The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Okotie-Eboh: victim of circumstance

    Okotie-Eboh: victim of circumstance

    Correspondent MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE writes on the life and times of the colourful Minister of Finance, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, who was murdered in Lagos by the mutineers.

    It is exactly 47 years ago today, that the Khaki boys swooped on the nation’s fledgling democracy and sacked the Balewa Administration. The incident marked the end of the parliamentary system of government, which the British framed for the country before the colonial masters left Nigeria’s shores

    It was a trying moment. Key politicians were killed in the putsch. The unity of the country was threatened to its very foundation. All political structures were abruptly consigned to history as the citizens and members of international community watched the macabre dance.

    By the time the martial music simmered down, one of those cut short was the Minister of Finance, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, a flamboyant dresser whose style earned him the nickname , Omimi-Ejoh, Ejoh bilele, translated as ‘the man with long feature and flowing wrappers’.

    Born July 18, 1912 to Prince Okotie Eboh in Warri Division, he attended Sapele Baptist School. In 1930, he took up an appointment as an Assessment Clerk in Sapele Township Office. After a brief stint with teaching, he joined the Bata Shoe Company Limited, where he rose to the post of Chief Clerk.

    He took business courses as a private worker. With a Diploma in Business Administration and Organisation, he resolved to go into business on his own.

    He established schools and ventured into other businesses, including rubber and timber. His business conglomerate included the Okotie Eboh Grammar School and Omimi Plastic and Shoe Factories. He was a wealthy businessman.

    Going into politics in 1948 proved the icing. He played his politics with the same enterprising spirit.He won a seat in the Warri Divisional Council, following a hectic election. As a grassroots politician, he was a councillor in the Warri Provincial Council. Later, he served as a member of the Sapele Township Advisory Board, Warri Provincial Ports Authority Committee and Warri Divisional Committee.

    Okotie-Eboh was never defeated in any election, either in Warri or Sapele.

    A chieftain of the National Council of Nigerian Citizens, he became the Chief Whip of the Western House of Assembly dominated by the Action Group (AG) in 1959. His parliamentary contributions shaped major decisions.

    Okotie-Eboh was appointed Minister of Labour and Social Welfare, having excelled in the art of governance. In the alliance between the NCNC and the Northern People Congress (NPC), he became the Finance Minister, the office he held until the 1966 coup.

    His reform programme in the Finance Ministry gave a new lease to the Nigerian Customs. He delegated responsibilities to the unit, instead of asking the ports to collect duties. He established the Preventive Services Unit to confront, combat and prevent smuggling, and protect local industries.

    The introduction of the Pay As You Earn (PAYE) system of taxation during his tenure was a novel idea. It jerked up the revenue base of the government.

    Okotie-Eboh insisted that Nigeria should issue her own currency and have her own Central Bank instead of epending on the then West African Currency Board, which was responsible for issuing currencies for the colonies. This was how the Central Bank of Nigeria(CBN) was established in 1958. Chief Okotie-Eboh, could therefore, be rightly described as the founding father of the CBN.

    He always displayed the noble characteristics of a statesman and patriot. When the country was still grappling with post-independence challenges, and the government wanted to build the Eko Bridge, he personally sought the assistance of Britain and America for grants to execute the project, but they refused.

    As a diplomat, his passionate appeal received favourable consideration from the German government which paid Julius Berger for the project.

    His benevolence was enjoyed by his party, the NCNC. He sourced for grants for the party when it was broke. His colleague, Chief Richard Akinjide recalled: “In the NCNC days, Okotie-Eboh was richer than the party and everybody. He had made his money before coming into politics and whenever the party was broke, it was to him we went to collect some money for party activities. Nigerians should be grateful for having somebody like him; he was generous to a fault and did not discriminate against tribe or tongue”.

    The NPC/NCNC alliance worked very because of the cordial relations between Balewa and Okotie-Eboh. The Prime Minister believed that he was a loyal minister.

    A well-travelled man, Okotie-Eboh was a personal friend of the late United States President John Kennedy in the sixties. His visit to the Papacy, where he met Pope John XX111 twice, became his greatest religious voyage. He also visited the Israeli statesman, Mr. David Ben Gurion.

    The former minister was not happy because of the lingering crisis in the Western Region. He believed that it would engulf the country.

    He warned that the crisis was spreading to Lagos and its repercussions were being felt throughout Nigeria. He said across the four regions, innocent people were being killed during electioneering.

    Okoti-Eboh, added: “We are worried and we believe that, you the Prime Minister, who has the overall responsibility for law and order, are more worried. Although the maintenance of law and order in the Western Nigeria is the primarily responsibility of the Western Regional Government, the activities of the Nigeria Police, particularly those drafted to the West from other parts of the Federation, have brought the federal government more closely into the picture”.

    Okotie-Eboh stated further: “Something must be done immediately to bring peace to the Western Nigeria. If immediate action is not taken, good government in any part of Nigeria will be endangered. Fanatics, hooligans, armed robbers and irresponsible elements will be given the opportunity to consolidate their positions and remain a perpetual danger to all governments and political leaders. Everybody’s life will be in danger.”

    At the time of his death, Okotie-Eboh, was survived by a wife and 14 children.They now keep his memory as a loving father and a patriot who paid the supreme price for his country and died as a “victim of circumstance”.

     

  • ‘Our enemies are political profiteers’

    In the name of the Supreme Council of the Revolution of the Nigerian Armed Forces, I declare martial law over the Northern Provinces of Nigeria.

    The constitution is suspended and the regional governments and elected assemblies are hereby dissolved. All political, cultural, tribal and trade union activitites, together with all demonstrations and unauthorized gatherings, excluding religious worship, are banned until further notice.

    The aim of the Revolutionary Council is to establish a strong united and prosperous nation, free from corruption and internal strife. Our method of achieving this is strictly military, but we have no doubt that every Nigerian will give us maximum cooperation by assisting the regime and not disturbing the peace during the slight changes that are taking place.

    I am to assure all foreigners living and working in this part of Nigeria that their rights will continue to be respected. All treaty obligations previously entered into with any foreign nation will be respected and we hope that such nations will respect our country’s territorial integrity and will avoid taking sides with enemies of the revolution and enemies of the people.

