The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Ijaw leaders decry marginalisation

    Ijaw leaders decry marginalisation

    The Ijaw in Warri, Delta State, have appealed to President Goodluck Jonathan to halt what they describe as the marginalisation and discrimination by the Itsekiri against the ethnic group.

    They explained that, since the creation of Warri-North Local Government Area in 1991, with the headquarter in Koko, only the Itsekiris have benefitted from political appointments.

    The President of ‘Egbemas for Positive Change’, Mr. Ebimene Fetimi, alleged in a statement that Ijaw has been reduced to a second class race in the council.

    He said: “Mr. President, the Itsekiri are the ones occupying all the positions, council positions. It is also on record that the Ijaws (Egbemas) are more than the Itsekiris in population, yet we are not represented, despite the fact that the council was created for both the Ijaw and the Itsekiri.

    “We are dedicated and committed members of Peoples Democratic Party. Mr. President, you will recall that this complaint was brought to your attention by the Egbema Voice through our various publications in the media.

    “While we were waiting for your response, Governor Udughan appointed Mr. David Edun (a native of Itsekiri) as the new caretaker committee chairman of the local government. This clearly shows that the governor is anti-Ijaw.

    “This unholy act of the Itsekiri is totally against the spirit of the amended 1999 Constitution as provided for in Sections 14(4) and 15. It is on this note that we call for the removal of Mr. David Edun and demand for the appointment of an Ijaw as the caretaker committee chairman”.

  • Afenifere chieftain: Centenary celebration not necessary

    Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) chieftain Mr. Dipo Famakinwa has objected to the proposed centenary celebration, saying that it lacks justification.

    He told our correspondent in Lagos that Nigeriia has not become a nation, since it was forcefully amalgamated by Lord Fredrick Lugard in 1914.

    Famakinwa said the celebration may become another jamboree, urging Nigerians to reject the proposals.

    The ARG chieftain wondered why the federal government was planning to devote its time and energy to funfair at the expense of governance for nine months.

    He argued that, if Jonathan Administration had lived up to expectation, Nigerians would have been enthusiastic about the celebration.

    Famakinwa lamented the lack of focus by the government, adding that the President who had ruled out a Sovereign National Conference was proposing a celebration of imaginary unity.

    He said: “What is Nigeria celebrating at 100? Is Nigeria a nation or nation-state? Are we living in peace,unity and harmony? Instead of discussing the basis for peaceful co-existence, government is proposing a jamboree. We need to tell the President that centenary celebration is not the answer to the problem of under-development in Nigeria”.

    Famakinwa urged the President to reflect on the prediction by an international agency that the country may disintegrate, if certain measures are not taken.

    He added: “The answer lies in the convocation of a national conference to resolve the outstanding issues gernmane to peaceful co-exixtence”.

  • Who succeeds Akpabio in 2015?

    Who succeeds Akpabio in 2015?

    Politics of succession is in the air in Akwa Ibom State. Who succeeds Governor Godswill Akpabio in 2015? Correspondent Kazeem Ibrahym writes on the intrigues and underground moves by the governorship aspirants.

    he political parties are on the track. But the contest for the governorship is actually between the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Will PDP maintain its hold on power? Will the ACN displace the party Akwa Ibom State sin 2015?

    Governor Godswill Akpabio will leave the State House, Uyo, on May 29, following the expiration of his second term. Ahead of the general elections, alignments and realignments among the politicians have started.

    Akwa Ibom State has three senatorial districts; Uyo, Ikot Ekpene and Eket. The late Chief Akpan Isemin, an Etinan, had ruled the state between 1991-1993. But his tenure was aborted by the military intervention in politics. Preceeding his administration was that of Wing Commander Idongesit Nkanga, an Nsit Ibom man, who ruled between 1990 –1991. Both the late Isemin and Nkanga are from Uyo Senatorial District.

    Former Governor Victor Attah, who hails from Ibesikpo Asutan, ruled the state from 1999 to 2003. It was during Attah’s time that it was agreed that power should shift to Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District in the interest of peace, equity and social justice. That was how Akpabio, who hails from Ikot Ekpene, became the governor.

    The people of Eket Senatorial District are of the opinion that it is the turn of the zone to produce Akpabio’s successor. But this does not go down well with the people of Uyo Senatorial District, who are of the view that the governorship has never been zoned to any senatorial district in the history of the state. They argued that it has always been an open contest.

    Those supporting zoning and those against it are locked in scheming. The Elders Council’ of Uyo Senatorial District led by Otuekong Sunny Udoh is believed to be promoting the governorship ambition of the Secretary to Government, Mr. Umana Umana. It is not clear, if the ambition of the politician has the blessing of the governor.

    The elders are relying on historical facts as they forge ahead in their consultations on behalf of Umana. Udoh argued that Isemin contested against the candidates from the three senatorial districts in the Third Republic. He also recalled that, after his emergence as governor, other positions were zoned to the three senatorial districts.

    The elders said in a statement: “Former Governor Attah, who was the governor between 1999 and 2003, contested against the candidates from the three senatorial districts. That there was no zoning for the governorship was underscored by the fact that, even within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), aspirants from the three senatorial districts were screened and cleared to contest the primaries for the position in 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011.

    “The current governor, His Excellency, Governor Godswill Akpabio, won the primaries in 2006 and 2011 on his merit, after contesting against the aspirants from the three senatorial districts who were duly cleared by the PDP. Governor Akpabio won the two primaries deservedly and not because the position was zoned to Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District. After the emergence of Chief Godswill Akpabio as governor, other positions; Deputy Governor, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, and Party Chairman;` were zoned, in line with the practice in 1993, 1999 and 2003, to the three senatorial districts. Against the above background, the Elders Council takes serious exception to the statements made by some anti-democratic elements that the governorship in Akwa Ibom State in 2015 will be exclusively zoned to a particular senatorial district.”

