Category: Politics

  • ‘Controversies over oil benchmark patriotic’

    ‘Controversies over oil benchmark patriotic’

    House of Representatives member Alhaji Zakari Mohammed has said that the controversy trailing the oil benchmark was in order. The chairman of the Media and Public Affairs Committee told reporters in Kosubosu, Kwara State that the House would act on the matter in national interest.

    Mohammed, who represents Baruten/Kaiama Constituency, spoke at the presentation of two buses and 25 motorcycles to the Peopoles Democratic Party (PDP) ward and local government executive committees in Baruten, Kaiama local government area of the state.

    He said: “We in the House said $80 per barrel, the federal government said $75. Let me tell you, in recent times, even in 2008 when we had meltdown, the barrel has never fallen below 100 dollars per barrel. So, we are now saying that why not let’s move on and make it 80 dollars per barrel so that the excess of five would be used to service domestic debt so that, rather than the public sector going to borrow money in the banks, it is the private sector that money should be made available so that employment opportunities would be improved upon. The only time that you can say our economy is doing well is when the private sector moves.

    “The Senate and House have agreed on a midway. Senate said 78, we said 80. But we have agreed at 79 eventually and the Federal Government adopted 79. That is exactly another way to tell people that we are very patriotic in our approach and that the house is not just the House of greenhorns; it is where we have experts to look at the economy. No individual has the monopoly of running economy because in some other parts too you know we have people who are worth their onions.”

    The legislator described the recent steps taken by some state Houses of Assembly to domesticate the Freedom of Information (FoI) Act in their states as steps in the right direction as it would assist greatly in strengthening democracy.

    He said: “It was in 2011 during the sixth Assembly that FoI Act was passed and, of course, the President assented to it. It is one of the steps to strengthen democracy. Because it would ensure there are no barriers to information especially for the media. That it came was quite encouraging.

    “If other states will domesticate it, why not? For us we believe that the media should have access to information and that of course will give us the strength and also strengthen our democracy in this part of the world. As much as possible we will try and see what happens, we will encourage that and for us as a nation we should begin to thread towards that path.”

    On 2013 budget, Mohammed said the National Assembly had played its constitutional roles by passing the bulk figure, adding that “the details of it, the nitty-gritty of it would then be worked out as soon as the house resumes from break”.

    He stressed: “We have passed a figure of about N4.987tr. for us we are expecting that when we come back, we would be able to look at the issues- the sectoral breakdown will be given by January. What we have is we have promised Nigerians that before Christmas we are going to pass the budget, we have done that, kept faith with it in spite of the fact that we have some reservations in it. But all those reservations will definitely be discussed in the plenary when we are discussing the sectoral analysis of the budget this year.”

    Mohammed also spoke on the deplorable condition of roads in Kaiama local government and gave hints of steps taken rectify them through the federal budget.

    He said: “As it is, we have Baruten/Kaiama road which is about 87kilometrers. Last year , we were able to get it into the budget, about N99m for the engineering design and drawing. This year, we are looking at the possibility of getting it back into the 2013 budget so that, at least, some parts of it will be awarded. I am sure, if that is done, we believe that the economic activities around there, we are agrarian, will at least be improved upon. Then, the Kishi/Kaiama road, the state government actually wanted to award the project but we are looking at the limitation, it is a federal road. It has limitation. But I am sure that the state government is actually thinking about doing it to get reimbursement much later.

    “Our own prayer is that, this year , we will try and see how some funds will at least get in there. Because it is a sorry state, that journey is not supposed to take us to at least an hour but we ended up spending more than two hours or three hours and it is seriously affecting economic activities in that area. So, we are calling on the federal government to look at it, give it a second look so that the people of Kaiama and Baruten to Ejiba extension will be happy”

     

  • Rights activist: justice will prevail in Edo

    Rights activist: justice will prevail in Edo

    A  social critic, Donald Inwalomhe, has said that justice will prevail at the tribunal hearing petition on the last year’s governorship election in Edo State.

