The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • North’s position over PIB, threat to national unity —Izoukumor

    North’s position over PIB, threat to national unity —Izoukumor

    Niger Delta activist and leader of Ijaw (Izon-Ebe) Oil Producing Communities and spokesperson (Fiyowei) of Ogbe-Ijoh Kingdom in Warri South West Local Government Area of Delta State, Chief Favour Izoukumor, in this interview with Shola O’neil, spoke on a number of burning issues, including the contentious Petroleum Industry Bill, submitting that the position of the north over this bill is a threat to national unity. Excerpts:

    What is your view on the Petroleum Industry Bill?

    First, let me state that the process leading to the drafting of the bill (PIB) was not inclusive enough for us in the Niger Delta region. This is a bill that concerns us directly on the question of the oil produced from our back yards. We expected the Presidency and those involved in the process to carry us along from the time it was first mooted under the late President Musa Yar’Adua’s administration.

    On northern leaders’ and governor’s opposition, I have not been privileged to read the full content of the bill because there were so many versions in circulation and we do not know which is the right one. My reaction to the north’s opposition is that I do not blame them because they are playing the African politics where people protect the interest of their people at whatever cost. So, I see their opposition as a stance to protect the welfare and interest of their region.

    The Niger Delta politicians are our problem. They are not speaking out because they do not have the interest of their people at heart. Now, the north has taken a position that the bill will only favour the South-south and that it will make the people of the oil producing areas richer. It is now left for our leaders to make their position clear. The reason the north opposes PIB is because of our leaders. They see it as another avenue to enrich South-south state governors. Remember, in the past they have criticised our governors that they are not utilising the money as expected.

    So, I can understand their position because if I am in their shoes, I will never allow a policy that will empower individuals to the detriment of the nation. It is a dangerous step to the collective interest of the country.  It is expected that our governors will use the 13percent to develop the region. The money does not belong to them.

    To the best of my knowledge what is happening is a national risk because we cannot have individuals richer than the nation. It is a risk to have individuals richer than the collective. Money plays a big role in African politics and if these persons (governors) are allowed to continue to amass so much wealth, they will become very domineering for good or evil.

    So, while not justifying the north’s position, I support the call for direct payment of the money to the oil producing communities. If the money will not be paid directly to the oil producing communities, there is no need for more money for the governors because they are using the fund as they please without being accountable to the people. That is my position.

    What is the way forward?

    Having spoken on the shortcomings of our governors, let me state that the position of the north is a threat to national unity. Their position is a call for anarchy and threat to the survival of the nation. If not because of our politicians’ nonchalant attitude, our position has been for resource control, like what former Vice President Atiku Abubakar recently said that he expected all the regions to control their resources and pay tax. That has been our agitation until our political leaders betrayed us by accepting the stipend of 10% in the PIB.

    My advice to South-South leaders, politicians and others, is that we are in democracy and this is not military era – democracy is about lobbying and sound arguments. Let them lobby their colleagues and give them reasons why the south needs more money. If they are really developing the region as the money was meant for, then the position of the north would have been an insult to our people.

    Some people feel that paying 13% fund to oil communities will cause crisis

    Those holding that view are those in government and that is a typical African phenomenon. If they are privileged to be in government they use their influence to oppress the people they are governing.  Are these persons speaking the voice of the people they are supposed to be representing? I tell you they are not. They feel they govern themselves and not the people and this is because they are not genuinely elected by the people. If they were elected, they will respect the views of the electorate.

    What the oil producing communities want is very clear – we want a direct control of the 13% and whatever revenue is coming from crude oil production from our communities. I have a formula that will benefit everybody. The agitation is as a result of the failure of the governors of the South-South, who are enriching themselves with the fund. We no longer have confidence in the state governors. My suggestion is for the Federal Government to find a way, either through a trustee or commission, to set aside at least 30% for the non-oil communities because they also feel the brunt of oil exploration. Pollution does not discriminate between those producing and those not producing the oil. Everybody suffers, so everybody should benefit and develop.

    Is what you are suggesting different from the oil producing areas development commissions across the states – DESOPADEC in Delta, OSOPADEC in Ondo etc?

    Let me state that there is nowhere the 1999 Constitution stipulates that the fund should be paid to the coffers of the state governments – if there is, I have not seen it. I am not a lawyer, but I have read it so that nobody can intimidate me with it.

    Now to the issue of the state commissions, I want to state that they are also subject to the same political manipulations. If you have a PDP-led government as we have in most South-South states, then only PDP members will be appointed into the boards and they become a tool for political handouts. What this means is that if my community is not a PDP-leaning one, we may not get our dues for obvious reasons.

    We will consistently agitate until we are allowed to control our resources. Our youths – MEND and others – tried, but because their struggle is not ideological, they have not been able to stand the test of time. If their agitations had clear ideology, today the agitation would have continued – through  legal means. We intend to achieve our desire through agitation.

    Are you saying that the MEND uprising was a failure?

    No, that is not what I am saying. They did not fail; they made some gains but those are peripheral achievements or what I would call temporary gains/achievements. Even in the means of the leadership getting appointments, the group ought not to have died. Today, even some of the founders are saying that MEND has gone to the grave.

    The federal government needs to be sincere with its policies towards the development of this region – they should stop this divide and rule policies. They have to be sincere; we cannot expect the Niger Delta development master plans to become a sing song, year in year out. We want to see practical developments in terms of human resources, practical development, human development and all forms of development.

    If those things are not done, this carrot giving to agitators to quell the tension and all that will not help the nation.  They are just postponing the evil day.

    If you have a Niger Deltan as the President of the country, what else do you want?

    The president is an individual and nobody should expect that the individual (president) can singlehandedly develop the region. It is the institution, that is the FG, that can develop it. My reason is that we know what is happening in the country. What we want the FG to do is to take pragmatic approach and implement the various plans they have put in place. It is the obligation of the government, not president. Individual appointment does not attract development…

    If so, why do you agitate for a South-South  president?

    A South-South President (or President Jonathan) wasn’t part of the agitation of the Niger Delta people. We never expected that merely producing a president is the solution. We do not need to agitate, as Nigerians, to be president – that is our birthright constitutionally as Nigerians.

    Do you think the president has done well considering the myriad of problems and particularly the issue of corruption in the FG? Will you say after his tenure that a Niger Deltan made the difference or did better?

    To my view, I think he has done very well but people are collaborating to frustrate his efforts. If you judge the president based on what people are saying in the papers, you will feel that he is not performing as expected. I have a contrary view and not just because he is from this region. You cannot judge the president in isolation – you must consider the National Assembly and a lot of intrigues going on.

    Right from the day he was elected, there has been no peace especially from the northern parts of the country. How do you expect the president to be focussed when his people (Nigerians) are being killed on a daily basis? His attention is being distracted. How can a leader be focussed when you hear reports of deaths, bestial killings of the innocent in parts of the country you lead?

    But do you think the president is doing enough in terms of security?

    I think he is. Don’t forget that he is a purely civilian president…

    He is the C-I-C of the Armed Forces and people expected him to rise up to the security challenges in the country. We also have civilians as head of government in over half of the world’s nations.

    That is not what I am saying. As a civilian president, he is performing. The point I am trying to make is that Nigerians have military mentality because of the long years of military rule and we want quick results. The JTF and others are all over the place protecting lives and properties. Boko Haram did not start with President Jonathan. The difference is that during his time, it has assumed political dimension and has become an instrument for politicians who have lobbied and infiltrated them. In spite of all these, the president is trying. He needs our support.

    There was uproar recently when supporters of the president flooded the streets of Abuja with his campaign posters…

    ..(cuts in) Let me state it outright, those who pasted those posters are opponents of the president who merely want to use it to heat up the polity. And that is wrong. 2015 is  a long way away and the president has said so on a number of occasions.

    The brouhaha over 2015 is completely uncalled for at a time when the president is trying to fix the country. I see it as a ploy to distract Mr. President. Why not let’s wait till he has declared his intention.

    Let me also state here that it is very disheartening the way certain leaders, former presidents and others are taking these issues. I expected people of their calibre to be talking about the issue of the peace and unity of the country. Unfortunately, nobody is doing that at the moment. What they seem to be interested in is, which region will produce the president and all that. All the past leaders are holding meetings about how to produce the next president. Is the issue of the next president more important than the peace and unity of Nigeria? Where are the nationalists, everybody is now about region? I am surprised.

