The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

Can National Assssembly pass PIB?

The Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) has polarised the House of Representatives members into the protagonists and antagonists. Correspondent VICTOR OLUWASEGUN, who witnessed the public hearing on the bill, reports that the division in the House mirrors the divided opinion among the various stakeholders in the polity.

PIB GREY AREAS

• Fiscal regime

• Dispute resolution

• Petroleum Technical Bureau

• Upstream inspectorate

• Downstream inspectorate

• Host community fund

The House of Representatives is in a fix over the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB). The executive bill, which was Presented to the House by President Goodluck Jonathan, has polarised the legislators.

The lawmakers from the South have no objection to the bill. But their counterparts from the North are raising eyebrows. According to the Northern legislators, the passsage of the bill will further widen the revenue distribution gap between the North and South, thereby pauperising the North.

So far, there is no consensus between the two blocs. When the House organised the public hearings on the contentious 493-chaptered bill recently, the views mirrored the antagonistic positions of the legislators. They also reflected the Noth-South dichotomy.

The public hearings took place in Lagos (Southwest), Port Harcourt ( Southsouth), Enugu (Southeast), Kaduna (Northwest), Ilorin (Northcentral), and Gombe (Northeast).

The bill is meant to establish institutions, regulatory authorities and legal frameworks for the petroleun industry. It is also meant to stipulate rules for the operation of the upstream, midstream, and downstream sectors. But the proposed law is also expected to make it mandatory for the giant oil companies and other operators to embark on development projects in the oil-producing areas.

Many Nigerians believe that the bill will compel the government to strive at probity, transparency and accountability in the sector. According to the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who first mooted the bill, it would revive the industry and avert the attacks on pipeline and constraints on investment.

The amalgamated bill is a fusion of the 16 petroleum laws.The House Committee headed by the Chief Whip, Hon. Isiaka Bawa, commenced work after its formal inauguration on March 13, with a retreat with stakeholders in Lagos. But when the Senate beamed a searchlight on the sector, the remark by Senator Ita Enang that 83 percent of the oil blocs are owned by Northerners inflammed passion.

In the Lower Chamber, the 10 percent proposed for community development in the oil-producing areas has been the bone of contention. According to northern legislators, them, it amounts to allocating more revenue to the Niger Delta.

To douse the tension, Bawa, who addressed reporters in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), said that the House had no hidden agenda. He explained that the bill is important because oil is the live-wire of the country’s economy.

“The bill is still in a raw material form and that is why we are subjecting it to scrutiny. What we are doing is subject it to the overriding interest of Nigerians and what obtains at the end of the day is what Nigerians decide”, he added.

The public hearing gave opportunities for the stakeholders from the north, especially the civil society groups, to challenge the sweeping powers of the Petroleum minister. They said that the exercise of these powers could be abused.

Kwara State Governor Abdulfata Ahmed said Section 6 of the bill is worrisome. “I am concerned here about the power that has been put together for the Minister because I see the Minister as a politician. We can’t allow the fate of 157 million Nigerians to be tied to the hands of a politician. It would be too dangerous.

“Rather, I will suggest that we have an institutional framework that would sustainably be administering that portion of responsibility, that would ensure that on a continuous basis Nigerians would have a source of confidence, a source of belonging, and most importantly, a source of hope driven by persistent optimism in the future.

“But it must be based on equity and justice, these two will keep us together as a country”, he submitted.

His Kogi State counterpart, Capt. Idris Wada, who was represented by the Special Adviser on Petroleum Matters, Dare Adesina, echoed the same sentiment. “ It is evident from the PIB draft that a lot of power is vested in the Minister of Petroleum. If such powers lack the motive of making the Minister of Petroleum to be more productive, it should not be encouraged.

“ We do not want a PIB passed where some roles and functions that was erstwhile exclusive to the President of the Federal Republic now scrapped off and given to the Minister of Petroleum.”

Niger State Governor Aliyu Muazu, also lent its voice. to condemn the section.“ PIB 2012 grants disproportionate powers and authority to the Minister of Petroleum Resources over policy, regulatory and operational issues.

“Thus, it is not justifiable to grant such enormous powers to a single functionary of a tier of government, given that the PIB deals with the Federation as a whole.

“It is noteworthy to establish that such laws should not be enacted because of the present occupant; it should rather embrace generality and universality.”

The grey areas of the bill, which also agitated the stakeholders, include fiscal regime (Section 3c), dispute resolution ( Section 115), unitisation (Section 180) and the establishment of Petroleum Technical Bureau ( Section 9), Upstream Petroleum Inspectorate ( Section 13), and Downstream Petroleum Inspectorate (Section 43), and the contentious host community fund.

The Center for Democracy and Development, in a presentation by its Co-ordinator, Comrade Taiwo Otitolaye, also spoke on the power of the Minster.

Otitolaye said: “The powers of the Minister of Petroleum and the discretionary powers of the President as contained in the bill should be unmistakably and distinctively clarified..

“ The bill empowers the Minister to coordinate and supervise all the activities in the petroleum industry, including powers to grant, amend, renew, extend or revoke upstream and downstream petroleum licences and leases.

“The draft law stipulates that the Minister of Petroleum Resources only gets the approval of the President. If these sweeping powers are not toned down, they can be abused.”

After the public hearings, the question is: what next? Bawa said the final public hearing will hold in Abuja to give the committee for final collation of views. He said that, following the collation, the House willmove to the next stage in law-making.

However, sources said that the foreign oil companies are plotting to frustrate the exercise. But Bawa dispelled the rumour, saying that the committee is not under any pressure from the firms.

In the past, there were allegations that the Royal Dutch Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, Addax Petroleum, Agip and Total, who are opposed to the stringent terms of the new legislation, wanted to influence certain aspects of the bill.

According to analysts, the proposed fiscal regimes in the bill would not only negatively affect future deep water exploration, but add to the long list of contending issues, including the high risks and costs of security and bunkering.

Another source of concern is funding. Since the House has cut down on its spending, members who expected logistics assistance from host states were disappointed.

On the appropriateness of the zonal public hearings, the Chairman of the Northcentral Public Hearing, Hon. Bassey Ewa was of the opinion that the exercise was necessary. He decried the poor attendance by the stakeholders.

However, it was learnt that poor planning and lack of adequate communication contributed to the poor attendance of the event.

Another legislator, Hon. Uche Ekwunife, who is also the Chairperson of the House Committee on Environment, lauded the initiative, saying that it would give credibility to the exercise.

She raised points on the environmental issues being considered by the bill. “Environment issues is a global issue and you can’t talk of redeeming the petroleum industry without talking the damage the oil is doing to the communities where the oil is being produced”, Ekwunife said.

Can any minority report be ruled out, judging by the division over the bill? A lawmaker, Hon. Osagie, who chaired1 the hearing in Lagos, said that there will be no minority report.