    He said the comments of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate,Major-General Charles Airhiavbere, and other PDP chieftains in the media would not change the course of justice.

    Inwalomhe said the judiciary will never neglect the path of justice in the state.

    In a statement, the activist warned agsint rumour peddling, urging hired writers to realise that the partisan interests they were defending may not be in the interest of democracy. He maintained that PDP cannot get victory that has eluded it through the ballot box on the pages of newspapers. He said the unguarded comments may be subjudice.

    Inwalomhe said that Governor Adams Oshiomhole was the peoples’ choice, advising the PDP to prepare for future elections.

    He added: “My question is this, when Airhiavbere and Afejuku knew Oshiomhole wasn’t qualified for the election, why did he not challenge him at the initial stage at the High Court, so as not to allow INEC waste it’s funds conducting the elections in July 14, 2012.

    “Section 31of the Electoral Act 2006, it empowers Airhiavbere and his co-travelers to challenge Oshiomhole in a High Court. What stopped them?

    “In line with the same section as above, INEC verification committee of candidates’ particulars came to Benin City to do their job, where was Airhiavbere? What stopped him from raising this issue of certificate? What prevented him from proceeding to court? The law is clear and unambiguous on these issues.

    “Oshiomhole presented his Primary School testimonial, Modern School Certificate, Diploma certificate from Ruskin, NIPPS and Zaria and was validated by Prof. Agbebaku at the tribunal when he testified that he was Oshiomhole’s classmate, what else does the PDP candidate want?”

    My consolation is that they are, however, convinced that Oshiomhole won the election but abandoned those contestation in court for certificate issue. Again, they got it all wrong; they should seek redress at the normal courts.

    I want to advise Airhiavbere and his co-travelers such as Afejuku, Aigbekan, Osaze Ijesuorobo among others to sheath their sword and allow the issues presented at the Tribunal to be properly ventilated before sponsoring commentators, political columnists, and armed-chair writers. Do we agree?

     

  • A call for transparency

    A call for transparency

    • Full disclosure needed on award of contract to rehabilitate the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway

    when, on November 19, 2012 the Federal Government revoked its contract of reconstructing the dilapidated Lagos-Ibadan Expressway with Bi-Courtney Highways Services Limited , many Nigerians heaved a sigh of relief. The government said it was compelled to take the step because the concessionaire had serially breached terms of the contract and failed to perform. Carnage on the old highway was another reason given for terminating the agreement.

    Minister of Works, Mr. Mike Onolememen, who announced the government’s decision, also explained that two construction giants, Julius Berger and RCC, had been picked for the task of immediately rehabilitating the ever-busy road. Two weeks later, the minister was on hand again to announce that the two companies had been given a deadline of eight weeks to make the road motorable and stop avoidable deaths caused by the bad portions.

    It has since been observed that the companies have been at work. It is however disturbing that the government has failed to be transparent in awarding the contract. Nigerians deserve to know what the rehabilitation is costing taxpayers. It is unacceptable that provisions of the law would be wilfully breached by elected officials of state. The Public Procurement Act is clear on the procedure for award of major contracts.

    At the time of award of the concession of the road to Bi-Courtney in May 2009, the public was told that it would cost the concessionaire N89 billion to meet the specifications. Now that emergency work has been commissioned, we deserve to know the terms – the cost, scope and the fine details. The point must be made that, even for good causes, public fund must be judiciously expended.

    It is even more intriguing that the plan to build up the capacity of the road to carry the heavy traffic it bears has been broken into two. The first phase, expected to be concluded by the end of this month, is just for rehabilitation. Thereafter, the minister has disclosed that the more desired expansion of scope and modernisation would be contracted.

    Why didn’t the Federal Government go the whole hog at once? After terminating the contract with Bi-Courtney, the process of ensuring that road users do not have to wait unduly ought to have been activated at once by getting the project advertised, bids invited and the contract awarded in record time without infringing on the law. The contractors could then have been mandated to ensure a rehabilitation to proceed with reconstruction and remodelling.