     

     

  • Oshiomhole: The man Nigeria needs

    Oshiomhole: The man Nigeria needs

    I am deeply convinced that this piece will generate a lot of dust, especially from sections of the country who believe it’s their turn to occupy the presidential villa. However, I owe nobody or group of persons or any section no apologies. As a free born citizen and a full-blooded Nigerian at that, I have the right to hold and express opinions  on any issue, it may not be palatable to the other party. Aside the constitutional backing, its part of the fundamental human rights.  The presidency is an issue that concerns us as a people bounded by a common destiny. So, we must start discussing it now; put the possible materials in one basket for proper assessment before the year 2015.

    In fact, I am happy that the foot soldiers of President Goodluck Jonathan kick started the campaign in Abuja early this month with the posters of their principal littering the entire landscape of the city, the feeble denial of the Presidency notwithstanding. As a trade unionist cum journalist of over two decades, I will not beg the issue, rather, I will say it the way I feel and strongly believe it is. If we must get to the Promised Land and stand tall in the comity of nations, we need a leader with very  strong character, detribalised, a   moderate, not a religious bigot or a fundamentalist, a bridge builder who sees Nigeria as his constituency, etc. Without mincing words, Comrade Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole perfectly fits into this mould. A hard core trade unionist of great repute whose popularity resonates beyond the shores of this country. This political strategist and master negotiator who led a unified labour movement at  a very critical time in the history of this great country and left  unblemished, is the one  we  need. The Nigerian work force, a critical segment of the voting population placed their trust in this man and he did not disappoint them.

    This comrade can be the Lech Walesa or the Lula da Silva of Nigeria. Walesa, a Nobel Prize winner was the foremost charismatic trade unionist in Poland who successfully steered the labour movement in that country, becoming a thorn in the flesh of the Soviets. This dissident union activist  later won a popular vote in the 1990 presidential election to become the second president to rule the former communist country.  Lula da Silva on his part led the worker’s party in Brazil and eventually became a two term president of the country having been elected in 2002 and in 2006. He served his country meritoriously till December 2010. Today, Silva is about the most popular politician in that Latin American country. These can be replicated here in Nigeria if majority of us resolve that enough is enough and invest in this selfless comrade come 2015. Electoral investment in Oshiomhole is a worthy and highly rewarding one. The Edo example is a test case. The people invested in him heavily, today, they are reaping the gains of that investment. The gains are simply overwhelming. Edo will never be the same again after the exit of this human dynamo who came at the right time to salvage our dear state. Comparatively, Nigeria is at the critical state  akin to where  Edo pitiably found herself before the coming of Oshiomhole in November  2008 .

    Despite his radicalism and a no-nonsense disposition, Oshiomhole is seen as a strong political brand across the country. Born in Edo, South -South region and lived all his working life in Kaduna, North West region, he speaks Yoruba and Hausa, two of the three major languages in the country. He is by all standard , a religious moderate and about the only governor across the country who appoints non indigenes into very sensitive positions in government. The late Olaitan Oyerinde, an Osun State indigene, was his Principal Private Secretary until his brutal murder in July 2012. He appointed Comrade Yakub, from the core north to replace him. Only last week, he announced a retired army major, Ondo State indigene, Lawrence Oloye, as a permanent secretary in the Ministry of Environment.  The man who heads the youth and students affairs arm, a Senior Special Assistant, SSA, Comrade Musa  Alechenu, is from Otukpo in Benue State. These are just samplers of the kind of leadership  Nigerians desire. Oshiomhole is one  leader who abhors   nepotism, tribalism and all other primordial vestiges that tend to stagnate us as a people. Fully convinced that he was doing the right thing as a leader, Oshiomhole closed his hears to the barrage of criticisms and protests that greeted those actions.

    On what platform is this Oshiomhole presidency realisable? Again, I will say categorically that for now, nowhere other than the rampaging Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN.   I said for now, because politics is dynamic and highly fluid.

    I believe it’s high time we did away with tribal politics. The ACN has risen above a mere tribal party to a truly national and robust political party. A party that won senatorial seats in Anambra and Benue States aside other legislative offices cannot be tagged a tribal party.   About 15 unbroken years of our democratic governance, tribalism should have no place in our political lexicon; rather, we should be discussing and scouting for the best candidate to lead us as a nation. It is either now or never.

    • Musa is a Benin – based Public Affairs Analyst.

     

  • Can Tukur survive PDP power web?

    Can Tukur survive PDP power web?

    The power game in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) deepen during the week, leading to fears that Bamanga Tukur’s tenure as National Chairman was under threat Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, examines Tukur’s leadership style, and reports that he may need to change tactics to survive the current storm.

    As the ongoing crisis involving the national leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) deepens by the day, many observers have tried to offer explanation for the impasse, suggesting possible solution.

    While few observers who spoke to The Nation blamed external forces for the current troubles, who, according to them, are out to destroy PDP, many contend that  PDP leaders themselves, like the National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, share the larger chunk of the blame.

    Those advancing this latter argument contend, for example, that Tukur’s style of leadership, which they described as “tending towards imperialism,” has neither succeeded in soothing the numerous frayed nerves within the party nor facilitating the return of former members who left in anger, a development that has rather stunted the growth of the party ahead 2015.

    So, as the battle for the soul of PDP rages on in courts and other battlefields across the country, it seems the heat is piling up more on Tukur, leading to the view that the former governor of the old Gongola State will need to employ an unusual political strategy to survive the current power web.

    The questions many are asking, however, are if Tukur has the political sagacity, the tact and the right connections to survive the intrigues?

    His emergence into power

    Born in 1936, Tukur first gained national attention way back in the mid 1970s, when he served as the General Manager of Nigeria Ports Authority. It coincided with the period of scandals over huge importation of cement. The consequent politics of cement then projected Tukur into national consciousness as he led government’s efforts then to tackle puzzles associated with cement importation, storage and distribution.

    When he later left that juicy position, he went into politics and contested for the Gongola State governorship seat in 1982.  He won the election and was sworn in as the executive governor of the old Gongola State, which comprised today’s Adamawa and Jigawa States. He, however, governed that North-East State for just three months (between October 1983 and December 1983 ) before the democratic dispensation was cut short by a military coup.

    Stripped of political power so early in his tenure as a governor, he tactically withdrew from big time political theatre as he  threw his weight into the field of business, founded and lead his BHI Holdings (DADDO Group of Companies).

    He, however, served as minister of industries under the military government of late General Sani Abacha.

    That executive assignment asides, insiders said Tukur was literarily outside the mainstream of North-East politics until  March 2012, when he suddenly emerged the National Chairman of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in spite of high wire politics and intrigues engineered by political big wigs in the zone opposed to Tukur. His critics tried to give impression that Tukur was finished politically and so cannot be given the such intricate assignment.

    But by then, Tukur had earned some reputation as a big player in African business development initiatives through his association with the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and his role as President of the Africa Business Roundtable.

    This notwithstanding, some observers seemed determined from onset that Tukur was coming to confront an opposition he cannot overcome to succeed. Whether that prediction would be fulfilled depends so much on Tukur himself and the actions of the other leading forces in the party.

    His style and prospects of survival

    Way back in his days as one of the leading officers of the then ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Bamanga Tukur has been marketed by his opponents as a conservative hard liner. Deliberately or by omission, it seems Tukur has allowed that image to stick. Today, as the National Chairman of PDP, some of the officials at the Wadata Plaza headquarters of the party allege that he tries to lord it over his associates and that most of them loathe this tendency and may have aligned secretly with his known opponents because of this singular reason.

    A source close to the party’s secretariat told The Nation within the week that the chairman seems unaware that many of his associates feel bullied and are no longer ready to tolerate it since they feel the governors opposed to Tukur and the president on this matter will protect them. “The Chairman is unaware of how unpopular his style has become. Most of his associates got fed up during the face off between the National Secretary and the then Chief of Staff, Fari. They felt it was the chairman that emboldened his chief of staff to attempt intimidation of elected officials. So, though the chairman later sacked the chief of staff then, he did not change. He is therefore to be blamed for what is happening,” the source said.