    My dear countrymen, you will hear, and probably see a lot being done by certain bodies charged by the Supreme Council with the duties of national integration, supreme justice, general security and property recovery. As an interim measure, all permanent secretaries, corporation charimen and senior heads of departments are allowed to make decisions, until the new organs are functioning, so long as such decisions are not contrary to the aims and wishes of the Supreme Council. No Minister or Parliamentary Secretary possesses administrative or other forms of control over any Ministry, even if they are not considered too dangerous to be arrested.

    This is not a time for long speech-making and so, let me acquaint you with ten proclamations in the Extraordinary Orders of the Day, which the Supreme Council has promulgated. These will be modified as the situation improves.

    You are hereby warned that looting, arson, homosexuality, rape, embezzlement, bribery or corruption, obstruction of the revolution, sabotage, subversion, false alarms and assistance to foreign invaders, are all offences punishable by death sentence.

    Demonstrations and unauthorized assembly, non-cooperation with revolutionary troops are punishable in grave manner up to death.

    Refusal or neglect to perform normal duties or any task that may of necessity be ordered by local military commanders in support of the change will be punishable by a sentence imposed by the local military commander.

    Spying, harmful or injurious publications, and broadcasts of troop movements or actions, will be punished by any suitable sentence deemed fit by the local military commander.”

     

     

  • A coup and its unending controversy

    A coup and its unending controversy

    The collapse of true federalism in Nigeria has its root in the military incursion into politics on January 15, 1966. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits the fall of the first legitimate government and the crisis of nation-building the military coup unleashed on the polity.

     

     

    It was a day of confusion in Lagos, the former Federal Capital Territory (FCT). The city was enveloped in panic. Many civil servants on their way to work in the morning turned back. Markets closed abruptly, almost at sunrise. Around Ikoyi and Obalende, which was a stone throw from the State House, people ran helter sketer. Political, economic and social activities were instantly paralysed.

    Ministers were woken up by gunshots from aggrieved soldiers. Some of them were alerted to the danger earlier, but they had ignored the warning signal. Some of them stayed in doors, waiting for information. Others drove to their offices in boldness. But the Federal Secretariat Complex, Ikoyi, was empty. Those outside Lagos were trapped in their destinations because there was no movement. Nigerians were seized by anxiety and tension.

    Before January 15, 1966, coups were not new in Africa. But a political scientist, Prof. Isawa Elaigwu, said that “this date marked the effective explosion of the military on the Nigerian political arena”. Bloody mutinies have been reported in Sudan, Egypt and Togo. But the coup of the five majors still dazed the political class. Soon, the news was all over the place that the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, was missing. Many hours later, it was confirmed that the Head of Government had been killed and his body deposited in a bush on the Lagos/Abeokuta Road. Simultaneously, a pall of gloom descended on Northern Nigeria. The Premier, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, had been killed. The same tragedy had befallen the Premier of Western Region, Chief Ladoke Akintola, and Minister of Finance Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh was the only minister killed by the army. Also killed by the rampaging soldiers were some senior military officers, including Brigadier Maimalari, Brigadier Ademoyega Ademulegun, and Col. Ralph Sodeinde.

    Anger was bold on the face of the coup leader, Major Chukwuemeka Nzeogwu, who had come on air to inform anxious Nigerians about the forceful change of government. He cited many reasons for the change of government. The ring leader and his allies; Emeka Ifeajuna, Adewale Ademoyega, and others, accused the government of corruption, tribalism and lack of discipline. They promised hard times for the ‘ten per centers in high places. To reposition the country, they said, was a priority. Nzeogwu and his colleagues portrayed the soldiers as modernising agents.

    However, the euphoria was short-lived. On the second day, January 16, the tune changed. Due to human error, there was a hollow in the execution of the coup. Killings were restricted to the North and West. Since no prominent Igbo politician was killed, the uprising was decked in an ethnic garb. Thus, it has been observed that the way the coup was executed created suspicions and stigmatised it with ethnic colouring. Up came the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army, Major-General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, who tricked the mutineers to come to Lagos, where he asked them to surrender to him. Although he became the beneficiary of the mutiny, he claimed that the coup plotters deserved punishment to restore discipline to the military and appease the North for the death of their political and military leaders. As part of his scheme to assert authority, later, the politically ambitious G.O.C asked the Council of Ministers, at gun point, to resolve to hand over to the military. The ministers, led by the late Dr. Kingsley Mbadiwe, could not muster the strength to resist the military’s incursion into politics. The Acting President, the late Dr. Nwafor Orizu, was also helpless. Having correctly interpreted the body language of the power-thirsty soldiers, they caved in. The parliament and council of ministers went with the wind of change.

    Had the civilian leaders taken decisive steps ahead of the tragedy, the destruction would, probably, have been averted. The Minister of Information, the late Chief Ayo Rosiji, had been inundated with complaints of a likely coup by junior officers by Brigadier Ademulegun in Kaduna. The Ondo-born Army officer had urged him to convey the information to Balewa in Lagos. He advised that the Prime Minister should act with speed, warning that delay could be dangerous. Ademulegun emphasised that the lives of senior politicians and military officers were in grave danger. Rosiji’s biographer, Nna Mba, stated that when the former minister mentioned it to the Prime Minister, Balewa, “gave a characteristic fatalistic response”. He admittedly dismissed it with a wave of the hand. Perhaps, Balewa was preoccupied with the preparations for the meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government holding in Lagos that month. The Prime Minister said he was not afraid because death would be the ultimate end of existence. Also, in his memoirs, former Inspector-General of Police Alhaji M. D. Yusufu recalled that similar warnings by the police were blatantly ignored by the Prime Minister.

    The result was disastrous. Following the coup, Nigeria was instantly assailed by a monumental crisis of nation-building. Ironsi’s first step was threatening to federalism. Soldiers of northern origin were angry that the coup masterminded by the Igbo officers was aimed at shifting power from the North to the East. The inexperienced military Head of State dismantled the federal structure and foisted on the country a centralised, unitary system when he enacted Decree 1, 1966. He appointed four military governors; the late Col. Adekunle Fajuyi (West), Col. Usman Katsina (North), Col. David Ejoor (Midwest) and Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu (East). He set up an ad hoc constitutional conference which hit the rock, although he failed to set up a federal cabinet in time. “ It took Ironsi three months to make any political move, but actually five months for him to opt for greater centralisation of power through unitarism”, recalled Elaigwu in his book titled: “Gowon: The Biography of a soldier-statesman”. “In a way, it may be argued that General Ironsi was a victim of circumstances which required the quick use of his mental capacity and political subtlety-two traits Ironsi did not possess in adequate amounts”, he added. Besides, Eliagwu pointed out that “the political pulls within the system may have made Ironsi vacillate in making radical changes in the federal-regional relations”.