May 3, 2013
‘Why Omisore can’t be governor’

Senator Adebayo Salami is a chieftain of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in Osun State. He spoke with SOJI ADENIYI on the Aregbesola Administration, preparation for next year’s governorship poll and other partisan issues.

After you left the National Assembly in 2003, you have been silent on political issues. Why are you silent?

I don’t want to believe that I have been so silent. I have been associating with political parties and I have always been playing my part in whatever association that I find myself. I am in a position to thank God that my vision for the State of Osun has materialised at the end of the day. When we went into the National Assembly in 1999, we went with so much hope that it was a new beginning after the Abacha regime. Nigerians had so much hope that we were having a new start and that things will change, but at the end of the day, we discovered that not much had been achieved.

How was the hope of Nigerians dashed?

Everybody thought we were going to practice true federalism, and when you talk about true federalism, you are talking about optimising individualism in each Nigerians in their respective places. You are talking about moving away from the unitary system of government. The problem with us today is that we are neither practicing federalism nor unitary system of government. What does the centre represent? The centre represents the aggregation of the states. Once a President emerges, he is the President of Nigeria and he is not the President of any political party. If you want to construct a road in Osun, for example, all the federal government needs to do is to agree on the design and other structures and channel down the money to the state concerned, instead of giving it to a consultant from another state. My own belief is that, if anybody is going to make it in this country, you have to work outside the box. If Nigeria continues with the way we are going, we may be far away from achieving what we desire. Few years ago, the federal government denied Lagos State the power to distribute electricity. If you care as government and you want to give everybody electricity, you will not mind who you give it to, provided he gives it to the people optimally. But political consideration is what we always think about. That is some of the reasons why I refocused and pray that Osun will get out of the doldrums and I am now happy for the leader that God has given to this state. If you want to actualise any serious vision, you have to do it outside the box. I call it working outside the box; you call it an unusual government. I believe with the trend that I am seeing in Osun now, we will soon get there.

Why did you single out Osun from all other ACN states?

I was in Lagos yesterday and I saw something unusual, not even talking about all other ACN states. As I was going, I saw ‘A yes. ’ It took me aback and when I looked at the ‘A yes’, it was Abia Youth Empowerment Scheme. I have seen ‘Yes O’ and I am now seeing ‘A yes’…

But the Federal Government too has SURE-P and others…

The Federal Government is not a serious government. There is no need for SURE-P. If you want to create a youth empowerment scheme and you want to create for all the states of the Federation, is it 20,000 that you want to engage in SURE-P programme across the federation? All you need to do is Osun, if you are able to do 20,000 youth empowerment, we will merge it with another 20,000 for you. So, this money for 20,000, the same thing you for Abia and other states in the country. There is the possibility that we wouldn’t have all these insurgence that we have around. Where does this problem rear its head most? In areas where poverty was prevalent, that is where you have the problem. It is no coincidence. When you look at the indices of poverty in Borno and you look at the insurgence, you will know that it is not a coincidence. You cannot solve the problem of poverty, unless you give people education, gainfully employ them. It is not all about beating around the bush. There is a correlation between what is happening in Nigeria and poverty. Solve the problem of poverty and all other things will fall in place.

Has Governor Aregbesola fulfilled his promises to the people?

What this government has given to the people of Osun is hope. The greatest gift of this administration is hope in all ramification. Our youth now feel that they cannot wake up in the morning and start thinking of what to do. I was amazed by the ‘O-YES ‘ programme. I am sure when they were drawing that scheme, even those drawing that scheme did not know what 20,000 entails. It was when they wanted to implement it that they knew that it was daunting because I know that, by the time they came up with 20,000, they would have thought they would train them before they were deployed. There is no facility in Nigeria that can train 20,000 in a single place. May be, they later toyed with training them in the three senatorial districts and that there is also no facility to train 8,000 in a district. I want to believe it was why they came down to the local government level. They now say let everybody train in their respective local governments. They call what they are given stipend; 20, 000 multiplied by N10,000, that is N200 Million injected directly into the economy of the state. They will still spend the money in the state. The idea of O-Reap(Rural Agricultural Empowerment Programme). I have seen that the poultry programmes has kicked off and millionaires had been made. The school system has changed for good, in terms of provision of grant to schools, increasing from what it used to be. An average Osun indigene now knows that to walk is an exercise to healthy living. These are things that has been inculcated into the lives of people and it has become a way of life. I have attended some functions with big wigs of previous administration and someone told me that he didn’t know that when you dredge rivers, there wouldn’t be flooding and that he was amazed. He said he has a poultry farm during the last administration and there was flood and water took away all his birds. But when this government came, it dredged almost all rivers, but he couldn’t ask them to come and dredge his place, but he hired an excavator and that thought him he would no longer experience flood. Osun has been given a new hope in all ramifications by the present administration in the state.

Looking at the insecurity in this country, especially the Boko Haram threat and kidnapping, how would you score the Federal Government?

I have said it initially that one of the things the government should be concerned about is the security of lives and property. That should be the responsibility of a functional government. All other things come after. But these Boko Haram and militancy you are talking about emanated from poverty. If you have wrong leader at the helms of affairs for eight years in a state, who is not doing anything, the effect will not be during the period of eight years. It will be after. That was what happened in Borno State and the spiral effect is all over the country today. I want you to go and look at Borno State just for 20 years. A government came to Borno for eight years doing nothing and what you have has affected the whole country. It first started in Borno and now Yobe. Yobe was created from Borno. Later it was in Gombe. So long as you have one central police, Nigerians cannot be protected. This is where federalism comes in. In an advance country like the USA, New York Police is different from Maryland Police. There are some areas where they can’t afford police, but they still have Sheriffs. Everybody should police his own community, so long as you are going to have an instruction from the Inspector General of the police in Abuja. People will tell you that when they have local or divisional police in the past, they were misused. The question I asked is, because states are going to misuse the police, should we jeopadise the security of 150 millions of Nigerians? If you have one man at the helms of affairs of one state that is going to misuse the police, the maximum tenure he can have is eight years. We should not personalise government. No matter how Jonathan tries, so long as we continue to do it this way, you cannot achieve. Despite that, you have all these. Aregbesola’s government still procures equipments for the use of police in the state because he can manage the security of the state because they will say security is a federal issue. Unless we do thing the way it should be done, I don’t see a solution to what you are talking about on security.

Recently, Senator Iyiola Omisore said all your party is doing in Osun is propaganda and that the present government is frivolous. What is your reaction?