    Another source within the PDP leadership, however, said criticisms against Tukur today is understandable because the aggrieved governors have divided the party in a bid to dethrone Tukur. “They will not succeed, since the man’s hands are clean,” the source said.

    Assessed from outside however, most observers said Tukur’s recent actions do not really project him very democratic. For example, as members of the National Working Committee failed to take a decision on the way forward, last Monday, after the embattled National Secretary of the party, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, was sacked by the Federal High Court, two days earlier, the decision Tukur took has been described by some as ‘grossly undemocratic.’

    It was alleged that after the session of the NWC failed to form a quorum and thus unable to take a decision over the running of the secretariat pending the determination of Oyinlola’s legal fate, Tukur quietly left the meeting and later wrote a memo, announcing the appointment of the Deputy National Secretary, Onwe S. Onwe, as the Acting Secretary. This decision, has since sparked off another controversy as his critics alleged that Tukur’s decision was not only unilateral but also based on an amended constitution which is yet to be ratified by the appropriate authorities of the party.

    Why would Tukur choose to act alone when he knows that the party has a well denied structure? That has been the major question on the lips of many? “He has to do that to avoid a situation where the party would be grounded,” said one of his aides who declined to be be quoted, since he was not detailed to comment on the matter. Others think otherwise. One of his associates, who also declined to named, said “It was a big mistake, but no one is above mistakes.”

    Outside the PDP secretariat, other stakeholders and outsiders have also tried to assess the current situation, noting specially the fate of Tukur in the imbroglio.

    Shehu Garba, commenting on the PDP face off and the fate of Tukur, had said in an opinion piece: “As good politicians, PDP governors, who are toying with the idea of a bloody fight with Jonathan for the control of the party should, in their own interest, have a re-think. A good politician should be able to make adjustments without being handicapped by ego. At present, the President seems well disposed to Bamanga Tukur as PDP Chairman and may be prepared to swim or sink with him. This is easy to understand, considering that it was the President who in the first place brought Tukur against the wishes of the governors and the electorate. In power calculus, his own strategists may have convinced him that if he allowed Tukur to go down at this time, the next thing the insatiable governors will do is to chance him by asking for his head.”

    Maxi Okwu, a former presidential candidate and political analyst, was more direct as he blamed the current problems in PDP to the choice of Tukur as the National Chairman of the party, describing his election as “funny, given his age.” According to Okwu, “Though I am not a member of PDP, as an active player in Nigeria politics, I can see that Tukur’s appointment was funny ab initio. One would have expected PDP to elect a younger and more dynamic National Chairman at this point of its history.”

    He argued that Tukur has therefore not advanced the fortunes of PDP since he became chairman, as he had failed to curtail the neck- deep intrigues and unending controversies within the party.

    Taking a critical look at the crisis within PDP, Okwu told The Nation,  “I think Tukur will lose out ultimately in the ongoing power game.” Reminded that the National Chairman still has the full backing of President Goodluck Jonathan, the National Leader of the party, who sponsored his emergence as chairman in spite of stiff opposition, Okwu said, “Looking at the way the political pendulum is swinging, it is obvious that Jonathan will sacrifice Tukur as it becomes clear that his own ambition is threatened. In the power game they are playing, they will use the Pawn to save the King. As we all know, PDP power structure is built around some forces, which  includethe Governors’ Forum, party elders and of course, the President. The current power game may therefore not favour Tukur in the long run, if you understand what I am saying,” he concluded.

     

  • Politics in 2013 (1)

    THE year following general elections in Nigeria should ordinarily be a year when stakeholders sit back to review the tapes of the election with a view to noting what went wrong and identifying where they got it right. Of course, to a politician, the next election is never totally kept out of view, but the post-election year is expected to be spent by losers licking their wounds, and winners setting the priorities.

    But, this has not really been the case in our dear country. The first post-independence federal election was held in 1964. It generated so much heat that the country’s corporate existence was threatened. There was still so much heat in 1965 that no one could breathe easy. This was so also because the Western Parliamentary elections were held that year.

    The desperation of the Northern Peoples Congress to consolidate its hold on the power structure led it into an alliance with SLA Akintola’s Nigerian National Democratic party. The NNDP was a party only in name and democratic only by nomenclature. It could not strike a pact with the people of the West; yet the NPC was determined to donate to it the region’s power structure.

    To form the federal government in 1960, the NPC had to enter into an alliance with the National Council of Nigerian Citizens. But, along the line, the accord turned to discord and NCNC was driven into a counter alliance with the Action Group. So, 1965 was a year of sweat, tears and blood. Fire burned, especially in the west. Chaos and anarchy reigned. Eventually, by the end of the year, it had become obvious that no force on earth could support the Akintola infamy. Two weeks into 1966, the gale swept away the governments.

    The story was slightly different in 1984. The 1983 general elections were so shamelessly rigged by the central government that it would require a battalion in every community of the aggrieved states to sustain the imposed governments. The National Party of Nigeria pushed away Bola Ige in Oyo State , Jim Nwobodo in Anambra, Ambrose Alli in Bendel, the two NPP governors in Borno and Gongola as well as PRP in Kaduna and Kano . Nigeria was literally turned to a one-party state. It created an opportunity for the military, ever hungry for power, to strike. Democracy created condition for military dictatorship. The 1991 t0 93 set of elections was an aberration.

    But, since 1999, the first post-election year has been non-eventful. In the years 2000, 2004 and 2008, Obasanjo had so dominated the scene, fouled the air that no one really bothered to breath easy. He systematically decimated the opposition that the leadership merely wrung their hands and took time to think of the next line of action. By the time they woke up to the reality, another election was already at the corner. The situation was so bad that the 2007 elections were held without a valid Electoral Act. Yet, the opposition was still so confused that it did not realize that disaster was looming.

    2012 was again different. There were governorship elections in Bayelsa, Cross River , Sokoto, Adamawa and Edo States with internal strife threatening to snuff life out of the PDP. Only in Edo did the ACN which was already in party able to trounce the national ruling party.

    If the first post-election year has been so controversial, the next year that marks the mid term marks the beginning of real politiks. The party in power wants to justify why it must be reelected, and the opposition gets jittery and begins to assemble its arsenal.

    2013 is here. It is mid-term again. After the lethargy of 2012, it is time again for active politicking. In Anambra, the electorate will be called to action in deciding the party to hand the mantle of power. Three political – the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance, ACN and PDP parties are strong on ground and ready for battle.. The fact that Governor Peter Obi is running his second term, and thus ineligible for reelection, makes it even more open. His party, APGA, is in dire straits and the grand patron, Chief Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, who contributed immensely to Obi’s return to office, is no more. Victor Umeh, the national chairman, is fighting for his political life and unlikely to back any candidate that Obi may support. Obi, too, in case Umeh takes over the party structure and finds a way of fielding the candidate, would rather work for another party.

    Is Chris Ngige, a senator, likely to throw his hat in the ring again? What about Andy Uba, Nicholas Ukachukwu and Professor Charles Soludo. The heat race will come up stronger from the second quarter.

    2013 is not just about Anambra governorship election. The PDP has already shown that the stakes in 2015 are so high. Already, just two weeks into the new year, the BoT politics is threatening to tear apart the party. The tendencies and caucuses are agog.

  • “We’re a nation with faulty leadership -Senator Kaka

    “We’re a nation with faulty leadership -Senator Kaka

    Senator Gbenga Kaka, representing Ijebu East Senatorial District, in this interview with Tosin Adesile, speaks on current national issues, alleging that Nigeria has faulty leadership.

     

     

    Nigerian government has continued to vote huge sums of money on the controversial fuel subsidy policy, yet the people can’t see the impact. What do you think is responsible for this?

    Like I asked before, what stops us from having refineries in all the six geo-political zones to complement the four existing, moribund ones. We have licenses issued to about eighteen companies during the tenure of President Olusegun Obasanjo, up till now, nothing has happened. That must have gulped some money, and nobody is being made accountable. We talked of the fuel subsidy problem that consumed the lives of people during the demonstrations and right now, nobody had been brought to book.