    Barely six months after the first coup, Ironsi was killed in Ibadan, capital of the Western State, when he was guest of Fajuyi. In the retaliatory coup, Fajuyi, who was defending Ironsi, sacrificed his life. He was killed by soldiers of northern origin avenging the murder of Bello and Balewa.

    Senior officers were not prepared for the challenges imposed by the sudden regime change. Following Ironsi’s death, a succession battle rattled he top hierarchy. Young military officers from the North refused to take orders from the second-in-command to Ironsi, the late Brig. Babafemi Ogundipe. They insisted that the Chief of Army Staff, Col. Yakubu Gowon, should assume the reins. The governor of the Eastern State objected, saying that it was against the seniority principle. He warned that a dangerous precedent, which could erode discipline, was being set.

    Gowon succeeded Ironsi as the Head of State. Tension later brewed as cases of mistrust among the various officers from the diverse, heterogeneous country were rife. Ojukwu advised soldiers of eastern origin to return home, since their lives were no more safe outside the region. The chain of events cumulated in the declaration of the Republic of Biafra by Ojukwu, who proclaimed himself as the Military Head of State and Commander-In-Chief of the new country he carved out of Nigeria. A bitter civil war ensued, with heavy casualties recorded on both sides. No fewer than one million lives were lost. Although Nigeria won the secession battle, it did not win the battle for national unity.

    Analysts have reflected on the justification for the first coup. Was it the best option at the time? Were soldiers in government better than the civilians in the first 13 years and later, 15 years of military rule? Today, coup is old fashioned, but historians have always noted that Nzeogwu may have acted out of patriotism, although the coup could also have been executed with minimal casualties. But the coup was infectious. Other coups and blood-letting activities of the military in July 1966, 1967, 1975, 1983, 1985, 1986 by Major Gideon Okar’s group, the pre-emptied Vatsa coup of 1988, and Gen. Sani Abacha’s displacement of the interim contraception headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, were built on the foundation laid by the five majors.

    On all counts, soldiers deviated from the cause of moral decency. Seized by greed, they pillaged the treasury and did incalculable damage to public discipline. For example, the former Vice Chancellor of the University of Jos, Prof. E.U. Emovon, noted that Gowon’s method of a blend of militarism and humanism yielded under the stress of corruption and nepotism perpetrated by his lieutenants. Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, who had resolved to restore confidence in government by fighting corruption, breached human rights in the process. His successor, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, presided over a corrupt administration which wrecked the economy. Gen. Abacha became a despot.

    Observers pointed out that, had the foundation laid by the civilian authorities been sustained, the coup may have lacked justification. But the warring civilian leaders, who fired salvos from their ethnically-inclined political parties, had their own inherent weaknesses. The polity witnessed political stability when the federal government and the regions shared powers in an atmosphere of cooperative federalism and critical inter-governmental relations. But electoral tensions and recurrent suspicion between the North and the South, which complained about domination, later heralded political instability. Renowned historian Dr. Mba contented that there is substance in the criticisms that they lacked courage, conviction and vision of the society they had hoped to lead after the attainment of independence. She also agreed that “the political elite had also been held responsible for promoting ethnicity for political gains”.

    Mba also agreed that, in the First Republic, “corruption was practised and not checked”, adding that the inability or lack of will on the part of Balewa to insist on all his colleagues observing the rules contributed to the general demoralisation and breakdown of the government’s authority.

    To avoid repeating past mistakes, the historian advised that leaders should ensure that politics is based on principles and issues, not on personalities or ethnicity, and should be conducted according to enforced rules of fair play. Mba also advised that personal ambition must not be allowed to supersede the communal or national good, and power must not be used only or even mainly to further personal ambition. The historian had solid advice for youths who would drive the ship of the fledgling nation-state in the future. Young Nigerians must learn to unlearn the ethnic prejudices which had burdened previous generations so that they may work and socialise together freely. By so doing, they may create a more egalitarian and just society in the future,” Mba said.

     

  • Tales of absentee governors

    Tales of absentee governors

    They are hit by the blows of fate. Illness and accidents are no respecters of persons, including governors. Four governors are currently incapacitated. Their misfortune has slowed down governance in their states.

    For almost six months, Enugu State Governor Sullivan Chime has been recuperating in an overseas hospital. His counterpart in Cross River State, Senator Liyel Imoke, has been outside the country for about three months. His aides said he is resting in the United States. Taraba State Governor Dambaba Suntai is receiving treatment for injuries he sustained in a helicopter crash. Kogi State Governor Idris Wada has visited hospital for after-surgery check-ups. He survived a road crash. His aides have not hidden his recuperating process from the public, unlike his colleages. From the day he was involved in an accident to the time he was discharged from the hospital, Kogi State government did not keep people in suspense over his health condition.

    It is not the first time a tragedy will befall a governor. When former President Umaru Yar’Adua was governor of Katsina State, he spent many months in hospitals abroad because he was ill. Even, some governors who were hale and hearty indulged in absenteeism. In 2004, ‘Digital Governor’ Saminu Turaki of Jigawa State spent six months abroad, claiming that he was sourcing for foreign investors.

    According to the 1999 Constitution, the deputy governors are mandated to act for the governors when they are absent from office or on leave. In the Second Republic, deputy governors were actually in charge when governors were on leave or indisposed. In Ogun State, former Governor Bisi Onabanjo swore in his deputy, Chief Sesan Soluade, when he travelled abroad for medical treatment. The acting governor performed all the functions of the governor. He was invested with power and authority. Also, in Ondo State, when the governor, the late Chief Michael Ajasin, was ill, his deputy, the late Chief Akin Omoboriowo, was in charge. Although he was not sworn in as acting governor, he performed all the functions of the governor. Even, during the military era, the Brigade Commanders or General Officers Commanding (GOC) deputised for the governors when they were on leave.

    Since the Third Republic, governors have not related with their commissioners and special advisers as colleagues, but as bosses. Thus, there is suspicion between governors and their deputies. Also, in this dispensation, only a few governors actually trust their deputies. That may be responsible for why the impeachment of some deputy governors were instigated by the governors.