    But former Minister of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Nduese Essien, who is from Eket, disagreed with the elders. He said it is foolhardy for anyone to argue that there are no credible candidates in Eket Senatorial District to run the affairs of the state in 2015.

    Essien condemned the anti-zoning elements in the state, stressing that zoning has always characterised PDP’s electoral calculations in the state.

    “The zoning arrangement has become a characteristic of PDP. In Akwa Ibom State, the first governor in the democratic dispensation emerged from Uyo Senatorial District. At the end of his second term in office, it was agreed that Uyo Senatorial District was no longer contesting the governorship; that it should go to either Ikot Ekpene or Eket Senatorial District. It was also expected that which ever senatorial district emerged in the 2007 election will stand eliminated from the race in the next round of elections for governor. As it is now, Uyo and Ikot Ekpene senatorial districts in Akwa Ibom have had their two terms in office. It automatically stands to reason that only Eket Senatorial District should present a credible candidate for the next round of elections.

    “May be, after the forth-coming elections, the best candidate, the best material and the highest bidder may emerge in the subsequent elections in 2015. But for now, the three senatorial districts have to be allowed to have their turns.” Essien said.

    In his letter to President Goodluck Jonathan, the National Chairman of Ibom Mandate Assembly, Mr. Iniobong John, who is from Uyo, disagreed with the Uyo Senatorial District’s Elders Council. He said Eket Senatorial District is the only zone that has not produced a governor, since the creation of the state. He explained that the other two zones have enjoyed the slot for 20 years in 2015.

    The letter reads in part: “ Eket Senatorial District is the hub of the oil wealth upon which Akwa Ibom and Nigeria is fed and sustained. In spite of the fact that, with 12 local government areas, the largest among the senatorial districts compared to Ikot Ekpene (10) and Uyo (9), Eket Senatorial Discrict and her diverse ethnic groups of Oro, Ibibio, Ekid, Ijaw and others, the zone is systematically subjected to political marginalisation and economic exploitation.”

    John quoted Article 7 Section 2, Sub-Section C of the PDP Constitution to support his claim on why Eket must produce the next governor. The section of the PDP Constitution reads: “In pursuance of the principle of equity, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of zoning and rotation of party and public elective offices and it shall be enforced by appropriate Executive Committees of the party at all levels.”

    “Mr. President, it may interest you to know that, following the recently concluded public hearing on the constitution review held across the country, the overwhelming vote of the people for zoning and power rotation in Akwa Ibom reverberated in all the 10 federal constituencies, the three senatorial districts and even at the state level, where Governor Godswill Akpabio lent his voice in support of rotation of power, publicly acknowledging that, himself is a product of zoning.” John added.

    In Akwa Ibom State, 2013 is a mirror of 2015. The various groups are coming up as campaign platforms drawing attention to the aspirations of their sponsors. Observers are of the view that the preparation for the 2015 contest led to the resignation of the former deputy governor, Nsima Ekere, who is believed to be a strong contender for the number one seat. Ekere, who hails from Mkpat Enin, the Ibibio axis of Eket Senatorial District, is banking on zoning to succeed Akpabio.

    But Governor Akpabio recently told The Nation that the resignation of Ekere has nothing to do with the governorship tussle. “I don’t think the resignation of the deputy governor has anything to do with 2015. That is my personal opinion. I think it has a lot to do with the personal decision of a public servant who decides to face other things. It really depends on what make you fulfilled as a person. So, I don’t think it has got anything to do with 2015, but there is nothing wrong in reading political connotations into anything that occurs in any political atmosphere. So, I believe strongly that in 2015, Akwa Ibom people are most likely to say let Godswill continue to be done,” he said.

    Asked if he is interested in who succeeds him, Akpabio said: “As a citizen of the state, I am definitely interested in ensuring that the tempo of development is not relaxed and I will be very glad, if we can have somebody who will be as passionate and dedicated as the current governor of Akwa Ibom State.”

    The governor’s explanation notwithstanding, many people believed that Ekere was almost evicted out of Akpabio’s government before he resigned to avoid any embarrassment.

    However, many also believe that the loyalty of Umana to Akpabio would play a key role in deciding who succeeds the governor in 2015. Umana will need to contend with strong forces from Eket Senatorial District, which are shaping the preparations for the battle.

    These include Senator Helen Esuene from Eket Senatorial District, Effiong Abia, an Oron man, who is serving as the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs; Okpolupn Etteh from Ibeno, who is the Majority Leader of the House of Assembly; Ambassador Assam Assam, former Attorney General of the state and the Ambassador of Nigeria to Russia, and Jerome Isangiedighi, a member of the House of Assembly representing Oron/Orung Uko.

    Observers believe that urgent steps are required by the PDP to address its zoning arrangement and the controversy it has generated to prevent internal chaos that could result in the break down of law and order in the state.

  • African Mayors Business Forum: Olatunji Oke’s clarion call for Local Government Revolution

    African Mayors Business Forum: Olatunji Oke’s clarion call for Local Government Revolution

    On the last day of January 2013, the United Nations Plaza 1 became a meeting point where Africa and its diaspora converged to discuss a quietly powerful idea: that true development begins at the grassroots.