    Recently, we were made to approve the sum of 151 billion naira which brought the total current year budget for subsidy to 1 trillion. You will agree with me that when they were talking about the regulation of the anticipated amount of money which they planned to use SURE-P for the betterment of the people, I feel it is nothing but mere duplication of efforts of the executives. I can’t imagine how SURE-P will be running a parallel administration especially doing what government should be doing. You have so many agencies doing virtually the same thing, including the First Lady’s office. So it goes to show that we are a nation that has got no focus, we are a nation that the leadership is faulty. It is faulty because we have selfish leaders. From the look of things, we have the minister of finance, minister of national planning. From CBN, NNPC, we have trillions of dollars of our crude oil being stolen on hourly basis, and nothing has been done about it. So, it shows we are not serious, and why are we not serious? It’s because we have powerful people, the elite, who are benefitting from the rot, who sabotage the efforts to make oil generation and distribution work as well as power generation and distribution (PHCN). These people are there and we have leaders that are not ready to step on toes and nip them in the bud.

    We know the number of banks we have, some of these banks have at least 250 branches, and each of these branches run on generator on a daily basis, ditto for various ministries and departments of government and of course, the private sector. You can imagine the quantum of generators that are being sold in this country, imported from other countries that produce it even though they don’t need or use it themselves. They produce it and dump it on us here. And some of our own elites keep working with them to undermine the generation of adequate electricity that will enhance our own development.

    The question now is “What is the transformation agenda?” We are not transforming anything. Nobody can deregulate without a solid foundation, there can be no attraction of foreign investment if the environment is not conducive. The question is what have we done to make the environment conducive? In the last one year, the rate of rural-urban migration has been more than double what it used to be to the extent that most farming communities have become desolate. Those left are averaging about 60 years of age and don’t have the strength to do anything again. And yet , we are talking about transformation agenda.

    We also talk of value addition. How can we add value to something that we don’t produce? The budget has become a ritual, without that, there is nothing remaining for the rural community. We have a structural defect, and much as we continue to do our best as legislators, the executive arm also needs to be on its toes. They need to block all the loop-holes so the leakage will be reduced to the barest minimum. Until we are ready to do that, we are going nowhere. One trillion has gone to subsidy this year, definitely next year another one trillion is being expected, and that is about twenty per cent of our annual budget. By the time you remove that, the overhead and the recurrent expenditure, that is about 70 percent, then we have a problem. Unemployment rate is very high, that is paradoxically, we have a job to be done, we have men to do the job, the resources are there to back up the men, but the leadership to manage, co-ordinate, review and energize the system is sadly lacking.

    What are your contributions to the senate in the last one year as a law maker?

    The three bills that I proposed, one is just awaiting second reading, two have passed through first reading and the fourth one is yet to be listed. So, you can imagine what we’re going through, the slow process sometimes serves to discourage, not providing the necessary impetus. But by and large, many of us believe we owe the nation a duty to provide purposeful leadership, to try as much as possible to be honest and be on the side of the common people. If you’re talking about people from my constituency, so far so good. Our constituency projects, we’ve been able to build a block of classroom in some of the local governments, we constructed a bridge that linked Ayepe and Ikorodu over Imu river which could serve to decongest Lagos – Ibadan expressway hopefully. It’s just at the design stage, whether it would be awarded or not, the answer is somewhere in the wind. So also, we have another one linking Imuren but sadly enough we have a list of abandoned projects, the Ikorodu/Sagamu road that was used during the colonial days, the only link between Lagos and Ibadan used by our prime minister and famous premier, Obafemi Awolowo, and others, in total disrepair. There was provision on this one for capital projects, but there are delays. Delay on the part of the ministry of finance not releasing money as at when due, then on the agencies involved who would not award contracts when it should be awarded and even when awarded, we have the problems with the contractor. These are parts of the inefficiency within our system. These are the things we need to eliminate, failure to eliminate them, there would be no development at all.

    What efforts have you put up so far in the area of agriculture since you have expressed belief that it could change the lot of this country and diversify our economy from oil?

    In fairness to the minister of agriculture, he has been up and doing. He has put everything towards the development of agriculture in the country with a beautiful blueprint, but the best idea cannot be translated into reality without adequate backing of funds, there is financial starvation of the agricultural sector in Nigeria. We are only paying lip service to the issue of agriculture. We are not serious. I can’t imagine why we now have people who are ready to work on the land begging for tilling, the rural areas are totally desolate, a lot of work needs to be done, rural road network, there is also a lot of food wastage because of inadequate storage facilities, and we complain as more and more billions of naira are being spent on importation of agricultural produce. Emphasis has been placed on value chain addition, yet, we have poor funding.

    To me, 79 billion in 2012, 81 billion in 2013 budget, when you discount the overhead that is hovering around 50 billion, the remaining 30 billion cannot effectively create the enabling environment in just two states of the farming community when you talk about infrastructural provision, a good road network for the movement of their raw materials and incentives for bringing in people to farm, water to drink, good water, electricity and of other meaningful things in life that will make them want to stay in the rural areas. So, all our governments are doing, from the local, state to federal level , is to spend all the money on urban centers, causing more people to flock there. They will later come back and say they are doing urban renewal while the rural area, which is the goose that lays the golden eggs, is being neglected.

    If the environment is conducive, you and I will be ready to stay in the rural area rather than being in the urban centre and having to endure the traffic jams, insecurity, carbon monoxides and other such disadvantages. That is why we need a shift, if need be, if we are have a DIFRI, directorate of rural development, so be it. We are not serious.

     

    As it is, Tai Solarin University of Education(TASUED) is not recognised by the law. As a legislator, what is your opinion on the development and what should be the role of the NUC and the legislature?

    The NUC is responsible for the accreditation of various courses. In actual fact, they have responsibilities over the existence of universities in Nigeria, because any institutions that is not meeting up with the expected standards, they have the right to hack them. Under these circumstances, accreditation has been done and they have done some re-accreditation. So, I see no reason why the school should not be left alone. More so, when we realise the importance of the institutions vis-à-vis the gap of qualified teachers, the need to train and re-train our teachers and improve the quality of education becomes pertinent.

    There are many private universities in Ogun State, yet the admission rate of qualified people is not up to 35 per cent of our annual turnover from secondary schools. So, there is no justification why the institution should not be allowed to live, no reason whatsoever and I hope it has come to stay.

    What is your opinion on performance of ACN Governors?

    I don’t have the raw data but the general consensus of the people is that the new ACN governors, despite the shortcomings, are by far better than the administration of the PDP. Those in PDP acknowledge what Fashola is doing in Lagos, as well as Oshiomole in Edo. Even when you get to Ogun, Osun and other ACN states, people appear to be satisfied with the achievement particularly when compared to others. As I said, I don’t have raw data, but the judgement of the people is enough for us to rely on.

    2015 is very close. What is your ambition?

    Almighty Allah is the master planner; nobody can plan except Him. I don’t have any pre-determined plan; I surrender myself to the wishes of the Almighty and ready to serve humanity to the best of my ability irrespective of the position, even if it’s as a councillor.

    What advice do you have for the people of Nigeria and the government?

    We must not despair. When God wants to do something very marvellous in the life of a nation and an individual, it starts with difficulty and in some cases, impossibility. So, it gives good tidings to those of us who can persevere when anything happens.

    Believe in God. We should all be honest and steadfast. People should be hopeful and be prepared to take their destinies in their own hands. Oil has turned us to lazy beings, when you travel to India, America, they worship work, there, we are averse to work here. Not our making but the making of our leadership. So, we need to re-orientate ourselves and discover our value system. The oil money is not encouraging us.

    The government should hearken to the needs of the people. Listen to them, know what their problems are and not foist your solution on them. Let the solution be what will serve the purpose.

  • 2012: Moments of rows, drama in Senate

    2012: Moments of rows, drama in Senate

     There were many dramatic moments in the Senate in 2012. Correspondent SANNI ONOGU revists the high and low moments in the Upper Chamber.

    The Seventh Senate is made up of seasoned technocrats, prominent politicians, retired Generals, and other professionals. These diverse backgrounds and perspectives shaped proceedings in the Upper Chamber last year.