    The government owes the people a duty to explain what it plans to do with the road now. Would it be handed another concessionaire on similar terms? Would it be a regular contract to be financed and funded by the Federal Government? How many lanes shall we expect on each side as well as other amenities like rest areas, etc. These are simple decisions that should be made by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) and pushed to the public for input.

    If it must be concessioned, the pitfalls that dogged the relationship with Bi-Courtney must be avoided this time. A scrutiny must be carried out to ensure that only firms with requisite experience, interest and financial muscle are brought on board.

    Besides, despite the road being federal, it is important to carry along states that are direct stakeholders, that is Lagos, Ogun and Oyo whose people live along the corridor. The point was made early enough by the governors of the Southwest who even opted to take over the task to ease the burden of traffic snarl and the impediment it had constituted for integration.

    It is repugnant that the Federal Government is already talking about tolling the road after rehabilitation this month. This does not only constitute policy inconsistency, but amounts as well to exploitation. We see no justification for the return of toll gates that were dismantled at a hefty cost under the Obasanjo administration when reconstruction work is yet to commence.

    While the road that links Lagos, the commercial nerve centre of the country, to the West, East and North deserves expeditious attention, the law must be respected and it must be awarded at the most competitive price and to those with the capacity to do a thorough job.

     

  • Itsekiri leader raises alarm over violence in Niger Delta

    Itsekiri leader raises alarm over violence in Niger Delta

    An Itsekiri leader, Chief Rita Lori Ogbeboh, has warned that the violence being perpetrated by kidnappers in the Niger Delta could lead to anarchy. She said that judges were being held to ramsom by the kidnappers, thereby preventing them from performing their duties.

    The woman activist recalled that she had petitioned the relevant authorities to take prompt actions to arrest the dangerous trend warning that “delay and complacency could be dangerous.”

    Ogbeboh told reporters in Lagos that, if the kidnap of judges persisted, plaintiffs and lawyers may also become victims of kidnapping and assassination.

    She said the trend is worrisome, recalling that Justice Flora Azinge of Otor-Udu High Court, Delta State, could not sit for two months “because kidnappers had asked her to pay a ransom of N20m or she would be abducted.”

    She said: “A judge, Justice Okon, who was to deliver an interlocutory injunction over a parcel of land belonging to the Okereke people was kidnapped on his way to court and the case has been a subject of incessant adjournment till date. Another judge, Justice Mukoro, who took over the case from Azinge was also waylaid by unknown gunmen who attempted to kidnap or assassinate him. They riddled his car with bullets on his way to the court from Ugheli, thereby instilling fears in him to prevent him from adjudicating on the matter.

    “Justice Mukoro Ogbeboh was also in charge of another case between the Oil Producing Communities and the Delta State Oil Producing Commission (DESPADEC), in which the communities were asking the commission to account for a sum of N1bn allegedly diverted to private businesses”.

    She added: “I have petitioned the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), urging them to quikly do something drastic to curb the anarchy that is gathering momentum on daily basis. If the judiciary that is the last hope of everybody is dragged in the mud, the consequences would be so grievious that all the security agencies combined together would become helpless when people resort to self help.”

    Ogbeboh objected to the drafting of soldiers to “harass, intimidate and persecute innocent citizens as Delta State government continues to erect structures on the land under litigation”. She urged the Chief of Army Staff to withdraw his men to the barracks.

    She said: “We should not forget the fact that there is money in Delta State and there are also guns. If we allow the people to resort to self help to demand for their rights, the Bokoo Haram problem would just be a child’s play. And that is why we are calling on the whole world to focus on Delta State to make it safe for human habitation. Bad precedence Delta State is laying, if the whole country catches the bug, things will totally fall apart,” the concerned woman warned.

    She added:“If a High Court Judge was prevented from doing his duties to the country, then, aren’t we heading for anarchy. Even when I threatened to go to court, if nothing was done on the matter, mum, sadly is the word, even with no indication that the matter is being investigated. Justice is being arrested and I am therefore, vindicated. There is no guarantee of justice again in Delta State and the state is descending into anarchy.”