    The African Mayors Business Forum, organised by the Africa to America Group, was more than another conference in New York’s crowded event calendar. It was a gathering of minds determined to shift the spotlight from the often-ignored local governments of Africa, elevating their role from mere administrators to architects of economic transformation.

    At the helm of this initiative was Dozie David, a diasporan visionary driven by a simple but urgent conviction that Africa’s future cannot be built from the top down. It must rise from the ground up, brick by brick, through the empowerment of its smallest government units.

    “This Forum,” David remarked in his welcome address, “is about giving voice and visibility to Africa’s local governments. They are closest to the people, and they hold the keys to our sustainable development.”

    One of the Forum’s most anticipated speakers was Mr. Olatunji Oke, Editor-in-Chief of the Lagos Indicator, a leading publication that tracks governance and development in Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos State. With the gravitas of someone who has chronicled the highs and lows of public service, Oke took the stage to deliver his keynote address titled: “The Local Government Revolution: How to Maximise Development from the Bottom to the Top.”

    Oke’s words flowed with clarity and conviction. He spoke of a revolution — not in the streets, but in the council chambers and community halls of Africa’s towns and villages. A revolution that begins with rethinking how local governments are structured, funded, and empowered.

    (L-R) Olatunji Oke, publisher/Editor-in-chief, Lagos Indicator Magazine, Michael Ogbolosingha, Bayelsa State delegate, Mayor Wayne Hall (snr), Mayor of Hempstead New York, Dr Cheryll Hill, Conference Speaker and Dozie David Africa to America representative.

    “For too long, local governments in Africa have been treated as afterthoughts — mere extensions of state and national bureaucracies,” Oke said. “But these are the institutions closest to the people. They understand the pulse of the community, the texture of everyday life. If we are serious about development, this is where we must begin.”

    He outlined a five-point agenda: financial independence for local councils, robust capacity building for officials, strategic public-private partnerships, data-driven governance, and meaningful diaspora engagement.

    “It’s time we stop asking what local governments can do for us and start asking what we can do to make them work,” Oke concluded, earning a standing ovation from the diverse audience.

    Bringing an American perspective to the conversation was Mayor Wayne J. Hall Sr., leader of Hempstead, New York. Hall, a respected figure in municipal governance, spoke of the universal challenges local leaders face — from limited budgets to increasing demands for accountability.

    Yet, despite these challenges, Hall emphasized that the success of local governance hinges on leadership, transparency, and community engagement. “When people see their ideas reflected in policies, when they feel heard and valued, governance transforms from a distant authority to a shared responsibility,” he said.

    Hall’s remarks provided a bridge between the African experience and the American local governance model, showing that while contexts differ, the principles of effective local leadership remain universal.

    The conversation then shifted from governance to business, as Dr. Cheryl Hill, CEO of Integrity International Consulting Group, took the floor. With a rich background in advising businesses on African markets, Dr. Hill painted a compelling picture of Africa as the new frontier for investment.

    “Forget the old narratives of aid and charity. Africa is brimming with opportunities — in agriculture, infrastructure, energy, ICT, and healthcare,” she said. But she also cautioned against short-termism. “Success in Africa requires patience, partnership, and a deep respect for local cultures and contexts.”

    Dr. Hill’s presentation resonated with many in the audience, particularly members of the diaspora seeking to invest in their home countries. She highlighted the symbiotic relationship between good local governance and successful business ventures. “When local governments function effectively, businesses thrive, jobs are created, and communities prosper.”

    From broad continental themes, the Forum zoomed in on a specific success story, Bayelsa State in Nigeria’s Niger Delta. Representing the state was Michael Ogbolosingha, a local government chairman who shared his firsthand experiences of making governance work for the people at the grassroots.

    Ogbolosingha spoke candidly about the challenges of managing expectations in resource-rich but infrastructure-poor communities. Yet, through innovative community-driven projects in education, healthcare, and local enterprise development, his council had begun to shift the narrative.

    “Development isn’t abstract,” he said. “It’s the classroom where a child learns, the market where women trade, the clinic that saves lives. These are local issues that require local solutions.”

    The Bayelsa presentation was not just informative but inspiring, showcasing how empowered local leadership can catalyze meaningful change.

    As discussions continued, one theme emerged repeatedly: collaboration is non-negotiable. Whether through public-private partnerships, diaspora engagement, or international cooperation, local governments need allies to succeed.

    The Africa to America Group’s efforts to create these bridges were widely applauded. Dozie David stressed that this Forum was not a one-time event but the beginning of a sustained movement to reposition Africa’s local governments as pivotal players in development.

    “We are planting seeds today that will bear fruit in communities across Africa. This is about legacy, about ensuring that development is not a privilege for a few but a right for all,” David said in his closing remarks.

    As the Forum drew to a close, the energy in the room remained palpable. The speeches, panels, and networking sessions had done more than just fill an agenda; they had ignited a renewed commitment to grassroots-led development.

    For Oke, the message was clear. “Africa’s greatness will not be decreed from lofty offices. It will be built in local councils, in villages, in towns, through the hard work of leaders who understand that real power comes from serving the people.”

    In the heart of New York City, far from the villages and towns of Africa, a powerful conversation had taken place. One that reminded everyone present that the journey to Africa’s future begins at the local level and that journey is well underway.

  • Pray, who is afraid of Kalu’s return?

    Pray, who is afraid of Kalu’s return?

    First, it was a band of politicians who claimed to be from former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu’’s Igbere community lamenting his then planned return to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Not long afterwards, the state chairman of the party, Chief Emma Nwaka, came out and rejected Kalu’s claims, insisting that the former governor had not been readmitted into the PDP in the state.