    Senators who dominated debates included Senate President David Mark, his deputy, Ike Ekweremadu, Victor Ndoma-Egba, Abdul Ningi, George Akume. Others are Abubakar Bukola Saraki, Ganiyu Solomon, Enyinnaya Abaribe, Hayatu Gwarzo, Bukar Abba Ibrahim, Ita Enang, and Uche Chukwumerije.

    Also, Senators Smart Adeyemi, Ayogu Eze, Awaisu Kuta, Zainab Kure, Olubummi Adetunbi, Sola Adeyeye, Ahmad Lawan, Hope Uzodinma, James Manager, Oluremi Tinubu, Esther Nenadi Usman, Helen Esuene, Nkechi Nwoagu, Ifeanyi Okowa, George Sekibo, Benedict Ayaade, Emmanuel Paulker made waves.

    In their absence, the chamber was usually dull. In the senate, an innocuous motion or bill listed for consideration can ignite passion and verbal fireworks. Also, a seemingly harmless contribution can lead to a long debate.

     

    Exhilarating ritual

     

    Senator Mark often lit up the stage during his procession into the chambers. As soon as his arrival is announced, senators quickly move from their seats to line the aisle. Handshakes, banters and chitchats would follow. Senators across parties would want to make sure that their House Leaders have taken their seats. Then, the Senate President opens the proceedings with invocations and holler: “The Chief Whip of the Senate!”

    From that moment, the Chief Whip Senator Hayatu Gwarzo, moves swiftly to assist Mark in calling the House to order.

    Gwarzo was associated with refrains such as: “Senator Smart Adeyemi, take your seat. Senator Ayogu Eze, take your seat. The Senate is called to order. Senator Nkechi, go back to your seat. Senator Uche Chukumerije, stop talking to Senator Nenadi Usman, go back to your seat. Ayogu Eze, go back to your seat. Senator Smart, the Senate is hereby called to order. Senator Heineken, please go back to your seat. The Senate is called to order please. Mr President, the Senate is set.”

    However, hilarious atmosphere would vanish. Some moments evoke smiles, others provoke anger. There were predictable, dull and boring sessions. There were critical moments when weighty issues were debated on the floor and in committee rooms.

     

    Pension reform drama

     

    One event which was full of drama in the Senate in 2012 was the invitation of the Chairman of the Pension Reform Task Team (PRTT), Alhaji Abdulrasheed Maina. He was invited by the Senate Joint Committee on Establishment and Public Service, States and Local Government probing the mismanagement of pension funds in the country. But Maina failed to honour the invitation. The committee issued a warrant of arrest and mandated the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Mohammed Abubakar, to arrest Maina and bring him to the venue of the public hearing.

    However, the warrant never left the the precincts of the National Assembly. At 11.00 am, on the day the committee was to reconvene, Maina was nowhere to be found. The other invitees waited patiently for over three hours.

    Suddenly, the chairman of the committee, Senator Aloysius Etok and Senator Kabiru Gaya walked into the venue at exactly 2pm. Etok proceded to announce another round of adjournment. Just then, Maina walked briskly into the hall. He was flanked by a horde of heavily armed policemen and some operatives of the State Security Service (SSS). To the surprise of all, the committee adjourned after reading a signed warrant of arrest on Maina to his hearing but failed to arrest him.

    Soon, Maina accused the committee of demanding N2 billion bribe. In apparent effort to defend the integrity of the committee, Etok offered to be shot if the allegation was proved to be true. Etok swore that members of the investigative panel did not seek N2 billion bribe from the Pension Reform Task Team (PRTT). He described the allegation as a decoy to draw attention from the mismanagement of the pension funds by his team. He declared that the committee could not ignore the “foul alarm and cheap blackmail as a mere ranting since such is orchestrated to divert attention from the bare facts and incontrovertible evidences of fraud, misapplication, mismanagement and outright stealing of pension funds by the Pension Reform Task Team.”

    The Maina episode was not the only one that was fraught with controversies. The process that led to the passage of the 2013 budget was another. Shortly after President Goodluck Jonathan presented the N4.92 trillion proposal to a joint sitting of the National Assembly in October, intense lobby from Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) began with countless meetings between heads of the MDAs and chairmen of standing committees.

    For the record, a major point of disagreement between the National Assembly and Presidency was the benchmark of crude oil pegged at $75 per barrel. But after much debate, the National Assembly pegged it at $79. Essentially, it was historic that the National Assembly passed the budget in December in the hope that it would pave the way for a faithful implementation.

    Again, for the first time in the history of budget defence, the Senate President personally appeared in two sessions. Mark, whose visit was unusual, said he was uncomfortable with the poor level of budget implementation across the MDAs. He described as a contravention of the agreement between the Executive and the Legislature. The Senate President noted that implementation figures claimed by most MDAs were “mere statistics” as they “do not reflect realities on ground.” He accused the heads of the MDAs of complicity for the low budget performance, adding: “There is no justifiable cause for such; we would not take it any longer.”

    Mark insisted further: “People believe that budget is a mere document; if you like it, you implement, if you don’t like it, you reject it. Finance Ministry is a problem. People are not concerned about implementation. That is not a correct attitude to budget. Once a budget is signed, it becomes law and it is binding on all of us. Statistics given by percentage never gives any real figure or perception or what is practically on ground.”

    Another high point in the Senate in 2012 was the way the lawmakers reacted to the planned introduction of N5000 banknote by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. The lawmakers, who were on annual vacation when Sanusi dropped the idea for the project, vowed to stop the move. And they made good their threat.

    On their first day of resumption, the senators unanimously resolved “to urge President Goodluck Jonathan and the CBN to stop issuance of N5000 note and all issues connected therewith”. The decision was as a result of the unanimous adoption of a motion entitled: “Introduction of N5000 notes by the CBN.” It was sponsored by Senate Chairman, Rules and Business Committee, Senator Ita Enang (Akwa Ibom North East). The lawmakers described the CBN boss as exhibiting “arrogance, high-handedness and claim of monopoly of knowledge.”

    Mark fumed that the argument for the introduction of the N5000 note “is not convincing”. He literally sealed the fate of the proposed banknote when he summed up the mood of the Senate thus: “The disadvantages of the N5000 note, at the moment, far outweigh not introducing it, and, on balance, we should not go for it. I also heard it from the news the way you heard it. I was not briefed. The only briefing I had about this issue was in the national dailies.

    “The important thing is that if Nigerians say they don’t want a particular policy at any given moment, there is no harm in government retracing its steps on the issue and I think that is the situation that we find ourselves.

    “I have listened to the arguments from those who support it, but those arguments are simply not convincing. There is no ambiguity in our stand on the issue. I am not sure that Sanusi is aware of the Constitution. If he was, he would make reference to us before addressing the issue.”

     

    Criticisms

     

    The Senate and indeed the whole National Assembly came under heavy criticism by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in the course of the year. The lawmakers were so infuriated by his comments that they immediately challenged him to name lawmakers he had alleged to be corrupt. Had it not been that Obasanjo had spurned previous invitations, perhaps, they would have asked him to appear before its committee on Ethics and Privileges to explain himself.

    Obasanjo had declared at the Fourth Annual Conference of the Academy for Entrepreneur Studies Nigeria (AES) held at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos that important institutions in the country are corrupt, including the National Assembly.

    “Integrity is necessary for systems and institutions to be strong,” Obasanjo said, adding: “Today, rogues, armed robbers are in the State Houses of Assembly and the National Assembly. What sort of laws will they make?”

    But in a quick reaction, Chairman, Senate Committee on Information, Media and Public Affairs, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, challenged Obasanjo to name the rogues and criminals in the spirit of transparency. He lamented that the Senate had been inundated with calls over the statement credited to Obasanjo.

    As the senators settle down to business of lawmaking, more of these developments are likely to feature this year. But the desire of Nigerians would be that such actions will deepen democracy in the country.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • ‘We’ve got rid of godfatherism in Abia’

    ‘We’ve got rid of godfatherism in Abia’

    Apart from security challenges, Abia State Governor Theodore Orji inherited a poor revenue base and demoralised civil service. In this interview with BOLADE OMONIJO, he speaks on efforts being made by the administration to reposition the state for excellence.

    How has it been trying to rebuild Abia State?