Let me just talk about the system and not about personality. We are talking about visionary people coming to Osun. Iyiola Omisore is my friend, but the wherewithal to run this state, quote me, he doesn’t have it. I will not even try to comment on Omisore saying that all the government is doing is propaganda. The O-yes, O-Reap, Oyes-Tech, O-school, O-Meal are propaganda? Not only that, the Walk-To-Live itself is propaganda? This government did something and people never commented about it, which is creating an identity for the state. This is the foremost programme. That’s one legacy he will be living behind than any other thing. He has been able to register it in the minds of people that good virtue matters a lot. “Ipinle Omoluabi”, that is what we are in Osun now. It is possible for another administration to come after 30 years and say this programme I am not doing again, but can he say we should not be “Ipinle Omoluabi´ again? What does he want to call us?. Honestly, and you can quote me, I am not one of the people that will sing the praise of Rauf Aregbesola if he is not doing well. If he is not doing well, I will not only criticise him; I will walk up to him and tell him he has not done well.

I met this gentle man in 2005. He came into this compound; that was the first time I thought I was meeting him. He went to Imesi-Ile from Lagos. I sat in the same bus with them, and when we are on the road along Ada, he was now commenting on not seeing business activity along the road. I kept my cool as he was analysing so many things. Few days later, he made me realize that he wanted the mandate of the party for the governor of the state and I ,if all what you are saying in the car is what you can achieve, I will give you my support. That was the first time that thought I met him, but it was later when were discussing that I got to know that he was a corps member in the company that I was working as an accountant in Kaduna. Osun is no more for grabs for anybody who doesn’t have what it takes anymore because the strides we have recorded in this state, no Osun person will want to reverse our trend. Honestly, Rauf is doing well in all ramifications.

May 3, 2013
Group mobilises for 2015 elections

The National Co-ordinator of the Nigerian League of Democrats, Mr. Omoniyi Adebanjo, has said that the group will mobilise the youth for greater participation in democracy. He said they will be encouraged to vote and be voted for in the 2015 general elections.

Adebanjo, who visited the Lagos office of The Nation, disclosed that the group had embarked on a research focusing on the public perception of presidential zoning. He said questionnaires would be distributed to youths across the six geo-political zones to express their views on the rotation of the highest office.

Adebanjo said: “Being the watchdog, we must ensure that credible and good leaders mount the saddle of leadership. And when you look at what is going on in the country, most of the people at the lower rung of the ladder don’t even know or understand what is happening.”

“We are embarking on an orientation programme, which all the youths will benefit from. The strength of any nation depends on the youth. The co-ordinators in all the polytechnics and universities will rise to the challenge. They are going to play a paramount role in the race toward 2015.”

“The league will hold seminars as from October. A lot of activities will take place to sensitise Nigerians to their civic responsibilities in 2015, which will be a deciding moment for the country. We want to mount a campaign to ensure that 2015 polls is free and fair. This task squarely lies in the hand of the federal government.”

Adebanjo disclosed that over 100 million copies of the questionnaires would be distributed, stressing that Nigerians of eligible ages would have the opportunity to express their positions on critical issues germane to governance.

He added: “For the purpose of fair play, there is the need to balance the polity. If you cast your mind back from 1999 to this present time, those who had held sway at Aso Rock are from the South. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo dominated the scene for eight years, but when it shifted to the north, under the leadership of the late Umaru Yar’Adua it did not last.”

He maintained that the Niger Delta people were agitating when they felt that they were not getting enough from the country. This, according him, led to the conceding of power to the minority which leadership fell on President Jonathan.

“If you take your mind back when the militants in the Niger Delta were agitating the whole drama was cut short when the presidency was given to the minority. We at this organisation felt that power should shift down to the north to forestall the Boko Haram insurgency.”

On whether the presidency should be based on competency, he said: “I have not completely stated that power should be zoned for lack of competence. It very competence is relative and now you saying that if the power must shift it must be based on credibility. Is north not capable of giving us a credible candidate?

“I am a Yoruba man but I am not calling for the power to go to my people but I think for the purpose of fair play, we should allow the north to have the shot at the presidency. And for the unity of this country, we have to come together to achieve peace and progress.

“It was based on some form of understanding that people allowed Jonathan to become president and I think we should continue to explore all avenue of comprise to keep this country together. So, Jonathan too can let it go.”

He said the threat from the ruling party that it would capture 32 states was undemocratic.” When you see the true democrats they care for the masses. They seldom make undemocratic statements and would always test their popularity at the polls. The democrats are particular about the welfare of the people and the economic development of the country.

“The democrat will use God in his infinite mercy as their number one strategy. So, the idea that they would be captured 32 states sounded very undemocratic.

May 3, 2013
Can National Assembly uphold public opinion?

The House of Representatives has collated the views of Nigerians on the proposed constitution review across the 360 constituencies. But can the amendment reflect public opinion? ask Victor Oluwasegun and Dele Anofi.

On November 10, last year,the House of Representatives organised public hearings across the 360 constituencies on the proposed constitution amendment. Following the sessions, 43 items were identifiesd as the most important issues germane to the proposed amendment.

These issues include the immunity for the President and members of the Federal Executive Council, Sovereign National Conference SNC), state police and true federalism. Others are tenure of office holders, state creation, autonomy for Houses of Assembly, financial autonomy for the local government, indigeneship and citizenship and Diaspora voting.

When the Emeka Ihedioha-led Constitution Review Committee kicked off the assignment on April 18, many Nigerians doubted the sincerity of the legislators.

However, the Deputy Speaker assured them that, not only would the people be carried along, the amendment would reflect their wishes.

Now that the collated views have been presented to the House by the committe, the fear has resurfaced again. Will the views collated by the House form the main thrust of the constitution amendment?

At the presentation, Ihedioha ruled out the manipulation of the public opinion, stressing that the collated views would not be doctored or tampered with.

The National Assembly only approached the people with items that they felt were of utmost importance. No addition was permitted at the public hearing. Of the 43 items, 24 were considered by the people and 19 discarded. For instance, the decision of the people that Section 197(1) (b) be amended to abolish the State Independent Electoral Commission so that all elections are conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission is still being frowned at some quarters. This is Item 3 on the list.

Also, Item 13 generated ripples. While some felt that unelected local government should be denied funding, others felt that it would inflict pains on the grassroots. Item 13 was also an emotional issue. There was disagreement over whether the states should create councils without approval by the National Assembly.

According to the committee, state police was rejected by 307 constituencies. The question was: “Should Section 214(1) be amended to enable the establishment of a state police”. 292 constituencies said that the country should maintain the current police structure and system as in the Constitution.

The rotational presidency advocated by some Nigerians was defeated as 275 constituencies rejected the proposal that a provision be inserted in the constitution for the rotation of the Office of President between the North and South. In addition, 210 constituencies opposed the proposal that the Office of President should rotate among the six geo-political zones. On the other hand, 147 said yes and three refrained from voting.

The voting pattern may not dissuade the advocates of zoning. Analysts contend that the verdict of thye constituencies may not silence them too long.