     

  • Jakande calls for state police

    House of Representatives member Mr. Deji Jakande has called for state police, saying that it wikll reduce insecurity in the country.

    The lawmaker from Somolu Constituency lamented the stiff opposition by some stakeholders, who he said, were out of tune with reality.

    Jakande, who spoke with our correspondent in Lagos, said state and community policy systems would safeguard life and property and boost public confidence.

    He said: “It is worrisome that governors who are chief security officers in the states cannot issue directives to the police in their states. We need to revisit this federal structure and devolve more powers to the states. The federal government is too power-loaded. This is not in consonance with the spirit of federalism.

    “My argument is that only those who have the knowledge of the environment can police the place adequately. Policement who understand the geography, sociology, language and tradition of the environment will police the place very well because they are also stakeholders”.

     

  • How many parties does Nigeria need?

    How many parties does Nigeria need?

    The deregistration of political parties has continued to generate controversy. JEREMIAH OKE examines the views of the protagonists and antagonists of the exercise.

     

    The deregistration of 28 political parties by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) last year has continued to generate serious controversy among the politicians.

    The leaders of the affected parties are also challenging the power of INEC to axe the parties in the court. They claimed that the deregistration of the parties had violated the freedom of association enshrined in the 1999 Constitution.

    The chairman of the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), Alhaji Balarabe Musa, has been critical of the INEC’s decision. However, he said the option for the deregistered parties is to merge with virile parties.

    Musa said, while exploring this option, the battle to enforce Sections 40 and 41 of the 1999 Constitution would continue.

    The chairman of the electoral commission, Professor Atahiru Jega, has maintained that the decision of the commission to deregistered parties was final. He said it was in accordance with the constitutional provision. He pointed out Sections 222 and 223 of the constitution have outlined the conditions for registration and deregistration of political parties.

    “Political parties are supposed to register with INEC and have offices in Abuja. They are supposed to hold periodic internal elections; they are supposed to have executives that represent their federal character composition in two- thirds of the states of the Federation. The Electoral Act, in particular, also says parties which do not win any seat in any of the elections can be deregistered”, he explained.

    In the last presidential election, out of the 68 registered political parties, only 20 parties presented candidates for the presidential race.

    The poll results released by the INEC showed that only four political parties could prove their worth. Other parties scored less than one percent of the total votes cast.

    The breakdown of the 2011 presidential election result indicated that 39,469,484 votes were cast. 1,259,505 were invalidated. TheAction Congress of Nigeria (ACN) polled 2,079,151, which represented 5.41 per cent; All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) 917,012 (2.40 per cent), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) 12, 214,853 (31.98 per cent) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) 22,495,187 (58.89 per cent). The performance of other parties were poor. The Fresh Democratic Party scored 0.09 per cent, National Conscience Party (0.09 per cent), and Social Democratic Mega party ( 0.03 per cent). Many of the mushroom parties do not have representatives in the state and federal legislature. Neither do they have council chairmen and councillors elected on their platforms.

    However, opinion is divided on the deregistration. A political scientist, Professor Abubakar Momoh, noted that the freedom of political association and assembly is sacrosant in the constitution. But he stressed that the opportunity should not be abused.

    The Lagos State University (LASU) don submitted that the many of the deregistered parties had nothing to offer, adding that their records were not impressive. “ They don’t have personnel, they don’t have offices and they don’t participate in elections. Indeed, many of them just went to register like registered companies waiting for the day they will get a contract. Meanwhile, they are giving the electorate the impression that those political parties exist, but in truth, they do not.

    “If you look at our ballot paper today, you see that it looks like a sellotape. So ,it confuses people and, if INEC deregisters them, it will reduce the numbers of the parties on the ballot paper.

    “The procedure for the registration a political party is very clear. Also, the procedure for the deregisteration is clear in the Electoral Act. The freedom of the association must not therefore, be abused. So, let them be serious about registering a political parties. They are misleading and confusing the electorate. The right to form a party should not be subjected to abuse”, he added.

    Momoh also pointed out that the long list of parties on the ballot paper could confuse voters on poll day.

