the negative and condescending opinions they expressed about myself and our petition which seemingly had no bearing to points of Law.

Consequently, we presented a petition to the Appeal Court prior to the day we were due to appear in the tribunal, requesting the panel should excuse themselves from adjudicating on our petition or in the absence of this, they should be disallowed from presiding over our petition while a new panel should be constituted to hear our matter.

That petition is now with the President of the Court of Appeal.

What specific pronouncements made by the tribunal judges did you find reflected manifest bias as you claimed

First and foremost, in the judgement, they claimed that I admitted that I scored a certain number of votes as against some number of votes scored by the ACN, PDP and two other parties in a manner suggestive of an affirmation of the results as declared by INEC even before full trial.

I am lost as to how they came about the conclusion that I made the admission they claimed I made.

Secondly, they also appeared to me to be deliberately working toward a pre-determined outcome when they questioned the validity of my nomination.

Thirdly, the panelist veered into the political fray making wild assertions, disparaging remarks and ludicrous statements about myself without basis which appeared to be deliberately targeted at undermining and demeaning the petition and myself in the eyes of my supporters and the general public.

How this related to points of law still beats my imagination.

May 5, 2013
I am not a spare tyre—Katsina State deputy governor

Alhaji Abdulahi Faskari,the Deputy Governor of Katsina State, in this interview with Adetutu Audu, says deputy governors are not spare tyres. He also spoke on other issues. Excerpts

You headed the education ministry for two years, how different was it from the justice ministry which you also headed before becoming deputy governor?

Part of the challenges we had when I was appointed there was on the issue of recruitment of teachers and of course the governor gave approval for more than 3000 teachers for the secondary schools. It was during my time that the governor, in collaboration with the local government areas, built additional secondary schools, about 100 of such, in order to reduce congestion in our secondary schools. The foreign scholarship programme, which is now popular in and out of the country, had just started at that time. A number of people thought it was not going to be sustained, perhaps because of the enormity of the resources involved. We started with only one programme when we started. About 111 students of Katsina State origin were recruited and gotten admission into universities in Sudan. Sudan has some kind of peculiarities with Katsina State, particularly with reference to the girl- child education. A number of parents here will not allow their daughters to go for the western education.

How was your tenure at the justice ministry?

In justice ministry, it is basically service delivery, you don’t normally see tangibly what is being done; most of what is being done is rooted in service.

How would you describe your relationship with the governor?

I think if there is a word better than cordial, I will use it because that is what it is. I don’t have any problem with my principal probably because of a number of reasons. The governor himself is a straight forward person. And once you understand his own approach to issues or things, it will be easier to go along with him. The governor is a professional colleague. He is a lawyer of international repute. Don’t forget that I was Attorney – General in the second administration of the late Musa Yar’Ádua. The governor was privileged to be the first Attorney- General to the late president; he served from 1999 to 2003 and I took over from him. And I was reappointed by the governor in 2007 still as Attorney- General. And he later redeployed me to education because of my background in education. So, all these steps have given one enough time to understudy him on what he likes and doesn’t and how one can key into his vision for the state.

How true is the assertion that deputy governors are mere spare tyres?

I don’t think that phrase is applicable to me because I know of my own peculiar circumstance and system. If others have problems with their principals, it should not extend to me because this can be attested by everybody in the state that the number of work I have here is enormous.

Beyond the fact that one is the deputy governor, I also supervise the local government affairs.

As an agrarian state, to what extent is the government assisting farmers in agriculture?

There are a number of programmes directly affecting agriculture and production in the state. The governor distributed 340 tractors to farmers at subsidised rate, not only at subsidised rate but the payment method is five years. So, in a way, you can say the tractors are free. The issues of fertilizer which of course is very crucial to agricultural production, the governor took it upon himself to provide fertilizer equally at subsidised rate, both for dry and raining season farming. There is also loan to the farmers, free of interest. There is also a scheme going in the state now in partnership with the Shanghai, also initiated by the governor.

What brought about the idea of building a new government house, what happens to the present one?

If you look at Katsina, I don’t know how conversant you are with the state. The Katsina of 10, 5 years ago is different from the Katsina of today. Things have dramatically changed in terms of infrastructure. You find people who, for sometime had not been to the state, asking people before they can locate their way. Things have really changed. If you see the ring road, you see that things are changing because it is connecting major townships in the state. The essence of the new government house is not because the present one is not good but not in consonance with the new trend of what is happening in the state.