In the report, one resolution stands out. This is contained in Item 8. Many Nigerians insisted that Sections 81 and 121(1) of the Constitution should be amended to require the President and governors to prepare and lay the annual budget before the Parliament, at least, three months before the end of a financial year. Hailing this resolution, many legislators said that it would avert budget failure.

Across the constituencies, indigeneship generated passion. But the majority voted that indigeneship should be defined to include the persons who have resided in an area for a long period and these Nigerians should be entitled to the rights, duties and privileges of citizenship. Many observers believe that this limit the tension and conflict between indigenes and settlers. However, in Southwest, traditional rulers have cautioned that rights for settlers have limitation adding that they cannot aspire to traditional thrones.

Predictably, many constituencies voted for financial autonomy for the local governments. They canvassed the abrogation of the State/Local Government Joint Accounts.

However, members of the civil society groups have pointed out that the House had manipulated the public hearings to elicit pre- determined responses to the items.

An example is Item 36, which asks the question:“Should the derivation component of revenue allocation be increased to, at least, 20 percent? 224 constituencies voted against it, 125 favoured the proposal and 11 abstained.

On state creation, there were antagonistic answers. Many constituencies that would not benefit from the exercise voted against it.

The analysis shows that 205 constituencies voted ‘Yes’, 14 voted for one state, five voted for two states, 32 voted for six states, seven voted for seven states, 22 voted for 12 states, three voted for 13 states, and 13 voted for 14 states.

Furthermore, one constituency voted for 16 states, 107 constituencies voted ‘Yes’, 133 voted ‘No’ and 22 were undecided.

Item 15 possed a challenging question: “Should the Second Schedule, Part 1 be amended so that some of the items, including those listed below be moved from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent List – (a) Fingerprints, identification and criminal records; (b) Insurance; (c) Labour, etc; (d) Prisons; (e) Public holidays; (f) Railways. (g) Bankruptcy and Insolvency (h) Registration of births and deaths. There were multiple answers.

According to the report, 170 constituencies voted ‘Yes’. 10 voted for sub-section (a) alone, 15 voted for sub-section (b) alone, 11 voted for subsection (c) alone, 10 voted for subsection (d) alone and 12 voted (e) alone.

Similarly, 15 constituencies – voted for subsection (f) alone, 6 (g) alone and 34 subsection (h) alone. while 57 Federal Constituencies wholesomely voted ‘Yes’, 181 voted ‘No’ and 9 were undecided.

However, Nigerians achieved consensus on some points. They supported the amendment of the Section 308 of the Constitution alter the immunity for the President, Vice President, governors and deputy governors, except on civil proceedings.

The rejection of immunity by Nigerians contrasted with the clamour for immunity by the federal legislators. In the House of Representatives, the two consolidated bills on immunity have passed through the second reading.

The bills, which were sponsored by the Chairman of the House Committee on Justice, Hon. Ali Ahmed, and Hon. Ralph Igbokwe, were consolidated, passed and subsequently referred to the ad hoc committee on the Review of the Constitution. Could the House be working at cross purposes with the wishes of the Nigerians?, many have asked.

House of Representatives members who spke with our correspondents have clarified that the immunity being sought by the legislators would not insulate them from criminal proceedings.

The proposed constitution may enhance wider participation in governance. This has reflected in the push for constitutional roles for the traditional rulers. 202 constituencies voted in favour of the proposal, 155 were against it and three abstained.

Applauding the committee, the Special Adviser to the President on National Assembly, Senator Joy Emordi, said that the outcome of the public session has negated the calls for a national conference.

She lauded the decision on the state creation, presentation of the budget proposal to the National Assembly three months before the end of the fiscal year, release of funds for unelected local councils, and the state electoral commission. Emordi observed that, if these issues are resolved, there may be no need for a Sovereign National Conference

The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA)’s representative, Charles Edosomwan, who is also the Chairman of the body’s Constitution Review committee, warned that the result should not be taken wholesome, since it was based on voting.

He however, expressed optimism that the proposed constitution would be based on consensus.

The public hearings and collation were laced with flaws. But political analysts have commended the House for the steps taken so far. The question is: will the final decision of the House on the constitution review reflect the wishes of the people?

May 2, 2013
‘We did not receive bribe to impeach Agbaso’

Imo State House of Assembly Speaker Benjamin Uwajumogu spoke with OKODILI NDIDI on the controversy generated by the impeachment of the former deputy governor, Mr. Jude Agbaso.

Was there a plan by the House of Assembly to impeach the former Imo State deputy governor before the controversy?

Imo State House of Assembly never at any time thought about impeaching the former deputy governor. That was never on the card. In this state, everybody knows that the executive and the legislature are getting on well. On the contrary, if there was anybody whose impeachment was talked about, it was Governor Rochas Okorocha.

How did the impeachment of Agbaso begin?

Jude Agbaso’s impeachment is unfortunate. Sometimes in June last year, we got information from the executive about an over payment made to a contractor, who still abandoned the site. And the House of Assembly, as a responsible House, cannot sit down and watch without acting when it’s obvious that the state government money was involved. Investigations commenced and the former deputy governor was invited by the committee set up to investigate. The directors and permanent secretaries from the Ministry of Works, of which he was also a commissioner. And actually, it was the deputy governor and the governor that initially arrested the J-PROS Managing Director, Mr. Dina Joseph. It was in the police station that Mr. Dina made the confessions and signed the report that indicted Jude Agbaso.

But we heard that he has brought the MTN call log. Are you aware of this?

All we hear about is that he has brought his call logs; we are yet to have it published in any newspapers or submitted to the House of Assembly. And he had the opportunity of defending himself after the House submitted his report, which was published in the newspapers and on the internet for everybody to read. How the House came to its conclusion is there. The judiciary set up a seven-man panel to investigate those allegations. The former deputy governor had an opportunity to go to the seven-man panel and clear himself, but he did not.

The Agbasos claimed that the House did not do a thorough job, claiming that the money has been traced to Dubai. What is your reaction?

We are not an investigative agency. Imo State House of Assembly is a law-making institution. We are not bound by the rules of engagement of the law enforcement agency. In the House of Assembly, we deal with what we have seen. What we were investigating was the reason for the stoppage and abandonment of projects. He abandoned the road for more than eight months, and when thie impeachment started, the man moved back to site. The committee called the police and the police arrested him. And it’s very interesting the statement the contractor made at the police station. Also, in the contractor’s statement, he indicted the former deputy governor. But that matter is still for another day.

What was Governor’s role in the investigation?

The governor only tried to interfere in the investigation of the House because, some time ago, His Excellency invited me that he was on his way to Abuja when he heard the information that the House was about commencing the impeachment proceedings against his former deputy governor. I told him there was nothing like that, that we are just investigating the abandonment and stoppage of work by some contractors. That didn’t amount to impeachment because the process of impeachment is a long process and it is not something you just start because you want to remove somebody. It’s a long process. At a point that this matter came to the House, and the governor called, I can tell you that no member of the House of Assembly ever thought of impeaching the former deputy governor. But the committee had started its work and invited the former deputy governor and other l directors in the Ministry of Works and there was no going back on what should be done.