    There are basic infrastructural facilities that should be on ground to allow government take off properly. But those facilities are not there. Abia must have a foundation. Look at the issue of the secretariat. There is none in Abia State that can accommodate all the civil servants. The one there now was built by the Federal Government. Our ministries are all scattered. We want to have a composite building that will accommodate all civil servants because they are the engine room of the government. Again, look at the International Conference Centre. What we have here is the Michael Okpara Auditorium, which was built more than 20 years ago, when we were in Imo State. It can only accommodate 500 people. Now, when you are holding a conference here, you have between 2,000 and 3, 000 people. That place has become very inadequate. We said no. The best thing we can do is to have an international conference centre that can take at least 5, 000 people. These are permanent structures that will outlive us, which any other person coming after me will not think of.  You are here. This is Abia State Government House. My colleague in Delta State, Emmanuel Uduaghan, took me to the new Government House in Asaba. But look at our own. This is my sitting room. If you are many now, some of you will be standing. This has been in existence, since the creation of Abia State. If you go upstairs, it doesn’t contain my family. I have been doing demolition. But the land is there and this is the state capital. It has never occurred to any of those administrations that have been here to build a standard Government House. I am from this town and my people have said that, if you don’t do this now, it is going to be difficult. So, I decided that I will build a new Government House and I am praying that I will be the first person to open it, so that other governors can live here.

    What about other areas? What have you been doing?

    I am sure you went to the Diagnostics Centre or Amachara General Hospital. If you go there, you will see things for yourself; how we are expanding that place to make sure that the people are healthy. As journalists, you have to be healthy to be asking me questions. So, Abia people must be healthy in order to enjoy dividends of democracy. We have opened up many roads. As we are doing in Umuahia, we are also doing in Aba and other places. We have compactors, refuse vehicles everywhere now. We just bought two before Christmas and all of them are going to Aba to help the ones we have there and keep the place clean all the time. So, in all the areas, we have brought out a template that a house must have a foundation. Like the Golden Guinea Breweries, I saw the investor, as I went to Abuja, and he has assured me that he is coming to reactivate the place. We have relocated the industrial market in Umuahia and at the site of the market, we are building the Ohobo Housing Estate. They are clearing the site now. The same thing will happen to the Central Market in Umuahia. We have reached 75 per cent completion in relocating it to Ubani Ibeku. There, we have over 6, 000 stalls against the 3, 000 stalls in this market now. So, once we finish with that, this market will move and in its place, we find something that we will build to befit the town. And just close to the market, the place we had Gariki before, we are building a Shoprite. They have cleared the site. We have completed everything, paid our own counterpart fund to them and it is left for them to come on board. As we are doing here, we are also doing for Aba and all the other local government areas of the state.

    How are you funding these capital projects; are they not too much for the state’s purse?

    We are in a hurry. All these projects are those that I can finish before I leave office. The Shoprite is partnership. I bring my own fund and they bring theirs. Some of the housing estates are partnerships. But we did the one we realised at Amokwe. We were disappointed in our partner there; he absconded and we had to do it ourselves. Out of annoyance, we have started building it. We have finished and people are living there now.

    People believe that Aba alone is capable of generating the required internal revenue for the state. What are the challenges in Aba?

    This state has the capacity to generate one billion naira every month and that revenue is expected to come from Aba. But the truth is that our people don’t pay taxes. So, what we have done is to tutor them. We are teaching them the need to pay taxes and they are responding. Two, there is fraud, not from the people who pay taxes, but those collecting them for the government. Some of them collect and put it in their pockets. That is why we have now introduced another system of direct lodgments into the banks, so that we can have a hold on taxes. We have re-engineered our Board of Internal Revenue, so that it can be more effective. All these are geared towards generating more money, especially from Aba. So, if we can effectively plug the loopholes, the revenue will come.  That’s why I have moved into Aba, the commercial nerve centre of the state, though the money we expect from there hasn’t come.

    Some of the projects you are doing could be regarded as projects that could outlive this generation.  What do you have in mind when you are doing these legacy projects?

    Everything doesn’t end with building roads. Didn’t Dr. Okpara build roads? Who remembers him today for the roads he built? Nobody! They remember him for Golden Guinea, Mordern Ceramics and agriculture. These are the procedures we are following. Now, if you follow what we are doing, any incoming governor that deviates from that will get the wrath of the people. We have set this standard as we did on security. Any person who comes here and kidnapping returns is in trouble. So, we will set the standards and maintain them so that the incoming governor will maintain them and earn his own respect. These projects we are doing are things that are dear to the people’s heart.

    It is surprising that in Abia State, you are just laying the foundation. Why is everything being fast-tracked now in your second term?

    We had two civilian governors before I came. Ogbonnaya Onu was here, the former governor, my friend (Orji Uzor Kalu) was here. You’d better ask them what they did because anything I say here will be misinterpreted. But you can now see the difference between this government and the previous ones. In my first term, the things I was supposed to do for my people, I could not do them because there was a godfather somewhere. Why we could not do the much we are doing now was because we were in PPA and PPA was a political party owned by one family and they used it to emasculate the government in power because I was in PPA. They were actually dictating what was happening. As a governor, I would like to appoint my commissioners, but they will bring a list for you and tell you to announce. Will you tolerate that as a governor? You wanted to embark on a project and they would tell you no, maybe so as not to outshine any other person. The major constraint I had was being in PPA.

    Couldn’t it be that the PDP wanted to frustrate you because you were in PPA? Was your funding tampered with then?

    No! We got our due funds. You should also know that, as a party in the opposition, it wasn’t easy for me. But my personal disposition with our current President ,who was the Vice President then, helped. The major problem then was that I was in PPA. You can now see the difference. Since I left PPA, these things that I have achieved within the two years of my second tenure, for sure, if you have seen all my projects, have surpassed what those who stayed here for eight years did. I can point at some of the things I have done; some of them you have seen. Those that have been here before can point at business empires that are their own. That was their achievement. That is the difference. I am not a businessman. I have come here to work for the people. That is why you see the foundations we are laying. My only constraint now is fund because nobody calls me on phone and says this is what you are going to do or not. I am a godfather to myself.

    Before now, Abia State had been threatened by kidnapping. How did you end the menace?

    That magic is my secret and like we say, it is security. You don’t discuss it before journalists or else, these hoodlums are all around. If I say it and you write it, they will say, oh, is that it? And they will go and find another means of countering it, bringing back another method, which will make me to start fighting back. So, those secrets are what they are – my weapons. Except maybe, any of my colleagues who come to me and ask me how I did it. Of course, it is difficult. One or two persons have come to me and I said, do this or that. You remember we were the first persons in the Southeast to ban commercial motorcyclists as a means of transportation. We saw that it was Okada that was used by kidnappers to run into the bush. Today, our efforts in that direction have paid off because those who were riding Okada are happier today with tricycles and it is safer too. Since we stopped Okada transport, go to Obioma Ward at the Federal Medical Centre, you don’t see people with their legs hanging for months. One doctor congratulated me for making their jobs easier. It is going round. Other states are doing that. That one you cannot hide it but there are secret ones that we don’t reveal.

    Is it true that you spent so much money to end kidnapping?

    The kidnapping era was my worst period here. In the first instance, I didn’t cause kidnapping. It was unknown to us in this part of the world. In Abia State, what we knew before were things like armed robbery, murder and the like. But kidnapping came when I became governor and it became a serious challenge for me. By the time it came, we haven’t got the technology or wherewithal to handle it and it became a serious challenge. Abia’s own was out of proportion to the extent that they were using Abia as an example and our enemies cashed in on that – those who didn’t want this government to stand. At that time, if a rat missed in Abia, it was front-page news for even newspapers owned by an Abia State indigene. The thing was blown out of proportion and criticisms were coming from everywhere and as the man in charge, you will feel highly demoralised, especially that time they kidnapped 15 kids in Aba and a journalist. For the first time kidnapping went on the CNN. Who went and put it there? How many kidnapping incidents have we seen on CNN? It was just to discredit the government. But then, it brought out the indomitable fighting spirit in us to fight. God came and brought ideas. Tactics were coming in numbers and we were using them one after the other. Some were working, others were not. But today, you see our state is a model. Anybody who wants to do any case study on kidnapping comes here to learn from us. It is one of the achievements we have made that have elevated this state and myself to the highest pedestal; that we are able to forestall kidnapping because another cankerworm that is worse than kidnapping; it is Boko Haram. So, the fact that we overcame this kidnap saga is a plus for this state. That’s why I have said that I can stop all projects to invest all the money I have here on security to make sure that we are safe. That is the first thing because it is dangerous for any government that fails in that. Some thought we would not overcome because some of kidnappers were being sponsored. Some were sponsored and people were coming to take money from us by 419 means. Some highly placed persons came and told us they knew the kidnappers, that I should bring money. I gave N20m and the following day, they kidnapped 10 people at Osisioma.