Having been in government for more than 10 years, are you fulfilled?

Why not? You know I have been in government for more than 10 years now. And you know that there are a lot of people who are equally and even more qualified than I am but they didn’t have the opportunity to serve. I can even say I have taken more than my share in the state in relation to the number of citizens of the state. If you are to distribute this among those eligible, you will understand that I have taken more than my share and that is why I am grateful to God.

May 5, 2013
Like Okorocha like Ewherido

The scenario playing out in the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) over the resolve of a faction led by Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State to be part of the emerging All Progressives Congress (APC) is presently being replicated in the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP). A few days ago, some members of DPP with Senator Pius Ewherido as the arrowhead, held a convention in Abuja where they ratified its merger with other opposition political parties to form APC.

But other members, particularly from the senator’s home state, Delta are kicking against the merger plan. Sources revealed that the reason may not be unconnected with the politics of 2015, with reports claiming that a chieftain of the party, Great Ogboru, who is planning to re-contest the governorship election, is bent on stopping Ewherido, who is also said to be interested in taking over from Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan in 2015.

May 5, 2013
Amaechi, Wike and battle for Rivers’ political soul

The ongoing crisis in the Rivers State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the attendant battle for political supremacy among its major stakeholders is redefining the power dynamics of the oil-rich state, reportsAssistant Editor, Remi Adelowo

No one saw it coming. For the Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi and his supporters, the unexpected judgment of the Abuja High Court, presided over by Justice Ishak Bello, that sacked the Godspower Ake-led Rivers State PDP executive council, caught everyone unprepared.

In the words of an aide to the governor, “The judgment caught us unawares. We were banking on the fact that since a Port Harcourt High Court had affirmed the election of Ake, another court of concurrent jurisdiction will not decide otherwise. Now, we know better.”

Like a well scripted plot, the flurry of activities that ensued 24hours after the judgment was as dramatic as it was spell binding. First, the PDP national chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, inaugurated a new executive council, led by Mr. Felix Abuah, which won the suit against the Ake-led council. The inauguration was witnessed by the Minister of State for Education, Nyesome Wike, former Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives, Austin Opara, among others.

Swearing-in over, Abuah with his supporters stormed Port Harcourt to formally take-over the reins of the party. Their arrival at the Port Harcourt airport was a carnival of sorts, with hundreds of PDP members in the state on hand to welcome them.

From that moment till date, the Rivers’ political space has been on edge with a camp loyal to Amaechi fighting for its political relevance and survival against forces loyal to Wike and by extension, President Goodluck Jonathan, whose relationship with the governor has been frosty in recent times.

Dissolution of LG executives and Amaechi’s counter-move

To stamp his authority on the running of the party, Abuah dissolved 10 local government executive councils of the party, which are believed to be loyal to Amaechi, replacing them with caretaker committees. This move, according to sources, was to obliterate the governor’s structures in the party at the grassroots.

Not done yet, Abuah issued a stern warning to Amaechi and his supporters to stop denigrating Jonathan and the First Lady, Dame Patience Jonathan, or face expulsion from the party. Abuah was obviously referring to a statement by the Chairman, Rivers State caucus in the House of Representatives, Dakuku Peterside, who was alleged to have said that the Abuja High Court ruling that sacked Ake was influenced by ‘the oga and madam at the top.’

Within days, the governor’s camp responded in kind. The Rivers State House of Assembly, whose 27, out of its 32 members, are believed to be loyal to the governor, sacked the Obior/Akpor Local Government Council whose administration is said to be loyal to Wile.

2015 governorship race now dicey

If the present power dynamics in the oil-rich state remains sustained till next year when preparations for the next general elections kicks off in earnest, can the governor determine who succeeds him in 2015?

At the last count, five people are reported to be interested in taking over from Amaechi. They are Wike; Senator representing Rivers East, Magnus Abe; another serving senator, George Sekibo, a former governorship aspirant, Tonye Princewill and Dakuku Peterside, the 42 years-old Chairman, House Committee on Petroleum (Upstream).