May 2, 2013
UPN can’t bounce back, says Fasanmi

In the First Republic, Chief Ayo Fasanmi was the President of the Action Group (AG) Youth Association and member of the House of Representatives. In the Second Republic, he served as a Senator. The octogenarian Afenifere and All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain spoke with SOJI ADENIYI on the political situation in the Southwest and the country.

What is your reaction to the move by the leader of the Oodua Peoples Congress(OPC), Dr. Fredrick Faseun, to resusitate the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) led by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo?

Faseun is someone I have a lot of admiration for. In the interview I granted about a month ago, I let the people know that we are related, not only in friendship, but in marriage. The question is: what is his intention, particulary at this point in time. Is the intention genuine? A young man in the camp, not Faseun, recently called me on the phone and informed me that they wanted to resusitate the UPN and would like to know if I wanted to be party to the arrangement. I said “No.” I cannot be party to a sabotage.

I have always advocated the re-alignment of the progressive elements in the political parties in this country because that is the only legitmate process by which the Peoples Democratic Party can be thrown out of governance. As a matter of truth, when I gave evidence at the Awolowo’s trial many years ago, I said that I believed that the coming together of the progressive elements was necessary for salvaging the country from disintegration. What I said about fifty years ago is still truthful and relevant till today.

The balance sheet of the PDP today shows that there is so much to worry about in the country. Look at the decay in the infrastructure, insecurity and mass unemployment that have reached an alarming level. And as you know, devil finds job for an idle hand. If you dont give the youths the jobs they deserve to get what do you expect, nothing but crisis and insecurity wll result. And look at the PDP as at today. It has reached an irreversible stage of complete disintegration. So, when four political parties; the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress of Political Congress (CPC), the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and the All People Grand Alliance (APGA); decided to form the All People Congress (APC), I saw the development as a political panacea to the headache of this nation.

Now that Faseun has come up with the idea of rescusitating the UPN, what do you think is up to?

I read some of the statement he made in the newpaper. I that any alliance that will confront the people must be based on principles and ideology and I know that the leaders of these four political parties are serious-minded politicians whose antecedents are well known in the country. And I am very confident that, by the grace of God, the APC will succeed. But I also keep asking myself what Faseun is really up to? Is it an attempt to cause disaaffection among the rank and file of the politicians in the Southwest? Is it an attempt to break the unity among the politicians in the ACN, which is dominating in the Southwest? Who are the people that will join the crusade to rescusitate the UPN? If Faseun had a good intention, why did he not advocate or convene a conference of all progressive parties? So, I see a proposed attempt to rescusitate the UPN as a clever device to divide the rank and file of progressive politicians and people should be very careful. And when I read a statement by Faseun that the tree and branches will be uprooted and I was asking myself that does he want to replicate the kind of crises in another form in the Southwest, as it has happened in other geo-political zones? There is the Boko Haram insurgency in the North, kidnapping in the Southeast and militancy in the Southsouth. Is he trying to introduce a political ingenuity of chaos into the peaceful Southwest? I dont know what he is really up to by saying the tree and its branches will be uprooted. As I said, I have a lot of admiration for Faseum, but I can not understand his intention for planning the rescusitation of the UPN, particularly at this point in time. I am sure his intetion is not to promote peace and progress of the Southwest as a region.

Is Fasehun not inventing another platform to fight for Yoruba interest?

It is not going to be a viable platform to represent the Yoruba interest. It is going to be a political exercise in chaos and futility. What does he want to acheive and who are the members, the people to use for this end? I fault his timing, more so, at the time the APC wants to get registered and I still can not really understand his intention. So, I am baffled.

Can the APC dislodge the PDP, which has indicated its intention to win in 32 states in 2015?

I can only describe Jonathan’s target of thirty two states in the 2015 general election as a big joke. Look at the Southwest, for instance. We are going to have two elections next year – one in Ekiti State and another in Osun. Do you think, with the massive development going on under the indefaigable leadership of Fayemi and Aregbesola, the PDP will ever have an headway? I dont see this happening. I was recently discussing with a friend and we both agreed that there is no way the PDP can make any headway anywhere in the Southwest. So, I dont know where Jonathan will get his thirty two states. I dont see things being the same in the 2014 and 2015 elections, if the APC is not guided by personal ambition, but people first. I will advise the APC leaders to shun personal interest. Their ultimate should be the masses. The masses are suffering, particularly under the Jonathan Administration and they are looking for a redeemer. So, if the APC is not guided by personal interest, it is the only alternative. Nigeria will next year celebrate its centenary. What have we to show for it? So, I think APC, guided by sound principles, will deliver. Though people may be refering to the past alliances, but today, I can confidently say Nigerians now have known better.

Can the crops of leaders in the Southwest re-enact the feats of your leader, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo?

Awolowo was a fantastic person. He had very rare qualities that you cannot find nowadays. But judging by the transformation that is now going on in the Southwest, from Lagos State to Ogun State, Oyo State, Osun State and Ekiti State, the region is blessed. At a time, they picked Aregbesola as the best governor in the country. In far away South Africa, Fayemi was recorgnised as best governor in Africa. Also, many that have come to Osun State have acknowleged Aregbesola’s brilliant performance. Even Senator Chukwumerije, a PDP person and chairman, Senate Committee on Education, commended the Aregbesola Administration. He said what he saw here was the best in the entire country. The antagonists and protagonists of the ACN said the region had never had it so good and the Southwest has become a shining example in the country. To be a shining example, there must be sterlin qualities the leadership in the region must demonstrate. And these leaders are following the foothsteps of Chief Awolowo, in terms of performance, transparency, accountability and integrity. I have not seen any of them beig dragged before the anti-graft agencies; the Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices and other Crimes Commission (ICPC). These are young men who are emulating the visionary like Chief Awolowo. And I think they should be given time becuase Chief Awolowo was in the leadership saddle for many years, starting from the time of Egbe Omo Oduduwa to the time he founded the Action Group (AG), and later, the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). These young men are just starting and, at the rate of development we are witnessing, the revolutionary transformation has shown that they have taken after the visionary leadership of our great leader, Chief Awolowo. And I believe that what is going on in the South west can be expanded by 2015, if the APc can take over the central power there would be an effective leadership change.

Can the regional integration achieve the desired result?