    Then the leadership of the party in his Local Government Area that protested his eventual return. And just yesterday, the zonal leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the South-East joined the fray and kicked against his reported readmission into the party.

    The National Vice-Chairman of PDP, Col Austin Akobundu (rtd), even said Kalu is unknown to the zone as a member of the party. He did not mince words in saying the ex-Governor is not welcomed in the PDP.

    While the controversy rage, with the man in the middle of the storm, Kalu insisting on his return to his former party, observers are left to worry over the reasons why Akobundu and others may be bent on keeping Kalu out of the PDP.

    Or is it that some people are actually afraid of his return as he claimed in a recent interview? If this is the case, then the question to ask would be ‘who is afraid of Kalu’s return?

     

  • What manner of ceasefire?

    What manner of ceasefire?

    Seven police men have been killed in three attacks by suspected members of the Boko Haram Islamic sect barely 48 hours after the militant Islamic group offered to ceasefire and dialogue with the federal government.

    These latest round of killings call to question the sincerity of the sect concerning the olive branch it offered and supports the opinion of people like activist, Shehu Sani, that the group should not be trusted.

    Although the group is yet to publicly claim responsibility for the killings, it has also not come out to deny involvement or condemn the attacks. fueling suspicions that its men were behind the dastard acts.

    In Kano, two policemen died after unknown gunmen threw explosives at a police station in Bunkure Local Government Area of the state. In Gombe, capital of Gombe State, gunmen opened fire on policemen who were on duty at a stop-and-search point at 6.30am in the central area of the city.

    In Kaduna, the North’s political capital, three policemen were killed in Birnin Gwari, headquarters of Birnin Gwari Local Government when an army of gunmen overpowered the policemen on duty at a police station.

    Unless the group is able to exonerate its men from the latest attacks, it will be pretty difficult for Nigerians to see the ceasefire deal as something to rejoice about.

     

  • Motion for two-party system

    Motion for two-party system

    The deregistration of thirty-five political parties by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) since the 2011 general elections understandably generated uproar across the land. Many analysts denounced the action of the commission for constraining democracy. I fail to see the logic in their presentations.

    From whatever angle one may choose to look at the matter, the commission should be commended for attempting to give effect to the spirit of the constitution. While some lawyers have queried the legal power of the commission to delist registered parties and the matter is subject to the ruling of a competent court of law, the logic appears crystal clear. All democrats must agree that only strong political parties can aggregate values and mobilize popular support. In a fragile democracy like Nigeria feeble associations masquerading as political parties can only force down the progress of the country.

    In recent years, we have seen disaffected politicians on the run from established political parties seizing weak platforms to contests elections, thus further befuddling issues and complicating matters.

    Hitherto, many moribund parties exist on the roll, contributing nothing to national development. Their leaders lack ideas and visibility. They have no road map to power and no views on revamping the economy or restructuring the polity. They only existed to share whatever may come by way of grant from the electoral commission. Whenever a runaway politician from a viable platform comes knocking, the door is opened for a fee.

    It has been argued that small political parties could have strong views and uphold values. But, this has not been demonstrated by parties in Nigeria ’s recent history. The time will come when we can open the space for micro parties. Not now.

    Going by the very liberal conditions set by the constitution for registration of parties, any group would pass the test. All that is needed is produce a constitution and manifesto; come up with aims and objects procure a national headquarters in Abuja and bring together a body of friends from different states to satisfy the national character principle. Anyone who schooled in Nigeria could easily pass the test and get transformed overnight to national leader of a national political party. This is not what Nigeria needs now.

    It is time for nation-building. It is the moment of getting the best hands and brains to put Nigeria together again. When leaders of political parties are invited for meetings, we want to see experienced political giants. This cannot be done with scores of political parties.

    It is my view that the country’s political history supports not more than two political parties. In the First Republic when there was no compulsion to register political parties, politicians were more mature and focused. They could fairly be trusted to act responsibly. Now, there are many jesters on the scene. Some people, with funny, imported accent and speaking through the nose think they could start the political journey with a shot at the presidential race. They think all it takes is to think up a name and proclaim it a political party and thus parade themselves as master tacticians. They wait for the opportunity for disaffection following poll dispute to take a stand that would create confusion in the land. Sanity must reign. Such parties deserve to be proscribed.

    The many parties of the First Republic soon realised the will of the people and came together in two broad coalitions- the United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA) and the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA). In the Second Republic , although only five political parties were registered under the 1979 Constitution, they had to coalesce into two along the line in order to form government and opposition. The National Party of Nigeria was not strong enough to run the country alone, and therefore reached an accord with the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP). The others, Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP) and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), also reached an understanding to provide a strong alternative viewpoint on governance with expectation that they could merge into a political party before the 1983 general elections. As soon as the NPN-NPP Accord broke down, the NPP also moved to team up with the others.

    This is a time for consolidation. Ahead of the 2015 polls, the serious political leaders owe it a duty to Nigeria and Nigerians to combine efforts either in support of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which is today dominant, or against it. It makes the choice easy for the electorate.

    I do not support the Babangida formula of foisting parastatals on the polity, but if INEC chooses to apply the rules and weeds off all parties that fail to meet constitutional obligations in terms of filing financial returns, providing a register of assets and liabilities and have no proofs of holding regular conventions and congresses, it has my full support and deserves commendation.