    In Enugu, Governor Chime handed over properly to his deputy. However, deputy governors are usually held to ransom by the kitchen cabinet of governors in their absence. Thus, Enugu State Acting Governor Mr. Sunday Onyebuchi is said not to be directly in charge. Observers contend that governance is at a standstill in the state. The government insists this is not true. Projects are not being commissioned. Although the executive council still meets weekly, decisions taken are said to be cosmetic. Unlike his boss, Onyeagbuchi lacks the power to discipline erring members of the executive council.

    Irked by the situation, a pro-democracy group, ‘Save Enugu Group’ (SEG), cried out that the absence of the governor for 105 days was worrisome. It demanded a categorical explanation about the whereabouts and health status of the governor. In its petition to the acting governor, the group urged him to set up a delegation to visit the governor and report back to the people of the state. SEG said the delegation should comprise eminent indigenes, including respected statesmen, clerics, and prominent politicians. In its opinion, the visit will lay to rest speculations about Chime’s state of health.

    The group’s motive, it is believed, has political undertone. Partisan politicians, including former Commissioner for Information in the defunct Nnamani Administration, Ray Nnaji, and Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) leaders; Maxi Okwu and Willy Ugwu, signed the petition. They asked the acting governor to also clear the air on his alleged handicap, since he assumed control. They claimed that the governor’s long absence amounted to grave misconduct. Analysts said that these remarks were poignant. Some stakeholders even want the governor to step aside.

    “We are also told that, at the time of his disappearance from public view, His Excellency, as required by Section 190 of the 1999 Constitution, duly handed over to the deputy governor. We must bring to your notice that the public is awash with accounts of the inability of the acting governor to discharge his mandate under the constitution as a cabal of unelected officers has held him to ransom. We therefore, humbly submit that this is a most untidy state of affairs”, said ESG.

    However, the governor’s aides, in a statement, described the criticisms of the governor’s absence as shallow and baseless, stressing that members of the group are attention-seekers. The people of the state have organised prayers to intercede for the ailing chief executive.

    In Kogi State, the governor reported for work, barely three days after the accident. Many people had complained that Enugu, Taraba and Cross River governors were absent from office. But, Wada’s quick return to office also generated controversy. Opposition parties claimed that he was not yet fit for work.

    It is a different ball game in Taraba. Although stakeholders sympathised with the pilot-governor over the crash, they have decried the way a cabal had prevented the deputy governor, Alhaji Garuba Umar, from discharging fully the duties of the governor. Prominent politicians in the state loyal to the governor do not see him as the acting governor. They claimed that before the governor was flown to Germany for medical treatment, he did not hand over to his second-in-command. Suntai’s supporters felt that the deputy governor may warm himself into the hearts of the people, if the governor fails to return in time. Thus, Umar, despite being the deputy governor, has been a nominal acting head of government in the Northeast state. Sources said the deputy governor has accepted his fate to avoid being labeled a disloyal aide.

    The Cross River State governor left the country on December 6, 2012. Initially, his aides could not confirm whether he was ill or not. They merely informed the anxious people of the state that he was on leave. But when the stakeholders started to insinuate that his condition was critical, his media aide, Christian Ita, opened up on his health condition. The Special Assistant on Media said Imoke communicated his decision to the State House of Assembly, through a letter to the Speaker, Mr. Larry Odey. He said that his deputy, Mr. Efiok Cobham, had been acting for him.

    Justifying his long absence, the governor explained that he embarked on his accumulated leave because “one cannot continue to cheat nature”. “It’s probably been 10 years or more without a break or a decent vacation. I truly need to take this time off. Thankfully, we are unified in our approach to governance. So, there’s continuity, which is important,” Imoke added. Senate Leader Victor Ndoma-Egba also dispelled rumours about the governor’s health. He said he was in high spirits in the United States.

    However, it has become difficult for the acting governor, Cobham, to assert himself. Sources said Imoke’s associates are throwing obstacles on his path. In Calabar, the state capital, speculations are rife that the deputy governor may “use the opportunity to maximum advantage.” But sources close to the deputy governor rejected the insinuation, saying that he has no plan to undermine or subvert his boss.

    “For now, the man is just acting and he has a limit to that acting. He can approve some money, but I don’t think he can approve a certain amount. He is still working in tandem with his boss in the United States and he still takes instructions from him on anything that has to do with finance,” said a senior government official.

    “So, there is a limit to where Efiok can act and I don’t think, he can take advantage of it to even think of 2015. In less than one month, the governor will come back and assume his position. It is only because the constitution says he should act in the absence of his boss. He still takes instructions from his boss, in order not to strain any relation till the boss comes back. If he over acts and the boss comes back, there may be a misunderstanding and that would lead to something disastrous. So, he is being careful. He is just there to ensure that salaries are paid, files are attended to and all that, but crucial decisions he cannot take. He would rather shelve such decisions until when his boss would resume. He cannot do anything for now. He may be the acting governor, but there is a limit to how he can act”, the official added.

  • ‘Funding our projects is big challenge’

    ‘Funding our projects is big challenge’

    How would you react to the allegation by a senator that governors are frustrating the constitutional amendment process?

    It is not everything that is alleged to have been spoken by people that should be reacted to. People will say all sorts of things on virtually all subjects and you can’t begin to reply to everything.

    But have you been frustrating it?

    How would I know that? Just tell me one role the governors are playing in the constitution amendment. Since when have the governors become the legislative arm of government? If you ask me, I think that question does not require an answer. What the senator is saying, in effect, is that there are no state Assemblies and there is no National Assembly; the governors have constituted themselves into state Assemblies and the National Assembly at the same time.

    But we all know that the governors have enormous influence on their senators and House of Representatives members?

    No, that is not true. We have absolutely no influence over anybody. You can ask Senator Magnus Abbey, who was here with me this morning. Did you watch the 2012 Budget presentation of Rivers State? Mr. Speaker blasted me and as he finished, we sat here and ate food. Many people were shocked, no quarrel. I said no need to quarrel because he was playing his role as a Speaker. He blasted me, saying “you are doing well, you have so many projects that you are doing, but you are not completing them; you have to complete them and consolidate them and stop this expansion of projects, we will not approve any further expansion, but we will consolidate”. I said thank you sir. I came home and rested. If I controlled the House, would he have said that?

    You are against autonomy of local government…

    Look, governors are one of the most patriotic elements in this country. There is no country in the world that has three federating units. There are only two. Why should you say that there must be third federating units in Nigeria?

    In other words you are opposed to the autonomy of local government?