I don’t see anything wrong in the regional integration. In a federal system of government, that kind of arrangement is very good. It means working together to achieve progress for the people of the region. Awolowo started this many years ago. It will help all parts of the region to benefit from one another’s strenght. Regional integration can promote understanding by pooling your resources together in the interest of the people in all the parts of the region and that does not mean that the region will be enstraged from the central government. Aferall, unity begins at home. So, I believe in the regional integration agenda. It is just starting. Let us wait a year more.We will see the good result it will produce, in terms of economy, social infrastructure and many more. When you pool your resources, it could be very helpful and beneficial to the people of the region.

May 2, 2013
15 in race for governor in Delta

Delta State governorship aspirants have begun mobilisation, ahead of the next general elections. Correspondent OKUNGBOWA AIWERIE examines the strengths and weaknesses of the contenders as well as the issues that may shape the race.

In two years’ time, Delta State Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan will vacate office, af ter the completion of his second term.

No fewer than 15 Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftains are scheming to succeed him. In other parties, there are also some aspirants eyeing the position.

The number of aspirants may go up, following the registration of the proposed All Progressives Congress (APC). The PDP aspirants are basking in the euphoria of the power of incumbency. However, opposition aspirants have said that this will crumble during the elections because there will be alternative routes for the voters to explore.

In Delta State, there are the serious aspirants, the not-so-serious and the pretenders. Campaign offices are being set up. Structures are being fortified. But the primaries will seperate the wheat from the chaff.

The aspirants

The top contenders for the governorship include Senator Arthur Okowa, Dr Festus Okubor, Hon. Victor Ochei, Elder Godsday Orubebe, Ben Williams, Navy Commander Onabu, Senator Pius Ewehrido, and Chief Great Ogboru.

Okowa

He is the senator representing Delta North District in the Upper Chamber. Okowa has intimidating credentials. He was the Chairman of Ika South local government, Commissioner of Health and Secretary to Delta State Government. He was defeated by Uduaghan during the 2007 polls. He is a grassroots mobiliser and a towering personality in Delta politics. He has a large followership in Delta North District, which he represents in the National Assembly. But he also has appeal in other senatorial distrits. In fact, he has structures across the three zones. Many believe that he can rebuild his political structure he used during his failed 2007 governorship bid. But he faces a stiff opposition from some influential politicians in the state, who still believe that he cannot be trusted. To them, he accepted to become the secretary to government when he had the opportunity to discredit the controversial PDP primaries that threw up Uduaghan, press for a new shadow poll and smile away with the ticket. His critics maintained that he should have aligned with the other aggrieved aspirants to protest the alleged imposition of Uduaghan, instead of jumping at the prospect of becoming the Secretary to Government.

Others have chided him for ethnicity, recalling that that he has not risen beyond being the champion of Ikaland. They alleged that Okowa is always eager to defend the interest of his native Owa Aliero, in utter insensitivity to the interests of other towns and villages in the senatorial district.

Okubor

He is an orator. He is former Governor James Ibori’s Commissioner for Information. Currently, he is the Chief of Staff in the Uduaghan Administration. in 2011, Okubor was the Deputy Director-General of Uduaghan Campaign Organisation. He is perceived as a dark horse in the race for the top job. However, many believe that his closeness with Governor Uduaghan may tilt the balance in his favour. They arrive at this conclusion because Uduaghan is interested how his successor will emerge. But, the governor’s support may be a double edged sword. Unless those who were injured by the imposition of Uduaghan in 2007 are pacified, they may resist Okubor’s emergence. There is the pervading feeling in Delta State that Ibori, who is in jail abroad, will determine who succeeds Uduaghan.

Besides, Okubor has some weaknesses. He does not seem to have a deep purse to run an effective state-wide campaigns. Also, the presence of his kinsman, Arthur Okowa, in the race may split Anioma votes. Okubor lacks the required experience to survive in the rough and tumble of Delta politics because he has never sought elective office before.

Ochei

He is the Speaker of the House of Assembly. He has endowed his office with visibility. He also enjoys cordial relations with the governor. enjoys immense visibility in his current job. Ochei is a three-time legislator representing Aniocha North Cnstituency. He is a wealthy politician and philanthropist who commands the respect of his constituents. If wealth alone is all it takes to become the governor, Ochei will win the governorship with mimimal effort. But Delta politics is treacherous and unpredictable. Ochei‘s critics accuse him of arrogance, But he rejected the label, saying that his self-confidence has been uncritically confused with arrogance. Until recently, when he divested his shares in Davnotch Nigeria Ltd, he has received a lot of bashing for allegedly using his influence as a top politician to corner lucrative contracts from the government for his company.

Orubebe

The Minister NigerDelta Affairs hails from Delta South Senatorial District, the same zone that produced Uduaghan. He is from the Ijaw extraction. Ordinarily, with zoning in place, Orubebe’s name should not come up for mention. But tongues are wagging. With the recent rapprochement between Uduaghan and Chief Edwin Clark, his ambition cannot be ruled out. Orubebe is a protégé of Clark and, with the rising sentiment in some quarters that zoning should be jettisoned, analysts believe that he has a good chance. A major challenge he has to surmount is that he comes from the minority Ijaw tribe. Also, if he becomes the PDP candidate, then, zoning is dead in Delta State. The only alternative is for him to defect from the PDP. But will Orubebe defect?

Ewherido

He is from the Delta Central District. He is a formidable politician beloved by the Urhobo. The senator was a member of the House of Assembly between 1999 and 2007. He also served as the Acting Speaker. Ewherido is major player in Delta politics. His is popular in his zone. Against all odds, he contested against the PDP for the Senate on the platform of the mushroom party, the Democratic People Party (DPP). That was after he lost the governorship primaries to Uduaghan in the PDP. He had gone underground, following his failed governorship bid, only to resurface and daze the PDP at the senatorial election. Urhobo has a superior numerical strength and, if the tribe supports him, he will shake the state in 2015. The ethnic group has been in the political wilderness in the last eight years, shopping for a credible candidate. But a major minus for Ewherido is his perceived independent mind.

Ogboru

Ogboru is a millionaire-businessman and veteran governorship aspirant. He loves power. But it has eluded him since 2003. In 2011, his party, the Democratic People Party, made a frantic attempt to prove that Ogboru is popular in the state. The party won eight seats in the House of Assembly. It also won a seat each in the House of Representatives and Senate. The “People’s General”, as he is fondly called by supporters, appears to be battle weary these days. He seems to have slowed down. But his supporters inisist that he is a crowd puller and a factor in Delta politics. But can Ogboru still count on the support of the Urhobos, especially with the emergence of Ewherido? Only time will tell.

Williams

Williams, fondly called “the Ben Lion Heart of Delta”, is running on the platform of the proposed APC. The retired Airforce Sports and Physical Education School instructor is from the Delta North. He is busy setting up campaign structures across the local governments. He is an advocate of power shift. Williams had boasted that the APC will dislodge the PDP in 2015. “The die is cast between the APC and PDP in Delta. PDP has failed and APC is now the saving grace. It is only the APC that can avert the disintegration of the country. It is only APC that can reposition Delta State”, he said.