  • Inside the governors’ mafia

    Inside the governors’ mafia

    The ongoing political battle between the Presidency and Nigerian Governors’ Forum seems poised to redefine the country’s power balance ahead 2015. Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, opens a window to the operations of the new political mafia called Nigerian Governors’ Forum

     

     

    When Nigerian Governors Forum was established in 1999, it was seen by most Nigerians as a harmless non-partisan association that would help promote unity and better understanding among the governors and governments of the 36 states.

    So, not many, including its bitterest critics then, reasoned that such understanding may ultimately evolve to become a powerful political mafia that has literally hijacked the country’s power base.

    Today, barely 14 years after, NGF has, according to The Nation investigation, become the most powerful power broker in the country, as it has been pulling the most vital strings since 2007, when it succeeded in influencing the then outgoing President Olusegun Obasanjo to install two of its members, the late Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua and Dr Goodluck Jonathan as President and Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, respectively.

    Since then, according to sources close to the seat of power in Abuja, whenever the need arises, the forum has been playing the Joker in almost all critical political and economic games in Abuja, and have been having its way to the chagrin of older political lords, who have been sidelined and major players in the Presidency.

    Dr. Okechukwu Nkemdirim, a political scientist and social commentator, told The Nation that Nigerian Governors Forum has become a recognisable political mafia in Nigeria. ‘Some people think NGF is noisy, I think otherwise. I can see that the forum is the only functioning political mafia in the country. It is the only faceless group that has the wherewithal and the political might to influence major decisions and appointments in Nigeria. So, to me, it is only reasonable that president’s men, who want him to recontest in 2015, recognise the forum as a possible obstacle and are, therefore, raising the alarm.’

    Nkemdirim compared the forum to an Octopus “whose tentacles have already spread across the length and breathe of the country’s political theatres. As governors, the members of the forum have state resources and political leadership of their areas. So, once they decide and agree on an issue, it will demand a lot to deny them of it,” he said.

    It took one of President Goodluck Jonathan’s closest associates, Chief Edwin Clark’s recent call to outlaw the forum for Nigerians to renew their interest on the operations and functions of the forum. Already, there is a raging debate on the relevance or otherwise of the forum?

     

    How it operates

    The official records of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) said it is ‘a coalition of the elected governors of the country’s 36 states.

    It added that it was ‘established in 1999, following a multi-party conference of all the 36 democratically elected state governors. The Nigeria Governors’ Forum is registered under Part C of the Companies and Allied Matters Act, (CAMA), 1990, and also draws its legality from Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,’ the reord said.

    Given this kind of task, said one of the aides of one of the former chairmen of the forum, ‘It should not be strange to anybody if the governors, as the leaders of the people decide to play leading roles in ensuring that their people’s interest and the interest of the federating states are protected. If that is what you call being a mafia, I think there is nothing wrong in it,’ said the aide, who declined to be quoted, pointing out that he was not the spokesperson of the forum.

    The aide, who has worked closely with a former leader of the group, however, opened a window of how the organisation operates and why it has become so powerful.

    As he puts it, “As state governors, the members do not wait until there is a problem before deciding how to solve it. Using the practical problems in their states, they usually come to their meeting with reports of major political and economic problems that must be tackled.

    “For example, many Nigerians are not aware of the role The Nigeria Governors Forum played in facilitating the release of excess crude funds (from Paris Club debts) to the states in 2008. This has, I believe, played an important role in the development of states.”

    The source argued that Nigeria actually needs a powerful group like NGF to checkmate the all powerful federal government.

    One of the governors, speaking off-handedly in a private meeting, also gave an insight into the operations of the forum. He explains that their meetings are both formal an impromptu, depending on the issue at stake. According to him, the forum’s meetings and ability to carry out decisions ‘one, because finance, which has remained a major hindrance in many political organisations, is not a problem. Also because the members are close to the problems as leaders in their states, they know where it is paining. They understand the problems better than the Abuja big men.’

    But many Nigerian intellectuals and activists insist that the governors are over doing it and have displayed desperation to hijack power at all cost.

    Dr. Sonny Ajala, a legal practitioner in Abuja told The Nation in a telephone chat that what is happening ‘is part of the distortion of federalism in Nigeria.’ According to him, the forum was set up to encourage unity and spirit of healthy competition among the states. ‘Today, the forum is primarily a means of wresting power from the common people who truly owns it. It is not merely a battle between NGF and the presidency, it is a means of power appropriation for the selfish interest of a few privileged.

    ‘I agree with the allegation that NGF has become the greatest threat to Nigerian democracy. Don’t forget that the group contributed to the depletion of Nigeria’s foreign reserve and ask me what they have done with the money?

     

    The current face-off

    As a major beneficiary of the growing power of the forum, many are wondering why the President Goodluck Jonathan-led Federal Government is engaged in the current power game.

    A source, an insider, who would not want to be named, told The Nation that it all began, soon after the emergence of Jonathan. He said the president had rode on the back of the forum to emerge vice president. But the power brokers in the forum then, never contemplated he would become president the way he did. So, when the late Yar’Adua’s sickness worsened, the power show began. The same forces that made him, became desperate to remove him. The dividing line had to be ruled.

    He explained that when Fortune smiled on Jonathan and he became President, he failed to take control of the NGF and that is the major problem he is facing today. ‘This is so because since then, it is the state governors that have been funding political parties in their states, it is the governors that have therefore been making the most important nominations for federal appointments and for emergence of federal and state lawmakers. Under this scenario, it would be expected if the forum actually decides the future elections, including the presidency

    Worried by this possibility, close associates of President Goodluck Jonathan, fearing that the forum is being nurtured by sworn political enemies of Jonathan as a potent arsenal for the 2015 political battle, have reportedly agreed that the forum’s wings must be cut to size as quickly as possible.