    Of course, yes! Let a state governor or let the states create as many local government areas as they want to create. Don’t put it there as a constitutional issue. Why would you accuse some governors of mismanaging resources? How? In Rivers State, they not only collect their money directly, they collect my two billion monthly, ask them. I pay the salaries of all their teachers and that is two billion per month. If you take away that, my wage bill will come down to six billion per month.

    Should we say you and your colleagues have lost the battle for the creation of state police?

    I don’t want to discuss that issue. Until the constitution is amended, how can you know what is lost and what is won?

    Recently, Professor Jibril Aminu described the Governors Forum as an oppressive body. What is your reaction?

    No response to Jibril Aminu. I say leave Governors Forum alone. You can’t respond to everything.

    You are building 24 model boarding secondary schools in each of the 24 local government areas which will admit 1050 students. Have you thought about the manpower to sustain it?

    This January we are employing 13,000 teachers. And now, if you say we are in control of the Assembly, I may now ask you, how? We would have done this since October last year, but the Assembly stopped it by resolution and we obeyed the resolution. Up till now, we have not resolved the issue. If you watch my town hall meeting at Asatoro, there was an altercation between me and Mr Speaker live on the platform. I was trying to incite Asatoro people against him because he is from Asatoro when I said by now we would have finished employing teachers and some of your students would have been in school, but your son stopped us. Please beg your son. He came up and took the microphone from me and said the governor didn’t go through the proper process. So, we stopped him. So, I took over the microphone from him and said, yes, we did not, but your son didn’t remember from the beginning until when we were already issuing letters of employment that he said stop. So, beg him now that he should hurry because we want to give the letters by January. So, people started shouting and he said okay we will allow him to send the letters, I said we have won. But he stopped us from October. If we were in control of the House, who will stop us?

    At a point the issue of kidnapping…

    No kidnapping in Rivers State.

    The schools and the hospitals in your projects are designed to be free for all citizens.How do you hope to ensure the sustainability of these projects after you must have left in 2015?

    Power won’t be free, people have to pay for power. Within my period in office, they will be sustainable. I will continue to manage my resources in such a way that people will enjoy free education and free healthcare services. In planning for good education and health, you must know that affordability goes together with accessibility. If it is not affordable you will loose more lives, if you don’t educate people you will run into more crisis. So, if you want to educate people and have the society that is properly developed, then, you must make education both affordable and accessible. So, if you build schools every where and nobody can afford them, then nobody will go to those schools. As a temporary measure, government must be able to bear the responsibility of funding. The benefits of that can’t be quantified. About 80 per cent of all those criminals claiming to be Niger Delta fighters did not go to primary schools because they could not afford it.

    I just had a meeting in the morning on establishing an educational training centre by the Israelis. They are coming and Germans will also be coming this month. The Israelis have just started. At the university level, you are made to pay because that is a choice, but we have to give free education up to secondary school level that will liberate your mind and allows your mental capacity to be able to make decisions that will better your future.

    Do you have the requisite personnel to mange the medical equipment?

    These are hi-tech equipment. An American firm will manage those two centers. But on the third one, we are talking to an Indian group. I don’t know who will manage it yet, but if it doesn’t work, then, we will give it back to the Americans. Their job is to take care of all the patients while ours is to pay for all the patients. So, it doesn’t matter whether they say it is this or that. When I go, it will be left for the next governor. If he likes, he could introduce fees. He or she is free.

    Would you consider backing your successor up with a law so that nobody can change it over night when you leave in 2015?

    No. Let the governor take his own decision. I tell people that, by the time the next governor comes, he won’t be facing primary schools because I would have gone far. Yes, he will be facing the primary schools to the extent that the more children are coming, the more schools he will build. What we met on ground when we came in terms of primary school pupils was 150,000. Now, we have over 300,000. So, I have to provide for the extra 150,000.

    How much does it costs you to build one of those primary schools?

    It is N112 million per primary school and that does not include furnishing.

    What about the secondary schools?

    The secondary school is N4.5 billion without furnishing.

    You are planning to build a university, but Rivers State has a University of Science and Technology.

    That is the one we are just trying to move to the permanent site.

    How about the funding of your projects?

    Funding is critical in the sense that we are pushing hard on Internally Generated Revenues (IGR). When we came, it was N2.5 billion. Now we a doing N6.5 and our target this year is N8 billion. We want to see whether we can pay our recurrent expenditure on IGR. If we do that, then, the money we get from the FAAC will be channeled into the projects but funding is a big challenge.

    Do you have fears for 2015?

    I have no fears at all.

    Who are you bringing to take over from you?

    There is nothing like that in my agenda.

    Can you sum up your vision for Rivers State?

    If I am allowed to do that, then I would say quality education, health, power and transportation. You see, I don’t emphasize roads. There is just one road we are building now, the Trans-Amadi Road. It is going to take about three flyovers; one at Garrison, one at Slaughter and another at Nbogo Junction. It is going to cost N47 billion. It is 10 kilometers long. There is another new road we are going to build now to the airport to decongest Aba Road. It is going to cost N200 billion and fifty percent of that will be spent on bridges with about four flyovers and inter-changes.

    So far, the planning tells you that we have a design that we call the Greater Port Harcourt Master Plan. It takes cares of both the old and the new cities. It was designed in South Africa. And they said, if you don’t build those roads, they have designed for you very soon, Port Harcourt will implode. And I give you an example. Port Harcourt is like a human being with so much cholesterol. If you don’t open it up, it will block inside and you die. But if you open it up, the blood can flow. All these roads are being done according to the master plan. We have the mono-rail which will also take out passengers. It is 25 -kilometre-long.

    Don’t you worry about maintenance of what you are putting on ground? Are you considering who will take over from you in 2015?

    Leave that to God.

  • Agbaje: We need transformational leaders

    Agbaje: We need transformational leaders

    Lagos politician Mr. Jimi Agbaje has called for a transformational leadership in the country, urging the elite to show more interest in governance. He urged Nigerians to learn from the triumph of Indonesia over its economic and political problems, stressing that Nigeria can survive, if its leaders imbibe discipline, moral values, patriotism, rule of law and demonstrate selflessness.

    The former governorship candidate spoke at a lecture in Lagos organised by the “January 9 Collevtive”, in commemoration of the first anniversary of the anti-fuel price hike. The lecture titled: “‘Elite, leadership and national transformation’, was chaired by the House of Representatives member, Pastor Osai Osai. The ceremony, which held at the Sheraton Hotel, Ikeja, was attended by the Olowu of Owu-Egba, Ogun State, Oba Adegboyega Dosunmu, Comrade Kayode Opeifa, Alhaji Shetima Yerima, and a federal legislator, Mr. Muniru Hakeem.