Keyamo

Lagos lawyer Festus Keyamo has also joined the race. He is a pro-democracy activist and radical lawyer. The structure campaigning for him is the ‘Delta Frontiers”. The youths and students are rooting for his candidature. However, Keyamo has not announced his political platform. His associates have ruled out the PDP. This means that he he will jostle for the ticket in the APC or other smaller parties.

May 1, 2013
2015: PDP woos Afenifere

Prominent members of the Peoples Democratic Peoples Party (PDP) in the Southwest are teaming up with the polarised pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, to fight for power in the zone. Currently, the region is the stronghold of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).

There are two groups struggling for the soul of the organisation. The first group is led by the former Commissioner for Finance in Ondo State, Chief Rueben Fasoranti. The second is led by the deputy leader, Senator Ayo Fasanmi. Reconciliation broke down between the two camps, almost four years ago. Although the representatives of the factions were brought to the reconciliation table at Ibadan, Oyo State capital, by the younger elements who have formed the Afenifere Renewal group (ARG), they could not achieve a truce. Also, efforts to reconcile them by the wife of the late sage, Mrs. HID Awolowo, failed.

At the recent meeting of the faction led by Fasoranti in Lagos, many PDP chieftains were in attendance, although the key leaders; Chiefs Fasoranti, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Olu Falae, Oladipo Olaitan, and Supo Sonibare, are progressives and critics of the PDP-led Federal Government.

At the Lagos meeting were Senator Iyiola Omisore, Alhaji Rahman Owokoniran, Hon. Segun Ojo, Mr. Kayode Alufa, Chief Ladosu Ladapo, Akogun Tunde Odanye and Mr. Jimi Agbaje, who is being wooed by the Lagos PDP to contest the next governorship on its platform. A source said that the Fasoranti’s group enjoys the backing of the Ondo State Governor Olusegun Mimiko, who has secured a second term. Between 1999 and 2003, Afenifere did not open its door to the chieftains of the PDP, which they perceived as a conservative party.

However, the members of the Fasanmi’s group belong to the ACN, which is in the merger process with the All Nigeria Peoples Party (PDP), the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) and a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Prominent members of the faction include Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Chief Bisi Akande, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, Alhaji Olatunji Hamzat, Senator Olabiyi Durojaye, Otunba Busura Alebiosu, Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, and Hon. Odunsi. In fact, all the ACN chieftains in the Southwest identify with the Fasanmi’s group. Currently, the members of Fasanmi camp are in the government in the region.

In 2007, the Afenifere leaders in Fasoranti’s group supported the PDP governor of Ogun State, Otunba Gbenga Daniel. In 2011, they also supported Daniel’s candidate for the governorship, Mr. Gboyega Isiaka. It was a wide departure from 2003, when the former secretary of the group, Mr. Ayo Opadokun, was criticised for fraternity with former ANPP Governor Mohammed Lawal of Kwara State. Last year, they also supported Governor Mimiko’s re-election bid.

Southwest PDP members are courting Afenifere at a time the party is becoming increasingly unpopular in the zone. But the source said that the party is ready to pump money into the mobilisation against the ACN. “The fund for the election is not going to be a problem. The PDP Federal Government is showing a special interest in the zone. PDP wants to adopt two strategies. The first is to get aggrieved, credible and popular candidates to run for the governorship elections in the region and get Afenifere to back them on the platform of the PDP. That is why both Chief Bode George and Prince Adeseye Ogunlewe are now on the neck of Agbaje. At every election, Afenifere usually supports candidates and political parties.

“The second strategy is to encourage other parties outside ACN to compete with the ACN in the zone. It is worthy of note that, after securing the pipeline monitoring contract from the Federal Government, some Southwest leaders started talking about the resuscitation of the UPN. They are not happy with the soaring profile of Tinubu and they want to get their pound of fresh from Osoba”, added the source.

The group’s posturing has affected its image among the people of the Southwest. Unlike the pre-2003 period, Afenifere is perceived as a toothless bulldog, which can only bark but not bite. In fact, in 2003, the group supported the four AD governors; the late Adebayo Adefarati (Ondo), the late Lam Adesina (Oyo), Akande (Osun), and Osoba (Ogun). They lost to their PDP challengers; Dr. Olusegun Agaggu, Senator Rashidi Ladoja, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola and Otunba Daniel. The lone survivor, Tinubu, was deserted by the Afenifere chieftains, following the rejection of the 60:40 formula for the distribution of the appointive and elective offices in Lagos State. He handed over to Governor Babatunde Fashola in 2007. Also, in 2007, Tinubu spearheaded the struggle for the liberation of the Southwest from the PDP. Today, five out of the six states are governed by the ACN governors.

Recently, ARG leader Hon. Olawale Oshun had alerted the region to the antics of certain forces bent on encouraging the emergence of new parties to create confusion in the zone. He said those behind the idea were working assiduously with the PDP, which has the intention of re-capturing the Southwest in 2015. A sources said that the PDP chieftains are exploiting the division in the Afenifere to penetrate into the fold and swing the support of the Fasoranti camp to the PDP candidates in the next elections.

Falae ruled out any alliance with the PDP, although he agreed that PDP members can now take their seats in the group. This admission flexibility contrasted sharply with the picture of Afenifere between 1999 and 2002. For example, members of the group rationalised that the presence of Omisore at the Afenifere meeting was not strange. “He has been a member, but dormant for some time. He only left AD, not Afenifere”, said a chieftain.

May 1, 2013
‘APC will alter face of politics’

Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) National Chairman Chief Bisi Akande recently led 4,761 delegates to the party’s national convention in Lagos where a resolution for the approval of its merger with other opposition parties to form the All Progressives Congres (APC) was passed. He also explained the prospects of the merger and its implications for progressive politics in his address to the party faithful.

It is with great joy that I salute each and every one of you for coming to this very historic convention of our great party, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). We are particularly delighted to have in our midst, leaders of other opposition parties who have come all the way to witness this occasion. This convention is a special one, because it sets in motion one of the requisite steps that will lead to the coming together of leading opposition parties and groups for the purpose of creating an alternative political platform that will fundamentally alter for good the face of politics and governance in this country.

There is no gainsaying the fact that the merger of the leading opposition parties, which has reached an advanced stage, is already a fait accompli. The urgent need for change and the crushing desire to rescue our country from decay compel us to act quickly to provide an alternative leadership for Nigeria. This endeavour has become necessary given the efforts of the ruling party to stifle democracy and destroy its institutions.

We must not entertain any weariness or surrender to sentiments or blackmail in this enterprise, mindful that merger is strange, new and unique in Nigeria and that the law did not envisage the ambush presently being placed on our ways. But we shall overcome. This merger has come to stay!