Wike, the arrowhead of the battle against Amaechi, has expressed his interest in the race. A die-hard supporter of the president, however, the fact that he hails from Ikwerre like Amaechi, sources say, may count against him.

Some months ago when members of the president’s kitchen cabinet realised that Amaechi’s belligerent posture to Jonathan was getting out of hand, a plot was hatched to cut the governor to size. Wike, it was gathered, was allegedly handed a clear brief to decimate Amaechi’s hold on the state’s politics.

Backed with heavy logistics to make actualisation of the agenda smooth sailing, some of the measures agreed on include first, take control of the state PDP; infiltrate the House of Assembly to turn against Amaechi and also enlist the support of other stakeholders who have one score or the other to settle with the governor.

The Nation gathered that the Presidency has been quite satisfied with the minister’s efforts so far. This factor may work in Wike’s favour when the battle for the 2015 governorship race gets under way.

For Magnus Abe, his candidacy may not fly though many party members in the state believe he has the experience and comportment to be governor. A close associate of the governor, Abe has refrained from making any controversial statement since the crisis in the Rivers PDP started.

Sekibo, The Nation gathered, has been making quiet moves in the last few months in order to become the PDP governorship candidate for Rivers State in 2015. Sources revealed that the fact that he has not openly identified with Amaechi and activities of the state government in the last two years has not gone unnoticed in the Presidency, which may settle for him as a consensus candidate when the dust finally settles.

Is Peterside the choice of Amaechi?

Unconfirmed reports have it that Peterside is the preferred choice of Amaechi to succeed him in 2015. That probably explains why the young lawmaker has been very strident in his criticisms of the Presidency’s perceived onslaught against Amaechi.

Amaechi’s few options

If the governor is eventually forced out or sidetracked in the affairs of Rivers PDP, which the persistent battle against him could lead to, an aide of the governor disclosed that several options are already being looked at to guarantee the latter’s political future.

The first option, according to the source, is to keep exploring the legal angle and hope that the judiciary comes to the governor’s rescue by restoring the Ake-led executive council.

Another option being canvassed by a minority in the governor’s camp is to defect to the emerging All Progressives Congress (APC), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) or the Labour Party (LP). But in the opinion of the majority, this move may not come that easy. The argument of this school of thought is that with the total control of the structures of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in the state which is arguably the biggest partner in APC in the state by Dr. Abiye Sekibo, an alleged political foe of the governor, then moving to APC should be foreclosed for now.

Moving to APGA is also fraught with obstacles. The party in the state is controlled by men loyal to ex-governor of the state, Dr. Peter Odili, and led by its 2011 governorship candidate, Sir Celestine Omehia, whose six months tenure as governor in 2007 was cut short by a ruling of the Supreme Court, which sacked him and installed Amaechi. In spite of the public rapprochement of the trio, sources disclosed that their relationship remains frosty.

The LP is also not an option for Amaechi and his supporters, revealed a source within the camp. The reason may not be unconnected to the decision of the Ondo State Governor, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, who is the major financier of the party not to do anything that would put him at daggers-drawn with the president.

Amaechi’s no-love-lost with ex-militants

Another factor that may come into play in the 2015 battle is the perceived influence of some ex-militants in the politics of the state.

These ex-militants, it was gathered, enjoy a no-love-lost relationship with Amaechi, who waged a relentless war against them on his assumption of office in 2007. One of them, Ateke Tom, not only had his camp in the outskirts of Port Harcourt destroyed by security agents on the orders of Amaechi, he was also literally declared a persona-non-grata by the state government.

The big question is: will Amaechi overcome his political travails or get consumed by them? Time will tell.

May 5, 2013
‘Aged politicians have failed Nigerians’

Nneka Nwaneri recently had an encounter with Hon. Uche Nwosu, the Imo State Commissioner for Lands, Survey, Housing and Urban Development and reports his views on Land Use Act, community government in Imo State, his land reforms in Imo State and youths in politics, among other issues.

As one of the youngest cabinet members in Governor Rochas Okorocha government, Imo State Commissioner for Lands, Survey, Housing and Urban Development, Uche Nwosu believes the time has come for the youth to make their mark in public administration.

As an undergraduate studying Urban and Regional Planning at Imo State University (IMSU), Owerri, Nwosu had a vision, which he nurtured as a student union activist who believed in change.