    Former labour leader Chief Frank Kokori shared the same view. He said Nigeria should have emulated the United States of America (USA), which operates a two party system.

    “I am one of those advocating for two party system. During the SDP days, I was the National Financial Secretary and I contributed so much to the struggle, both at the labor level and political level. Those parties were like Republican and Democratic Parties of the United State of America. Britain has Conservative Party and Labor Party. Beside those parties, you can have few parties to satisfy certain ideological leanings, but the major ideological divide is expressed in those two major political parties. In other words, it could be either right nor left so that INEC will be able to monitor their activities. Therefore, to me, Nigeria does not need multi-party system like we have now”, he added.

    Kokori said the mushroom parties have become business ventures, adding that their founders only collect subventions from government in vain. “Those parties have no business to be in politics. As you can see, those parties were used as machinery. So, all they are doing is to register and collect the take-off grant by the government and portray themselves as political parties. Nigeria does not need that, if we really want to strengthen our democracy. So, I support what the INEC is doing.

    Former Supreme Court Justice Gorge Oguntade supported this argument. He said the proliferation of parties is undesirable.

    “Those parties are meaningless. They are registerd parties, but they are not functioning. If we want to be honest, it is good to deregister them. A party which has no representation at the local government level, no representation at the state level and at the federal level, what is it doing and why do the people refer to it as a political party? After all, political parties are formed to win power. So, I think that INEC has done very well”.

    A member of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mr. Segun Olalude, shared the same opinion. The lawmaker, who represents Epe Constituency 11, said the deregistration is in national interest, adding that it would improve the electoral reform.

    “The deregistration is for the benefit of Nigerians and I will like to say Nigeria does not need many political parties. It will be meaningful, if we can have only two parties, and anybody who wants to go for the conservative bloc will do it, while anybody who wants to go for the progressive camp will do that as well. So, I want to commend what Jega and his people have done”, he said.

    The vice chairman of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in Lagos State, Chief Akani Seriki, said: “It is unfortunate that those parties could say they wanted to challenge INEC in court. They should be ashamed of not having even a councillor and they call themselves political parties. If I were Jega, I will deregister more. In Nigeria, we don’t need more than three political parties. So, I think Jega is on course”.

    But CNPP leader Musa disagreed with Seriki. He chided INEC for axing the parties. “The first thing we are considering is legal action in court with two premises. The first is to seek for the annulment of the deregistration. The second option is to register a new political party with clear social objectives. The third is to merge with other political parties”, he said.

    Musa maintained that INEC lacked the power to outlaw registered political parties. He insisted that the move conflicted with Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution.

    “It is clearly stated in Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. But in our own case, we will not rely on legal action alone because we know that INEC did what they did on instruction and the instruction is part of the PDP’s plan to rig 2015 elections. If we rely on going to court alone, they may drop the issue and they may have gotten what they wanted because they know how to manipulate the electoral system. So, we are going to consider the other alternatives”.

    Analysts averred that, if the parties succeed in court, the deregistered parties may bounce back. But if the INEC decision is affirmed by the court, the agency would have succeeded in weeding out the mushroom parties.

     

     

     

     

  • What role for traditional rulers?

    What role for traditional rulers?

    As the National Assembly is set to review the 1999 Constitution, traditional rulers are agitating for constitutional roles. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the crises that may brew between the monarchs and politicians as actors on the same pedestal in the murky waters of power struggle.

    When the late President Umaru Yar’Adua proposed new constitutional roles for traditional rulers, the move provoked a fresh debate on the significance of the traditional institution in the country. Nigerians were divided on the issue. On one hand were stakeholders who held the view that the involvement of royal fathers in politics would pitch them against their subjects who are politicians. On the other hand were those who believed that, judging by the high educational status of the traditional rulers, the institution could add value to public administration.

    However, the National Council for Traditional Rulers (NCTR) proposed by the former President created a division among leading royal fathers who resumed their age-long war of attrition. Suddenly, there was a re-enactment of old rivalries and battle of supremacy. The traditional rulers could not reach a consensus on who should preside over the council. Neither could monarchs across the geo-political zones agree on its composition and regional representation on the council.