The question I have had to answer from many of our party members is, why must we merge? Our experience of a miniature merger of the truncated Alliance for Democracy with the splinter of the PDP called ACD in 2006 which resulted in the AC, and later ACN, promoted our control from one state (Lagos) in 2007 to six states (Lagos, Edo, Ekiti, Osun, Oyo and Ogun) in 2011; and, increased our representation in the National Assembly from (32 in the House of Representatives and 6 in the Senate) in 2007 to (69 in the House of Representatives to 19 in the Senate) in 2011. It is our hope therefore that a merger of big parties like ACN, CPC and ANPP with DPP and a major portion of APGA, would yield a much bumper harvest.

The leadership of our great party after deep deliberations and consultations and in view of the current political reality is convinced that a merger is the way to go. We have threaded this path before. We are wiser, smarter and more prepared to make the sacrifices that this process requires for the sake of our country.

Why have we succeeded so much in ACN, many may want to ask? We have selfless caucus of leaders who provided the backbones for the raising of funds; and, who exercised the tremendous influence that promoted the confidence of our party organs like the NWC and the National Executive Committee (NEC) under my leadership. We encouraged selfless officers in the party and patriotic directors in the headquarters at Abuja to serve tirelessly without any emoluments, salaries and allowances; and, we enjoyed the example of an experienced, devoted and self disciplined chairmanship that drove the party secretariat to perform so honestly such that the INEC auditors had to single out ACN as having provided a most enviable and credible records of financial statements among all the political parties in Nigeria.

This is the kind of tradition I would urge us to re-establish in the new family, All Progressives Congress (APC). The next few changes of the merger are the final bold steps that will position us politically for greater gains and deliver one of the most formidable political platforms in post independent Nigeria.

As democrats, we must strive to put a stop to the present lamentable state of affairs in Nigeria by constructively engaging the political process with a view to overcoming the challenges that arrest our development as a nation. We must strive to build a strong, disciplined and internally democratic political platform that guarantees greater citizen’s participation at all levels. It, therefore, behoves us as leaders to always lead by example, and insist on discipline from our party members while remaining vigilant and constantly watching out for mercenaries who are wont to throw spanners in our good works.

In over 13 years that the PDP has been in power, not only has it failed to deliver on its promises, it has infected all institutions of state with its moral infirmity, aversion to the rule of law and entrenched monumental corruption never seen in the history of this country. Today, our country has become a society where the safety of life and property is at its lowest ebb and poverty level at its highest. Nigerians are waiting patiently but with bated breath, to see the successful outcome of the merger talks. We must never let them down. We must rise above pettiness and personal ambitions and put the greater interest of this nation over any other thing else, for this is the only guarantee, to salvaging Nigeria from the precipice.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, this may be the last convention we are holding as ACN. However, it marks yet the beginning of another journey towards the attainment of higher objectives. At this juncture, let me publicly acknowledge the contributions of those I have been privileged to work within our party in the past seven years. I seize this opportunity to express deep appreciation to our party leaders across the country for their support. Your inputs, and respective wealth of experience in caucus and other informal meetings have enriched in no small measure the way we run our party.

This ACN convention is not designed to relegate the position of its leaders and members. It is to make you a trail blazer, it is to make you the innovator, it is to make you the pioneer, it is to make you the ground breaker in a noble venture. Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, this is the convention of a great party, which is at the threshold of making history. I am pleased to declare this Convention open.”

May 1, 2013
Crisis of leadership and legitimacy

It is a big party with a huge power base. It is an oak tree offering shades to antagonistic gladiators. Many of them are often rebellious. The protracted crises ravaging the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its endless, yet unfruitful reconciliation, make the ruling party to wobble on in self-delusion and decay.

The battered state chapters have no rallying point to look up to for inspiration. Since the crises are overwhelming at the centre more than the distraught state branches, the renewed push for cohesion at that level has no prospect of altering the rigid character of the divided house.

There are three characteristics of a political party. These are ideology, organisation and leadership. The three features are highly connected. But the PDP, the acclaimed largest party in Africa, lacks ideological outlook. Its lingering leadership crisis has no ideological connotation. Therefore, the party cannot generate ideas for the government it midwifes. Thus, the PDP’s manifestoes shallow. The uniting factors are power retention and power consolidation for personal gains. Although the party has structures created by its constitution, they are severely weakened by the power-loaded PDP President, who as the national party leader, has assumed the status of the alpha and omega.

Except the pioneer chairman, Chief Solomon Lar, other chairmen emerged, following the endorsement of their candidature by the President. In the party, the word of the National Leader is law. He brooks no opposition. In the Second Republic, the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) fully subscribed to the idea of the party caucus, of which the President was a member. Its members met under the national chairman. I this dispensation, it is an outdated idea. The party secretariat, literarily, is the President’s bedroom.

The root of the rot is the weak political culture, which has made democratisation of the political parties a herculean task. Party discipline in the First and Second Republics aptly mirrored the “leadership discipline”. But the regional or ethnically-based political parties were built around personalities who were perceived as ethnic champions. Thus, as recalled by the former PDP chairman, Chief Barnabas Gemade, “ the whole idea of political leadership in Nigeria has been based on regional politics, zonal politics and tribal politics, up to 1999 when we began to float national political parties”.

“The stability of political leadership in administering those parties in the past was because parties were formed and owned by a group of people that were homogenous. But today, we have started seeing parties constructed around people from different backgrounds, different callings in life, different political ideologies, coming together to form one political party,” he stressed.

Gemade stressed that a national party, which is a product of political dynamism, creates opportunities for the scramble for political control. “You begin to see sectoral conspiracies and, since it has been said that politics itself is a series on the concentric circles of conspiracies and when those things are no longer circles, then, there are compartments of conspiracies, then you also begin to see a lot of agitation internally about ascendancy and descendancy and here, PDP has suffered this more than other political parties because it is much more difficult to forge homogeneity, especially in a political party like the PDP,” he added.

With the emergence of PDP, which has a national outlook, came the challenge of democratic party leadership evolution. The party would have naturally tried the path of surmounting the challenge, if its first national leader was not retired soldier, who could not adjust to the requirement of democratic civilian life.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s meddlesomeness in the party management had becone an integral part of party culture inherited by one of his successors, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. Just as the former President virtually stamped the candidature of Gemade, Ogbeh, and Ali, President Jonathan also insisted on the current chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur. Thus, in the PDP, the national chairman is like the President’s appointee.

The implications are not farfetched. Whenever the succession battle of the President is factored into the considerations for the national chairmanship, internal democracy is the first casualty. Also, when the majority of the party chieftains are forced to embrace and relate with the party leadership that did not evolve democratically from majority consent, the chairman will always swim in the pool of legitimacy crisis.

There is the thinking that Tukur has given the office some mileage. Should he be pushed out, as being suggested in some circles, the party will continue to swim in crises.

April 30, 2013