His brilliance and erudition caught the attention of the President of Rochas Foundation, who appointed him as his Personal Assistant. He was later to become the Deputy Chief of Staff to the foundation’s Founder, now Imo Governor.

Prior to that, he was Director of Finance and later National Secretary of the Action Alliance, a political party. Nwosu, who has traveled extensively, has undergone further training in Town Planning, Estate Management, Human Resource Development, Corporate Governance, Intelligence and Security.

In June 2011, Governor Okorocha appointed him his Deputy Chief of Staff (Operations). In April last year, he was also appointed Commissioner for Lands, Survey and Housing.

To him, his experience has “been a big challenge as land is something almost everybody in the society – middle class, the rich and lower income earners has something to do with.”

Explaining how he has been coping, he said: “One lapse I met in the ministry, which we are fast handling, is the issue of having Certificate of Occupancy (C-of-O) and land documents being kept in the files.

“Like the Information Development Agency in Abuja, we have been able to adopt such in Imo state Imo State with the Geographical Development Agency, where you have our landed documents in a system or data.

“It makes searches easier, rather than rummaging through thousands and millions of files which are not easily accessible. Finding a single file used to be cumbersome, but now, just keying in a man’s name and house number and every detail of that person will come out.”

On how how his ministry has been tackling the usual rift between communities and government over land, he said, “In previous years, there are some lands that were acquired in the last 20-30 years. No compensation was paid the land owners and government could not work on the land. Now the compensations have been paid. Now, people can easily enter their land and build and government can freely enter and do its projects.”

Contributing to the controversies surrounding Land Use Act, Nwosu said: “We have issues with the Land Use Act which gave the governor power to acquire and manage the state lands. Frankly, I feel if the Act is amended, it might have a negative effect or positive effect.

“So, if the Act is changed, it will be difficult for government to acquire lands for public use.

The commissioner is full of praises for the community government. Reaching illiterate rural dwellers with the needed information may be difficult in other places, but not in Imo, says Nwosu.

“We reach out to the elderly and those in the rural areas through the Community Government. Before now, it used to end at the Local Government level, where every information goes to the Local Government headquarters.

“But now, in every community, we have a youth leader, a women leader, executive secretary, community liaison officer (CLO), traditional rulers and the secretaries. The traditional ruler is the head of the Community Government. The youth leader is in charge of sports and security.

Nwosu did not shy away from commenting on the recent impeachment of the former Deputy Governor of the state. Responding, he said, “It is unfortunate it happened as he is someone we have seen to have worked closely with the governor. This particular issue is a shock that has come to be.

“In life, things come up and other things remain the way they are. The governor tried his best to make sure such a thing doesn’t come up, but the House of Assemble has its own statutory rules. It is a constitutional matter that even if the governor had tried hard to interfere, he might be made to face the House. So, he could not stop the investigation of the House

Insecurity, especially kidnapping, has remained a problem in the South-East. Does the commissioner think the governors are doing enough to solve the problem? “Yes,” he said, adding, “Governors of the South-East have done well. But it is not a problem only governors should tackle. We as individuals have a stake in it. In Imo State, kidnapping has reduced drastically. Now, it is hardly heard of because government decided to put men on ground, apart from the Nigerian Police and military personnel. It formed the Imo Security Department which ensures that people who reside in a community knows the bad ones.

How has Nwosu brought the benefits of youth to the office he occupies? He said: “I totally buy the idea of the young ones taking up public offices. Like in Imo State, the level of development here is superb.

“The brain is just like a car. If it is used for 30 years, it becomes worn out. If one was a commissioner in 1979 and he is brought in to be a commissioner in 2013, those things he was used to in 1979 are gone. We are in a jet age and we must move in accordance with the speed.

“Other countries have keyed into it. Even United States President Barrack Obama began as a young man. So, the young ones should be given a chance to lead this country.

Does Nwosu think a Southeasterner can be President in 2015? “It is possible for an Igbo to become president,” he said with conviction. “Ideally, the president is not to suppose to be from a particular section or tribe,” he added.

“But let the best candidate win because it is not a do or die affair. So, Nigerians should vote for the best candidate. Sentiments should be done away with. If Igbo are to be president, they will need the cooperation of other tribes.”

May 5, 2013