    Our checks indicate however that it took long to convince Jonathan that such a threat exists. It is alleged that after a prolonged debate recently in his home in Aso Rock and several briefings on the matter, Jonathan, whose selections as Vice Presidential Candidate and later President were largely influenced by the forum, reluctantly agreed with his advisers that he must have to tackle the forum in order to be in charge ahead 2015.

    The ongoing political battle between Dr. Goodluck Jonathan-led Presidency and the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) has witnessed disturbing twists in recent times, raising fears that the battle may soon be narrowed to become that of the Governor Rotimi Amaechi, the current chairman of the forum and the President. A source said the feeling at the Presidency is that some people in NGF are poised to use the forum to fight personal battles. But the aide of the former leader told The Nation that NGF has always remained a serious group and cannot be so used.

    So, while reacting to Clark’s recent call on the federal government to outlaw the Nigerian Governors Forum, alleging that it has become not only an opposition to the government but also a threat to Nigeria’s democracy, observers said he only re-opened an old debate as to whether Jonathan is doing well and if the governors are performing and delivering dividends of democracy.

    Also, although Clark’s critics has dismissed him as merely voicing the sentiments of the presidency, it seems many Nigerians share the fear that NGF has unlawfully hijacked Nigeria’s power base from the electorate and have been using same to dictate political trends since 2007 or thereabout.

    An elder political player, very close to Aso Rock, however told The Nation during the week that ‘In a democracy, you cannot decree an Organisation like NGF out of power. ‘This is democracy. We do not believe the solution is to decree out any group as long as its members are not flouting the laws of the country.’

    Dr. Ajala disagreed. He said, ‘NGF has become Nigeria’s invisible government and though such mafia- like groups exist in advanced democracies of the west, like America, it is not ideal and should not be tolerated. Power belongs to the people and not to the President or governors. Such mafia organisations are just corporate moguls interested in entrenching their interests and not that of the common man. The problem is that Nigerians are still awaiting the emergence of a strong and performing president who will enjoy the support of the people and so can call bluff of the governors,’ he said.

    The intrigues continue.

  • ‘Orji in a hurry to write his name on marble’

    ‘Orji in a hurry to write his name on marble’

    Abia Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Sir Emma Nwabuko, spoke with Agamnetochi Onoh on the local government reforms of Governor Theodore Orji with the expected dividends.

     

    After a brilliant record of work performance as Commissioner for Works in 2009, Sir Emmanuel Nwabuko was moved to the Local Government in August 2011 where turn-around reforms were put in place. Just like in the works ministry, Nwabuko has been carrying out a crusade in his current portfolio, working tirelessly to make a difference in the second and last lap of the Theodore Orji administration.

    The emphasis of the new administration is collective responsibility, with zero tolerance for divided loyalty, not after the previous chief executives left the LGAs impoverished. Nwabuko soon realised that the funds were not enough to go round, especially when the issues revolving on internally generated revenue had many leakages that had to be plugged if he had to produce results. Beyond this, ghost workers papered over with an over-bloated workforce, milked his budget.

    He received an average of N1.7 billion which peaked to N2 billion in the July/August allocation. But his big concern was that he had little left to execute his huge outlay of capital projects after paying out N1.5 billion in salaries most of which, it became apparent, were going to these faceless employees inclusive of LG staff, teachers, pensioners and the political class, transition chairmen, and councillors with traditional rulers taking 30 percent of the total allocation. The effect was that the ministry could neither fully meet its obligations, including loans servicing, nor carry out meaningful capital projects as well as fund running costs for such normal activities as refuse disposal. He had no option left but to right size and downsize his staff profile.

     

    Biometric system

    The state House of Assembly, which has the oversight function of ensuring governance meets acceptable standards approved a biometric system of checking staff performance. A test run was carried out early last year but acts of fraudulence in critical quarters sabotaged the exercise and delayed the implementation. Nwabuko and his team refused to bulge and by last July,

    the biometric system rolled off the ground with the payment for that month; a 70 percent staff attendance to work was placed as the cut off point, yet only 10 percent was able to meet this cut off mark. The mark was brought down to 50 percent of the LGA workforce while concession was given to staff on in-service training. The exemptions from the log in-log out system were officers of the National Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE) and a category of management staff.

    Nwabuko noticed a trend where a large number of staff of the LGAs was placed on mass transfers through the outstation arrangement. Apparently, this was a conduit designed to short change the system using faceless staff, who were obviously ghost workers on fictitious transfers. In spite of the strong opposition to the biometric system, Nwabuko insisted on a form of payment which in local language is known as face-to-face payment

     

    Game Plan

    Nwabuko called a meeting of heads of service and local government management staff to evolve a workable plan that would drive the ministry forward along the line of transparency and due process. Part of that plan was to carry out unscheduled visits to the local government headquarters and certain local government institutions to find out who is at work or not and why. He also raised a team of secret service men whose mandate was to deliver to the ministry a regular feedback of what goes on where with CCTV cameras installed at strategic locations.

     

    Who is employed?

    The local government service commission in partnership with the ministry agreed to collaborate with each other to be able to ward off this evil. That meant every staff in the local government had a computerised profile as part of a comprehensive inventory that recorded among other things, the movement of employees and its progression in terms of retirement and the attendant pension schemes and payouts. This also meant that files were being modified on a daily basis. Yet, it turned out that even with the embargo on unemployment, salaries, gratuity and pensions kept increasing. But the warning has long been made that anyone caught cheating would be dealt with since the civil service rules and regulations were clear on what constitutes a code of behaviour and the penalties for a default.