    Agbaje observed that the fuel subsidy protest was not in vain, recalling that it opened a can of worms in the oil sector. He said, for the country to achieve the goals of ‘Vision 20:20:20’, it should be inhabited by well educated and healthy people who can contribute to the baking of the national cake, instead of competing for the national cake. The politician also emphasised that leaders should shun corruption and embrace the rule of law and good governance.

    Agbaje condemned the dwindling public morality, lamenting that a privileged Nigerian, who was expected to be on bail, was being guarded by the police. He said those who make much money in Nigeria are not the most hardworking people.

  • ‘Fayemi not moved by PDP antics’

    ‘Fayemi not moved by PDP antics’

    On Ekiti 2014 elections

    I sincerely believe 2014 will be interesting in Ekiti State for a number of reasons. The governorship election will be issue- based and issue –driven. An informed electorate who have of recent tasted good governance cannot be easily taken in by sugar-coated politicians. So, I foresee a situation where aspirants are put to task on their promises.

    You know talk is cheap. It is not enough to say I will do one, two of twenty things, the main issue will be how would you do them, within what frame and at what cost as well as where the fund will be sourced? Of course, it is a time Ekiti people will not suffer any fool gladly. You must be able to dazzle them with your brilliance and sincerity of purpose before they can count you worthy of being an aspirant to the exalted office of Governor of Ekiti State.

    The Omoluabi factor is there also, and this you cannot buy in the market. You either have it or you don’t. In 2014, there will be no room for dubious characters -emergency millionaires, court jesters and fraudsters. It is a time that people’s credentials and claims would be properly scrutinised by the electorate and by the time the electorate begin to ask pertinent questions, a good number of the aspirants will fizzle out. While it is the alienable right of every citizen to aspire to high office, the mere decision of some people to contest constitutes an insult to the sensibility of Ekiti people.

    For instance, you can’t have a chain of unresolved murder cases or other high profile cases and think the people will not ask questions. You can’t cart away government properties under your care and think people will not ask questions now that you are coming around the second time. In this line up of aspirants, you will see some that have traversed about six different political parties and you think the people will not ask question about such mobility.

    As we talk now, there are some of the aspirants who give the impression that they are running on the platform of a political party, whereas, their fingers are in some other parties. Some are also haunted by their past deeds.

    On the opposition in Ekiti

    The opposition in Ekiti State provides the comic relief. And this comes in different shapes and shades in various factions of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state. They have since lost direction and are just groping around in the dark. And having failed to connect with the people, they have now resorted to battling the incumbent government with all manner of lies. Like a drowning man, they are just holding on to anything, including their attempt to re-write the laws of the land through their illiterate approach to legal interpretation and illogical reasoning. My advice to them is that opposition is no license for rascality or irresponsible behavior nor does it make one a certified purveyor of falsehood. Sometimes the jocose excitement they display on some seemingly insignificant issues shows their shallowness and poverty of ideas. The developmental strides of the Fayemi administration is quite evident in the massive physical development of the state as well as the huge investments in education, health care , agricultural business, tourism and human capital development. This has earned the government acceptability by the generality of the people and this has remained a big headache for the PDP, who for about seven and a half years, failed to provide responsive and responsible leadership for the state, but succeeded only in putting the state in the news for all the wrong reasons. You know ours is a quiet revolution in Ekiti State and that is why you hardly see this government join issues with the opposition.

    On Ayo Fayose’s recent allegations

    Really, the former governor is entitled to his own views. I must say however that he is missing some points and this could  be as a result of insufficient  information at his disposal or a deliberate attempt at mischief. But if he has been following developments in Ekiti State, he would have known that the era of “bole kaja” government has gone. The Fayemi administration is an open book that can be assessed, read and comprehended by every citizen. All government transactions are properly documented and details of activities of government, including its spending, are just a click away. Unlike the lawlessness of the past, the government’s transactions are guided by the relevant laws that were deliberately put in place to ensure good governance. The cost implication of all projects are well publicized in the spirit of transparency and the result is the excellent execution of the various projects. Mr. Fayose’s allegation that roads are constructed at very unreasonable high cost are unfounded. There are standards of awarding road contracts  in the country. In the case of Ekiti, compensation were paid to owners of structures that were demolished to pave the way for some of the roads. The total cost of such compensation were also included in the cost of the road and that is why some road projects where compensations were paid cost higher than some where little or no compensation were paid. The former governor also alleged that indigenous contactors are not being patronized. Nothing can be farther from the truth than this.

    On Oni’s case

    I wouldn’t like to comment on the case or any other one for that matter. But really, it appears that going in and out of the court is another way Oni and his cohorts amuse themselves and try, however feebly, to get a mention in the media. I am not a lawyer, but I have enough common sense to know that in the eye of the law, all matters relating to the 2007 governorship election in Ekiti State have been laid to rest by the landmark judgment of the Court of Appeal, sitting in Ilorin on October 15, 2010. Honestly, I do not know what they want the court to do again.

  • 2015 Presidency: Okorocha and South-East schemes

    2015 Presidency: Okorocha and South-East schemes

    Sam Egburonu reports that a lot of South-East’s plots for 2015 Presidential contest currently revolve around Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State and the G21 political group.

    The night before the January 3, 2012 traditional wedding of Governor Rochas Okorocha’s daughter, Uloma to Hon. Uche Nwosu, was one of intense political meetings in far away Ogboko village in Idiato South Local Government Area of Imo State.

    The meetings continued on Friday, January 4 and Saturday, January 5, when the church wedding held. Unlike similar political meetings convened by the governor’s men, weeks before the social gathering, the January meetings had wider attendance outside the governor’s known political associates within the G21 group and the All Progressives Grand Alliance family. While the Wednesday and Thursday meetings had in attendance more political leaders from the northern parts of Nigeria, the Friday and Saturday meetings had in attendance governors and other political leaders from the South-West and South-South. It would be recalled that amongst the top political leaders that attended the wedding included former President Olusegun Obasanjo and former Military Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who are considered to be amongst the most politically influential personalities in the country today.

    A source close to Okorocha told The Nation in Owerri that the major issue on the agenda of virtually all the meetings both in Ogboko and Owerri was 2015 presidency and the role that would be played by the South-East. The source, a top player in his own rights however denied allegation that some northern governors and other leaders may have convinced the group that South-East should support the North in 2015 and that the zone would be adequately compensated politically and be given the chance after 2015.