     

  • 2015: How far can opposition parties go?

    2015: How far can opposition parties go?

    Opposition parties are back on the drawing board. But how far can they go in 2015 without a formidable alliance. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the lessons past botched alliances and the imperative of a new merger plan.

    Can opposition parties get it right in 2015? To observers, history may not repeat itself, if the main opposition parties form a formidable alliance to confront the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the next general elections. There are signs that the parties are determined. Their leaders are afraid that PDP may cause more havoc, if it is not dislodged at the polls in 2015.

    Indisputably, the parties are meeting to perfect their strategies. Options being explored include fusion, merger , accord and alliance. Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) chieftain Senator Chris Ngige confirmed the merger talks, stressing that the proposed mega platform is in the interest of democracy. “Fourteen years after the emergence of the present dispensation, it is obvious that nothing good can come out of the PDP and that is why we are determined that, by the first quarter of the year, Nigerians will see that the progressives mean business,” he said.

    Political parties involved in the alliance talks are ACN, All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). Other like-minded, smaller parties may also come on board.

    According to analysts, the parties have woken up to the reality that none of them can single-handedly floor the PDP, unless there is collaboration among them in national interest. It is believed that the envisaged collaboration by these parties may restore ideological politics and present the polity with alternative choices between conservative and progressive ideas.

    ACN controls five of the six states in the Southwest geo-political zone. In other zones, the party is also popular. It has federal and state legislators, who are committed to progressive ideals. ANPP has maintained its hold on Yobe and Borno states. CPC is the ruling party in Nassarawa, but the party also has federal and state legislators in some states in the North.

    Many challenges are confronting the opposition camp. Top on the list is how to agree on a popular presidential candidate and running mate. If they are to merge, as it is being contemplated, they have to agree on critical issues, including party name, logo, manifestoes, constitution, symbol and composition of leadership at the federal and state levels. After overcoming these hurdles, the next challenge is the registration of the new platform by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The commission’s spokesman, Mr. Kayode Idowu, said the new party must meet the conditions stipulated by the 1999 Constitution and the 2010 Electoral Act. “If a political party is to participate in an election, the party has to be on INEC’s register before INEC issues its notice”, he added.

    There are other challenges that will confront the opposition leaders. The PDP is aware of the threats to its 2015 calculations. Already, sources close to the opposition parties said that they anticipate threats by the PDP, may plant moles in the fold to frustrate the coalition. Also, PDP is likely to motivate the remaining mushroom parties outside the merger plan to support its presidential candidate at the general election. But, observers believe that the success of the collaboration depends on the opposition leaders, who are expected to make sacrifices and be less inflexible and more condescending without compromising their fundamental principles.

    It is not the first time an alliance is being mooted by the opposition parties. Ahead of the 2011 polls, talks between the ACN led by Chief Bisi Akande and CPC led by Major-General Buhari (rtd) had broken down, owing to irreconcilable differences. Indeed, their inability to harmonise these differences, approaches and strategies led to the failure of the proposed accord. Akande blamed the botched alliance talks on the CPC leader, who he said was stiff and unbending where compromises were expected. Buhari refrained from any rebuttal or clarification. He was diplomatic. However, when the proposed alliance broke down, the picture of the 2011 elections became clearer. Ironically, Buhari’s running mate, Pastor Tunde Bakare, had warned in October that year, that PDP would overrun the scattered opposition parties, if they failed to come together. The Convener of Save Nigeria Grouop (SNG) was miffed by the declaration by the PDP leadership that the party will be in power for 60 years. He said the opposition gave the ruling party the licence to aspire to perpetuate itself in power. “If all these parties fail to present a candidate, PDP will overrun them. Only a combined effort can bring PDP down, ” Bakare stressed.

    Many eminent Nigerians also expressed worry over the PDP’s bravado. Some of them advised the alliance drivers to put the alliance back on track. However, they met a brick wall. Sources close to the two parties- AC N and CPC- said mutual trust was absent and their leaders consequently closed their eyes to the slim opportunity for renewal of contact.

    Initially, PDP leaders were jittery when the hope of an alliance brightened. An attempt, said a source, was made to harass prominent AC N leaders over the proposed collaboration. “They were either to be intimidated by the anti-graft agents, the Code of Conduct Bureau and security agents or distracted by other means, especially through the erection of credibility hurdles,” added the source.

    Also, ACN National Publicity Secretary Alhaji Lai Mohammed alerted Nigerians that the federal government wanted to molest certain party leaders, ahead of the elections.

    Before the prospects of alliance dimmed, many Nigerians who were tired of the 12 years of PDP rule, were eager for the consummation of the alliance.

    Explaining the mass support for a strong opposition bloc, Lagos State AC N chairman Otunba Oladele Ajomale said: “Many people who know what progressive governments have accomplished at the state level want a replica of those achievements at the centre”.

    In 2011, prominent opposition figures, who wanted alliance talks to resume with speed, volunteered to broker meetings between the leadership of the two main opposition parties. These senior citizens, who were involved in the pro-democracy struggles that heralded the civilian dispensation in 1999, were sad that opposition parties were in disarray in the country. Following their pleas, a meeting between the CPC leadership and these concerned elders to fine tune arrangements for wider and painstaking consultations that would lead to meaningful cooperation between the two platforms was held in Lagos. Then, fears were rife that, unless both parties put their minor differences aside and acted with the speed of lightening, time was running out for any alliance and substitution of candidates. Already, political parties and candidates had started campaigns.

    Among eminent Nigerians who waded into the pre-alliance crisis between AC N and CPC are a retired General and former minister, a former university don and chieftain of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), rights activists, leaders of labour movements and pro- national conference agitators.

    Shedding light on their intervention, the source, said: “These eminent Nigerians feared that, if PDP was not stopped in the 2011 election, Nigeria, which was being mismanaged, may become bankrupt. These elders were concerned about the direction the country was going. They have studied the national budget and realised that the pattern of recurrent expenditure tended to show that there was no concern for development.

    “There is a lot of silent corruption going on. The President was perceived to be a weak man, but he had the capacity to wreck havoc on the opposition for his party to survive”. In addition, the source said the elders doubted the ability of either the AC N or CPC to single-handedly dislodge the ruling PDP “in an unpredictable Nigerian environment”.

    “These people had to swing into action too, I suspect, because many Nigerians complained to them. They have access to information, which is beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians and there is cause to suspect that the masses of our people have placed great hope on active and effective cooperation between Akande’s AC N and Buhari’s CPC”, added the source.

    Will opposition parties learn from their past mistakes? This remains a puzzle. Historically, Nigeria is a fertile ground for two party system as the alliance patterns have always shown. This, perhaps, is the greatest lesson of the moment.

    In the past, unlike the opposition parties, the ruling parties have often moved swiftly by seizing the storm. Instructively, when opposition parties converged under the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), the Federal Government polarised the movement. While frontline politician Alhaji Balarabe Musa was selected as the leader of the group, another opposition politician, Dr Olopade Agoro, challenged his leadership. The CNPP because a dog that could only bark, but not bite. The leader of the light weight Mega Progressives Peoples Party (MPPP), Chief Rasheed Shitta-Bey, who reflected on this tragedy, reasoned that, although the scattered parties are united by the similarity of ideas, they are separated by ego, personality clashes, rivalry and competition”.