     

    Inspectorate and Monitoring Department

    Nwabuko’s commitment to results led to the setting up of the project and monitoring department where local government chairmen come up with their proposals with the advice that such projects should at the possible earliest time be realised with an even spread on the communities that make up the LGA. This approach to local government governance and their deliverables to the communities have led to improved project execution, eliminating waste in areas that were conduit pipes for leakages. Skill acquisition was one of the projects that was used as a test run for this new policy and it turned out a huge success. Funds under the current arrangement are tied to specific projects and over time it has been possible to carry out rural electricity projects, build town halls and construct feeder roads

    Nwabuko agrees that local government administration, which in many civilised climes is the fulcrum of grassroots governance and infrastructure development and maintenance, failed in Nigeria because priorities were either misplaced or fraudulence took the better part of those in charge. Many local government administrators, he observes, embark on bogus projects that are not realisable in their four year tenure. Currently in Abia State, Governor Orji, like many of his colleagues in other states, is vocal on realisable, prioritised projects.

     

    Agenda

    The commissioner insists said part of his agenda is a call for a work ethic that is proactive, and committed with achievable and quantifiable goals. “My work ethic is in tandem with the spirit of service to the fatherland, and borrowing from President John Kennedy, ask what you can do for Abia State first before asking what Abia can do for you. In our tenure, full implementation of all salary commitments agreed upon, is given and this includes teachers and other categories of civil servants working in this ministry. Project supervision and execution with an even spread to all the communities is a must. The idea of clustering projects in a given area is history even as we aspire to build state of the art infrastructure with our strident drive to boost our internally generated revenue (IGR).”

    Nwabuko knows agriculture is the mainstay of the rural folks whose residents increase in sophistication and style of living by the day. That is why the ministry is partnering with its agriculture counterpart to have a model of farmers powered by the LGAs and tailored to specific areas such as plantain plantations, and poultry farms. You could imagine with these projects on course, Nwabuko’s evenly spread smiles should go beyond a grin, but he tells you he has a bigger pay packet on hand to contend with. His reason is that many Abia indigenes working in neighbouring and other states of the federation had had to be displaced and returned home jobless. He was mandated by Governor Orji to find them a space in the LG civil service structure. That demand led to a downsizing that affected civil servants from other states working for the state, and that was after the governor politely called his governor colleagues whose indigenes were affected by the exercise.

     

    Effect

    Nwabuko observes the vitriolic media attacks sponsored by the affected states were just unfair not even where the exercise has its advantages till date absorbing well over 2000 Abia indigenes, who had hitherto been idle, directly into its employ. It also helped to reduce an over-bloated teaching staff, who with one teacher to four students or pupils,  were mainly non-indigenous businessmen appearing on pay days to pick salaries and disappear.

     

    Youth Empowerment

    Part of Nwabuko’s agenda is to reduce the unemployment rate of the youth of Abia. He has in his data book 4000 unemployed youths he has earmarked for employment in the LGAs, a selection he has handed over to the local community leaders. Adds Nwabuko in apparent deference to his boss, “We respect Governor T.A. Orji so much, and more importantly because he has succeeded in bringing peace to a once disparate state. We now speak with one voice. Before now Abia stakeholders were not united but  Governor Orji’s all inclusive style of governance  or what you may call consensus government means Abia is becoming more progressive by the day in terms of development.

    “We want to walk the streets unmolested, seeing everywhere we go dotted with meaningful projects on the ground. Orji is in a hurry to write his name on marble. With Government House moving to a more befitting complex, the water scheme projects across the length and stretch of Abia will help to complete this exercise and this will be on course as the studies are ready for implementation.”

     

  • 2015 Presidency: Igbo leaders sing discordant tunes

    2015 Presidency: Igbo leaders sing discordant tunes

    As the debate over the next zone to produce the president of Nigeria gathers momentum, Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, takes a look at the position and preparedness of the South-East zone to produce the country’s president in 2015.

     

    When Dr. Dozie Ikedife, a former President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, reportedly declared that Ndigbo will contest the 2015 presidential election only if President Goodluck Jonathan is not seeking reelection, little did he know he was fanning the ember of discord among the leaders and people of the South-East region.

    Formed in 1976 by a group of eminent Igbos led by frontline legal luminary, Professor Ben Nwabueze, Ohaneze Ndigbo is seen as the umbrella body of all pan-Igbo organisations. As such, when its leaders talk, their utterances are usually taken very seriously within and outside the region.

    As if not to leave anyone in doubt about its pro-Jonathan stance, Ohanaeze, speaking through its newly elected leadership confirmed Ikedife’s position recently, when it said it would go along with Jonathan’s decision to either run or not in 2015.

    Addressing a maiden news conference in Lagos, the newly elected National Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze, Chief Tonnie Oganah, said the President was constitutionally empowered to seek re-election at the expiration of his tenure except he declined.

    “After Jonathan’s tenure is completed either in 2015 or 2019, it will be the turn of the Igbo for the Presidency. What we are saying is that the Igbo, being a major player in the country, are entitled to the Presidency and it is their turn. If President Jonathan declines to run in 2015, it then makes it quicker for the Igbo. The bottom line is that an Igbo man will succeed Jonathan whether in 2015 or 2019,” Oganah said.

    But just as politicians and other stakeholders across the country were beginning to see the pronouncement as the collective position of the South-East region on the forthcoming general election, dissenting voices started emerging from the region, suggesting that Ohaenaeze’s position may after-all be an unpopular one among Ndigbo.