    According to him, “That is not the vision of our group. We are, as you can see, gathering support for Igbo presidency in 2015. The support we have gathered so far is enormous and it is mere mischief for anybody to try to make such suggestions.” He equally revealed that the group is working with different political parties with the aim of achieving unity and a set objective.

    Another source however told The Nation that the group’s decision to work with other political families across the country may not have impressed some top members of All Progressives Grand Alliance outside Imo State, who are afraid of Okorocha’s alleged domineering influence. The source said that such members and leaders are worried that the alliances being negotiated may not benefit APGA and Ndigbo in the long run. He said that such APGA chieftains are worried that G21, or close associates of Okorocha may subsume APGA’s interest under Okorocha’s ambition.

    But the Chairman of G21, Senator Annie Okonkwo, told The Nation in a telephone chat on Friday that what happened at the wedding of Governor Okorocha’s daughter last weekend was a confirmation of the current political understanding between the South-East and the rest of the country, particularly the North and the South-West. According to him “what you saw shows that it is possible for the South-East to produce the next president of Nigeria. I say so because most of the people, who came to Owerri and saw the level of performance and political mobilisation, have come to accept that what Nigeria needs at a time like this is a practical leader like Okorocha.”

    Okonkwo did not also deny claims that various political meetings held recently in Owerri and outside Owerri were meant to promote the possibility of an alliance that would fertilise the vision of a president of Igbo extraction in 2015, especially Okorocha’s alleged ambition. Asked if the large turnout of top political leaders and traditional leaders was a confirmation of Okorocha’s involvement in the 2015 negotiations for the presidential elections and if there would be a possible North and South-East alliance in that regard, Okonkwo said candidly, “Of course, that is the original alliance that has held Nigeria as one. The major concern of C21, as a political group, is to make sure that the dream of producing a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction becomes a reality. With what is happening now, it is now very clear that a North and South-East alliance, for this very purpose, is possible and real,” he said.

    Reminded that a lot of governors and leaders of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) also attended the wedding, Okonkwo said, “yes, that is also a confirmation that at this period in the political history of Nigeria, a South-East presidential candidate will receive the support of the West. Don’t forget that a lot of Igbo investment is in Lagos and the South-West and so an alliance with the South-West is also most needful. That is what we are working towards and that social gathering, the wedding, is just a confirmation of the successes recorded so far,” he said.

    Obasanjo, while making remarks at the wedding ceremony, had harped on the need to foster unity in the country and amongst political leaders across the nation.

    Given the varied political leanings of the political leaders that showed solidarity to the Imo State governor as he hands over his first daughter to her heartthrob, there have been varied political interpretations. Some observers said Okorocha, an APGA governor, can no longer be pinned down to a particular political party. Others swore that the governor is set to go back to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), where he may be fully compensated. Such analysts points to Obasanjo’s comment at the wedding, where he jocularly asked Okorocha when he would be returning to his natural political family, the People’s Democratic Party. A close associate of Okorocha, who claimed to be quoting the governor, however told The Nation in Owerri that such questions would not arise as he (Okorocha) is not thinking in that direction now. He pointed out the governor is only interested in reaching out to all the parts of the country to ensure that the South-East is no longer short changed in the political equilibrium.

    As the negotiations continue, it is not yet clear which political party Okorocha, who is believed in some quarters to be interested in re-election as governor of Imo State, will eventually use to fulfill his alleged presidential ambition in 2015 as many believe APGA, as it is today, can hardly win a presidential election alone.

  • Why I supported Ngige – Senator Anosike

    Why I supported Ngige – Senator Anosike

    Senator Emma Obi Anosike represented Anambra East and West in the House of Representatives between 1999 to 2003 and in the same year, he moved up to represent Anambra North Senatorial zone at the upper chamber before he was removed by the Appeal Court. In this interview with Nwanosike Onu in Awka, Anosike talks about his plans for the next governorship election and why he gave support to former governors Chinwoke Mbadinuju, Chris Ngige and now Governor Peter Obi. Excerpts

    During the flood incident that ravaged Anambra State, some people have been making donations and a section of the public see it as being politically motivated.

    Usually every movement you make even in your palour or room in fact everywhere in your house is politics, you also play politics with your family, when you will be battling with your daughter and your son all those things are home politics some people have this intention of reducing it to a political angle. But for me I do not subscribe to that if you check my records from the time I was in the House of Representatives, everything that I have done for this area is to make sure that I rendered services to people. God has been so helpful to me. I tell people sometimes that I am the person that has seen God; because where ever I am today. I never envisaged it. I went to the House of Representatives with N5, 000. That was the only money I had then. At the end of the day my election was one of the toughest and one of the hottest, but God used a lot of people to make me succeed at the end. So the only thing I have to do is to send it back to the people. I am from Anambra North, there is no point politicking with them. If I don’t do this, some of them will also come to my house with their problems. In Anyamelum, I have people. In Anambra East, I have a lot of them as well as in Ogbaru local government area. When I saw the pressure I had on issue of health at every angle, I had to move into it. If I want to play politics I will just come here with minimal money and donate to them and go my way. I have been able to do it in such a way that no one sees my face every day going from one camp to other during that period. I just put on the structure and the project goes on. If it gets to the time of politics we play politics. I believe that whatever position anybody finds himself is what God has planned for that person. When Ngige was governor, I was the only person in the senate that supported him. I was doing it because I am from Anambra. Whatever you destroy in Anambra you are destroying my own property. When Mbadinuju was there, I was also there. When Peter Obi was impeached, I was at the centre of it even though I was a PDP member. I tried to stop that impeachment. By the grace of God I contributed in making sure that the House of Assembly did not have the two-third majority to impeach him.

    On the issue of 2014, when we get to the bridge we shall cross it. If the environment gives me the signal that I should continue or contest for the governorship election in Anambra; so be it. If the signal says it is senate, so be it. If the signal says local government chairman, so be it. My intention for the remaining part of my life is to help my people.

    A school of thought is of the view that your zone, Anambra North, do not have the caliber of people that could become governor of the senate.