    The loss of focus and cohesion has agitated former Yobe State Governor Abba Bukar Ibrahim, who is among the leading ANPP leaders involved in the proposed alliance. He said the opposition is blind to the power of strength in unity. “There is no party that can single-handedly defeat the PDP, which believes that power is a matter of life and death”, he warned, advising progressives to close ranks. Alhaji Balarabe Musa agreed with this view. He pointed out that many opposition leaders feared that they would lose their identities, if they surrender their groups and promote a larger platform that could be result-driven.

    To the AC N chieftain, Chief Bisi Adegbuyi, the time is ripe for the opposition arrowheads in Nigeria to emulate their counterparts in other countries, where, after pulling their resources together, the progressives dislodged their conservative rivals from power. He advised the opposition to explore the possibility a coalition government. “We should borrow a leaf from Israel, Canada, Pakistan, and even Kenya. In a diverse country with a multiplicity of tribes, cultures, languages and religions, it is not possible for a single party to form the government”, he advised.

    History has shown that many opposition leaders usually back their moves with hypocritical commitment. In the First and Second Republic, when concerted efforts were made by opposition leaders to forge an alliance, it was short-lived. Instead, it has been relatively easier for the opposition to team up temporarily with the ruling party for pecuniary political gains. For example, many were surprised in 1960 when the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) led by Dr Nnamidi Azikiwe forged an alliance with the Balewa’s Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), instead of Action Group (AG), which was closer to its ideological leaning. When the alliance broke down in 1964, prominent NCNC ministers in Balewa Government refused to leave the government. Later, AG, NCNC and some smaller parties came together in an alliance for the purpose of 1964 federal elections. But there was no strong leader to wield them together. AG leader, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was in prison and many believed that Dr Michael Okpara, the NCNC leader, lacked the leadership capability to move the alliance forward. The onslaught by NPC was unbearable. As a former Western Regional Minister, Chief Ehinafe Babatola, recalled, there was division within the alliance over plans for the elections. While a section supported aggressive pursuit of victory, others who feared the NNA’s suppressive machinery, canvassed the boycott of the polls. Both camps went ahead with their antagonistic strategies.

    Thirteen years after the military rule in 1979, the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP), which was an incarnate of the banned NCNC led by Zik, teamed up with the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in an uneasy accord, following the 12 two-third controversy. When the accord broke down in 1981, NPP ministers held on to their portfolios in the federal government. Some of them even defected from the NPP to NPN. In 1999, PDP and All Nigeria Peoples Party (APP) formed a controversial alliance. The chairman of APP, Senator Mahmud Waziri, later abandoned his party when he was appointed Special Adviser by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. In 2003, the national chairman of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Alhaji Ahmed Abudulkadir, was rewarded by Obasanjo with the position of Special Adviser on Manufacturing, following the inexplicable cooperation between selected party leaders and PDP federal government. In 2011, ANPP led by the late Chief Edwin Ume-Ezeoke isolated itself and teamed up with the PDP to form an strange ‘Government of National Unity (GNU)’. The terms baffled Nigerians. The party also became polarised.

    Since 2007, when the country has been witnessing bad elections, opposition groups have been holding discussions on possibility of an alliance. But the Southwest, which was perceived as the main pilot in the venture, has been politically divided. Opposition figures outside the zone were in regular contacts with a faction of the entrenched establishment, which had regrouped under the Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA), following the eclipse of the AD. But the old men lack mobilisation prowess, unlike their old colleagues, who are in AC N, the widely accepted party in the zone.

    The alliance talks supported by the men of the old order had also hit the rocks in 2011. From its ashes rose two parties; the MPPP led by Shitta-Bey and another mega party sponsored by Prof Pat Utomi, Chiefs Olu Falae, Chief Ayo Adebanjo and Chief Olaniwun Ajayi. Although the former governor of Lagos State, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, also tried to bring some groups together for the purpose of rallying progressives, the effort did not see the light of the day.

    Observers are of the opinion that 2015 offers another opportunity. The options are also plausible; mergers, accord, alliances and fusion. Former Kano State governor and ANPP chieftain Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau assured that the alliance talks would succeed. “We are determined to make it work”, he said. The party chairman, Chief Ogbonnaya Onu, has also demonstrated seriousness and commitment like Akande and Buhari. Already, meetings are being held regularly to concretise the idea. But Buhari faces personal hurdles within his camp. While the CPC chairman and former Information Minister Prince Tony Momoh, and former Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Mallam Nasir el-Rufai are said to be enthusiastic about the alliance, it is not certain that Buhari’s former running mate, Bakare, and spokesman, Mr. Yinka Odumakin, are supporting the initiative.

    In 1964, 1979, 1999, 2007 and 2011, attempt at collaboration among oppositional parties failed. Proposed alliance, fusion and accord also crumbled. Will it be different this time? Will they succeed in 2015? Time will tell.

  • States need more revenue, says Akpabio

    States need more revenue, says Akpabio

    Akwa Ibom State Governor Godswill Akpabio has said that the 36 states need more revenue to meet public expectation, urging the federal government to review the revenue allocation.

    He also called for the review of the onshore/offshore dicotomy, pointing out that oil-producing states have been shortchanged.

    Akpabio spoke on the activities of his administration in Uyo, the state capital. He said, if states have access to more funds, some governors will perform better. The governor said that he was motivated to change the face of Akwa Ibom State by patriotic anger.

    He said: “I was angry at what I met on ground when I became the governor. I saw the need to built a sustainable infrastructure and tackle flooding through an extra-ordinary drainage system. I realised that governance is about leaving behind great legacies .

    “I know that, if you concentrate more on acquisition, instead of dispensing good governance, it is in vain. For 29 years, I could not carry my car to my home town because of lack of roads. The military did a lot of damage to this country. I can say that the civilians have achieved more than the military. In my state, you now see good roads devoid of potholes. I travelled to Anambra State and I also saw roads tarred by Ngige and Obi. We are saying that we can deepen democracy in Africa and Nigeria must lead Africa by example”.

    Akpabio lamented that states are sharing a meagre 24 per cent of the revenue in the country, adding that governors are handicapped.

    The governor noted that, if the onshore/offshore controversy is properly resolved, Lagos State will emerge as the largest producer of oil in the country. He explained that Lagos State is 500 metres away and Akwa Ibom is 300 metres away from the offshore.

    He frowned at the style of a governor who left N60 billion in the coffer, pointing out that the consequence was that he also left behind the crisis of Boko Haram, mass unemployment and bad infrastructure.

    Akpabio maintained that, if he had not been propelled by anger at the system, he would not have succeeded in repositioning the state.

    He said: “I was angry and propelled by my vision, commitment and dedication to what I believe. I have a duty to return Akwa Ibom to the era of uncommon transformation”.

    However, he lamented that his predecessor, Obong Victor Attah, has refused to cooperate with him.

    Akpabio said he had presented a transparent government by publishing the cost of projects in the state for public scrutiny.

    He added: “Governors would have performed better, if they have access to more funds”.

  • ‘FoI Act will work’

    ‘FoI Act will work’

    The National Orientation Agency (NOA) has said that the Freedom of Information (FoI) Act will achieve its objective of fostering transparency in governance.

    Its Director-General, Mr. Mike Omeri, said the law will also ensure wider participation in public affairs. He spoke at a training session for stakeholders in Lagos.

    Omeri said: “The Freedom of Information Act, which was passed into law in 2011, intends that Nigerians should have unfettered access to information from public institution.”

    He said the training was significant because it marked the beginning of partnership among the various stakeholders.

    Omeri assured that the law will check corruption, thereby putting government officials on their toes.

    Participants Lagos, Oyo, Enugu, Ebonyi, Rivers and Delta states attended the programme. Omeri said they would go back to organise similar training for people in their states.

    Lagos State Commissioner for Information Mr. Lateef Ibirogba, who represented Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN), lauded the agency for its sensitisation programmes.

    A member of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mr. Segun Olulade, urged the people to make use of the law to challenge the dubious activities of government.

    He said the society would be sanitised when those in power realise that a lot of watchdogs are monitoring their activities.

    Olulade said the Lagos State House of Assembly supported the initiation of the bill from the onset, adding that Fashola Administration is also commited to accountability in governance.

    The programme was supported by the non-governmental organisation, including the Democratic Governance for Development, European Union, United Kingdom(UK) Department of International Development and Canadian International Development Agency.