    Socio-political groups like the Ikenga, Igbo Mandate Group (IMG) and Njiko Igbo, have all come out to refute the claim by Ohanaeze that Ndigbo are willing to forfeit their presidential pursuit if President Jonathan is desirous of another term in office come 2015.

    For Njiko Igbo, there is no going back on the quest to have a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction in 2015. The group said majority of the people of the South-East are opposed to Ohanaeze’s support for Jonathan at the expense of what it called the collective dream of the Igbo people.

    The acting National Publicity Secretary of the group and former Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) gubernatorial aspirant in Imo State, Mr. Brady Nwosu, said the organisation’s position was in line with its objective to promote the place of the Igbo nation in the Nigerian project.

    Nwosu said while the leaders of Njiko Igbo  believe in the corporate existence of Nigeria, they also believe there should be equity in the country, especially as it concerns the presidency of Nigeria.

    “Right now, our brothers from Ijaw have already attained the presidency and we have not and the Igbo nation is a major political bloc.

    “Our group believes that an Igbo man must become president in 2015. An Igbo has never been opportuned to be president of this country. It is our turn to produce the president in 2015,” Nwosu said.

    But the Ohanaeze Ndigbo feels different. The group said there is no reason Ndigbo should be against Jonathan’s ambition in 2015. The organisation declared that it is not ready to obstruct the President’s quest for another term irrespective of how other stakeholders in the region view the development.

    Acknowledging that the orgnisation shares the agitation for Igbo presidency, Oganah said they will expect political parties to have the Igbo Presidency in mind in selecting their flag bearers for the presidential election.

    He said “all Ohanaeze and indeed the Igbos want is to get their fair share of leadership of the country. But such expectation is subject to the decision of President Jonathan to run or not to run in 2015.

    “Either way, we are not against him. We will urge Nigerians to give him the necessary support needed to make life better for Nigerians until his tenure expires,” Oganah said.

    But the Njiko Igbo would want the leadership of Ohanaeze Ndigbo to take stock of political development since the inception of the present democratic dispensation. The group said given that the South-East contributed substantially to the emergence of presidents from other geopolitical zones, it is imperative for the other zones to reciprocate by supporting an Igbo man to be Nigeria’s president in 2015.

    Not to be left out of the raging controversy, the Oganiru Ndigbo Foundation recently distanced itself from calls on Jonathan to contest the 2015 election, warning those using the name of the Igbos for such pronouncements to desist or prepare to be ostracized.

    The group said while Ndigbo are not at war with Jonathan, there is absolutely no reason, at this time, to endorse him or any other politician for 2015 election, especially as Ndigbo has already expressed interest in producing the next President of Nigeria in 2015.

    “Whereas Ndigbo overwhelmingly supported the election of President Goodluck Jonathan in 2011 elections, we remain of the view that the President should not be distracted by relevance-seeking political jobbers with such calls, even when he is yet to deliver on his major promises to Ndigbo,” they said in a statement.

    The statement was signed by Emeka Maduewesi (Leader), Uche Onuh Lucas (President-General), Maxi Okwu; Okey Igbokwe, Onyema Uche and Obichi Ikechi, on behalf of others.

    They drew attention to Jonathan’s failures so far to honour promises made to the Igbos, including construction of the second Niger Bridge within his first tenure; to convert Enugu Airport to an international hub; and to give roads in the South-East urgently needed attention within his current tenure.

    “As at today, none of these promises have been fulfilled,” the statement said.  “Second Niger Bridge is still in the “drawing board” and no international flight has yet landed or taken off from Enugu Airport. South-East roads remain the worst in the country.

    They also contended that in the sharing of national resources, Ndigbo are yet to get any favors from the Jonathan regime.

    “No single refinery out of the six promised by Jonathan is located in the South – East even though three South-East states, Abia, Imo and now Anambra are oil producing states,” they said. “Revenue allocation is heavily skewed against Igbo states with one state receiving more monthly allocation than all the five South-East states.

    Commenting on the debate, Presidential adviser on inter party relations, Senator Ben Obi, said it is proper for the Igbos to wait for President Goodluck Jonathan’s decision on whether to run or not before taking their own decision on the 2015 presidential race.

    The senator, who spoke in Awka during the week, observed that although some individuals and organisations had insisted that the Igbo were already working towards taking over from Jonathan in 2015, there is need for them to allow the president to make his intention known first.

    “Ohanaeze Ndigbo, of which I am a caucus member, has said it loud and clear that it is the turn of Ndigbo to produce the president in 2015. Indeed, we are highly interested in the 2015 presidency, but that is if President Jonathan decides not to run. If, eventually he decides to run, then Ndigbo will have to consider the situation and weigh the options. I do not have any right to question the decision of Ohanaeze to insist on presenting a candidate because the group has a leadership which we all follow.”

    Obi said it is the duty of the leadership of Ndigbo to champion the cause of the people, while other people he described as foot soldiers would join, adding that when the leaders do not make the much needed move, others would have nothing to do.

    But former Abia State Governor, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, is of the opinion that Ndigbo should be allowed to provide leadership for Nigeria and Nigerians in 2015. Kalu said anyone who would emerge president from the South-East would have dynamic leadership qualities that could turn around the economy.

    He said that Ndigbo, having excelled in various fields of endeavour, with qualified people who can bring their vast experiences in the private and public sectors into play if given the chance to rule the nation, should be given the nod to rule the country.

    Given the ongoing scenarios in the region and the expectation that more organisations and individuals will soon join the fray, Nigerians are waiting with keen interest to see what will become of this renewed aspiration for the presidency on the part of the South-East region.