    I feel highly insulted if anybody tries to come from that direction. I do not want to join issues with anybody. But I know that Anambra North has a lot of people who are capable of managing the affairs of Anambra State. Let me use the words of Peter Obi, even if the person is a mad man, let him come to the government house and also behave like a mad man. We have had a lot of people, both the people that are okay and those that were not okay, that have managed the affairs of Anambra State. The only thing you can say about Anambra North is that they do not have people that have so much money. We don’t behave like that; we are not crazy about money in Anambra North. We are not crazy about relationship. That is why they say, in any election, if you get Anambra North people, you have won. This is because we believe in ourselves. We love ourselves.

    We heard that you have been romancing with Peter Obi for a possible cross carpeting to APGA from PDP to contest gubernatorial election.

    The truth is that, if you understand Senator Anosike, I do not gallivant. I have said severally that I shouldn’t be governor of Anambra State to do what I am doing. The governorship of Anambra State is just secondary, what is primary is myself.

  • Lagos 2015: Obanikoro’s men in early move

    Dare Odufowokan reports that Senator Musiliu Obanikoro’s current moves have flagged off descreet campaign for the PDP ticket ahead of 2015 governorship election in Lagos State

    I head of the 2015 governorship election in Lagos State, the political camp of Nigeria’s Ambassador to Ghana, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, has started making underground but frantic efforts to ensure the emergence of the Isale-Eko-born politician as the flag-bearer of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state.

    Already, the hitherto rested political machinery of the Senator has been revived with members daily thronging to the Lagos Island home of the Obanikoros as well as the homes and offices of his associates across the state.

    The moves came to the fore at the weekend when known associates of the politician commenced wards and local government area meetings of the ‘Koro’ group across the state. Senator Obanikoro is better known as Koro-Ibo in Lagos political circles.

    Also, various groups are being formed by followers of the politician within and outside the party to aid his renewed ambition to govern Lagos State. One of such, the Obanikoro Vanguard, on Monday held a sensitisation campaign in Ikorodu Local Government.

    The event, which was held at Ojubode Square, according to the group’s co-ordinator, Kehinde Olowonisaiye, was meant to prepare the minds of the people of the state that the Senator will once again present himself for the service of the people of Lagos.

    “We are here to tell you all that Senator Musiliu Obanikoro is interested in serving the people of Lagos State. We are talking to him to come out and contest the governorship and we are sure he will run. This time, he is the man we want.

    “This is not about party or tribe but about somebody who knows Lagos and can serve Lagos better. We all know Governor Babatunde Fashola will not be eligible to contest again. If we want his good work to be continued, then the man we need is Musiliu Obanikoro,” Olowonisaiye told reporters at the rally.

    In Ojo Local Government Area at the weekend, another PDP group, named Ojo Broom, held a meeting to discuss the gubernatorial ambition of Senator Obanikoro. The Senator was allegedly present at the meeting.

    Scores of PDP leaders and youths graced the event and listened to Obanikoro as he reportedly talked about his desire to serve again. Sources at the meeting, however, said not all the PDP leaders present at the event supported the Senator’s renewed ambition.

    A number of them was said to have left the meeting disappointed when it dawned on them that he was not there to talk about uniting the party as they were earlier told.

    “A good number of us, especially party elders, left the meeting mid-way. This is because what the Ojo Broom members told us was that he was coming to talk about the plans to unite the party. But when we got there, he was talking about his governorship ambition.

    “This is not the time to further divide the party with such moves. This is the time to unite the party first. Later, those who want to contest can come and tell us. Sincerely, a lot of us were disappointed,” Banji Aliu, a PDP ward leader, who was at the meeting, said.

    A chieftain of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) who is also the member representing Ojo Constituency 11 in the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mr. Lanre Ogunyemi, while talking about the meeting, said attempt were even made to drop the names of some prominent ACN leaders as part of those who attended the parley.

    While dissociating himself from the meeting, Ogunyemi said the PDP group, Ojo Broom, circulated text messages and posted on Facebook that his former campaign manager and aide were at the meeting. The lawmaker however said he was not perturbed by the development, adding that the group’s effort to tarnish his image had failed.

    I did not attend the said meeting. I remain a loyal member of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and my loyalty to the party’s leadership has never been in doubt,” he said.

    The Nation also learnt that Obanikoro has been using selected elders of the party in the state to reach out to camps opposed to his candidacy within the party. Believed to have the backing of the Presidency, the Senator, sources said, is working hard to win the confidence of the party leadership in the state.

    “At a meeting held by the PDP at the Ikoyi residence of former National Deputy Chairman of the party, Chief Olabode George, Obanikoro’s name was muted as a possible candidate by some elders of the party. We all know it was not a co-incidence. We are all politicians and we know the game. We know the eleders working for him and we are all waiting to see how things will turn out. Our interest is the party’s victory this time,” a female party chieftain said.

    Political analysts were quick to see recent newspaper reports of an alleged endorsement of the Senator by the leadership of his party as its gubernatorial candidate come 2015 as another of the many political moves by his handlers ahead of the general election.

    “He is a politician and he is not resting on his oars in his bid to get the ticket of the party. So, it may be a ploy to get him into the news ahead of the struggle for the ticket. Now, he is the most talked about person in Lagos PDP. So the gimmick, if it is actually one, worked,” Austin Maxi of the Centre for Democracy and Justice (CDJ) said.

    But the State chapter of the PDP distanced itself from what it called “the purported endorsement of Senator Musliu Obanikoro” as governorship candidate of the party ahead of 2015 gubernatorial election in the state. The party made known its stance in a statement made available to newsmen in Lagos by its publicity secretary, Taofik Gani.

    “We are saying emphatically that we have not endorsed, nor focused on any particular person to be our governorship candidate. Currently, we are occupied with laying the conducive environment for free and fair primaries as may be directed by our national headquarters.

    Our party is a democratic party and we don’t intend to deviate from that identity, especially in selecting our candidates at all levels,” the statement read. The party attributed the endorsement insinuation to the handiwork of the ruling Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which it accused of “trying to cause disaffection within its fold,” the PDP stated.

    It is most unlikely that Obanikoro will be the only one seeking the PDP ticket for the 2015 gubernatorial challenge, but owing to the never ending schism in the state chapter of the party, most of the gladiators are yet to emerge.

    But some other names are currently being mentioned as likely to make a dash for the party’s flag. These include the likes of Ade Dosumu, who was the party’s candidate in the 2011 governorship election; Chief Mrs. Remi Adiukwu-Bakare, former Commissioner for Commerce in the State; Adedeji Doherty, who contested the party primary in 2007 and 2011, among others.