    Five years after, royal fathers are now at the forefront of agitations for political, administrative and advisory roles under the proposed constitution. During the public hearings organised by the members of the National Assembly across the federal constituencies, many of them aired their grievances against their exclusion from governance. For example, at Oshodi-Isolo Constituency, prominent Awori monarch, the Osolo of Isolo, Oba Kabiru Agbabiaka Ilufemiloye, said traditional rulers could add value to governance by making their wealth of experience available to government across the tiers. Many stakeholders agreed with him. Others held a contrary opinion. Those who opposed new constitutional roles for the Obas, Emirs and Obis, perceived their scheming to bounce back to political power as the height of illusion and day-dreaming. They contented that these royal fathers have not been abandoned financially by the successive administrations. “Since the days of Abacha, our monarchs have been entitled to five percent of monthly local government revenue, whether the roads in their domains are tarred or not. Salaries of workers may not the paid in time, but our natural rulers are never denied”, said one of the participants at the public hearing.

    In many states, majority of people opposed the politicisation of the traditional institution through meddlesomeness in politics. The rejection of new status for the traditional rulers did not go down well with many traditional rulers because many of them are educated and have even played key roles in the nation’s economy as lecturers, bankers, lawyers, doctors, engineers and politicians. Indisputably, the blue blood are full of nostalgia for the glorious past when their forefathers, in full traditional regalia and other paraphernalia, ruled over kingdoms and chiefdoms. Many of them are still angered by the disruption of that orderly political evolution during the pre-colonial days before the advent of the British interlopers, who seized power from traditional rulers and later restore the power to nationalist politicians after a fierce battle for independence.

    But the debate on roles for traditional rulers also appears superficial. Up to now, the nature of the constitutional role expected of traditional rulers, if the constitution is amended, is unknown. Politicians, who perceive them as rivals, have deliberately objected to it, citing the inevitable destruction of demarcation between politics and traditional rulership as reason. In a previous interview, a Lagos lawyer and politician, Babatunde Ogala, opposed the “politicisation of kingship”, stressing that “our local tradition has always defined the roles of traditional rulers”. He warned that the move to give traditional rulers constitutional roles would erode the pre-eminence of the institution.

    The rise of educated rulers:

    What has fuelled the clamour for constitutional roles for monarchs is the rise of elite traditional rulers endowed with intellect, professional acumen and track record of performance in public and private sectors. Although education or high literacy is not a criterion for mounting the throne, there is no village, town or city in the country that would make an illiterate its traditional ruler today. Indeed, many traditional rulers have reached the highest pinnacle of their professions before ascending the thrones of their forefathers. For example, the Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, was an accomplished company executive and successful industrialist. The Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, Oba Rufus Adejugbe, is a seasoned accountant and administrator. The Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Saa’d Abubakar, is a retired Brigadier-General. The Alaaye of Efon, Dr. Adesanya Aladejare, is a retired university don. The Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji Kolapo Gambari, is a retired Court of Appeal Judge. The Olowo-Eko of Lagos, Oba Rilwan Akiolu is a retired Police Assistant Inspector-General. The Olowo of Owo, Oba Folagbade Olateru-Olagbegi is a lawyer. The Emir of Suleja, Alhaji Awal Ibrahim, is a former governor of Niger State. The Asagba of Asaba, Edozie, is a retired Professor of Economics. The King of Brass, Diete Spiff, is a retired Army General and former governor of Rivers State. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Gbadebo, is a retired colonel. The Obi of Onitsha, Igwe Achebe, retired from the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation. The Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, is a retired diplomat.

    From time immemorial, traditional rulers have been exercising the functions of government before they were displaced by the politicians. Although there was no written constitution regulating their native duties, they relied on customs, traditions and conventions. The natural rulers were perceived as second-in-command to God, personification of unity in their ancient kingdoms and symbols of progress. Owing to their influence, they could not be discarded by the colonial powers. Ultimately, they became the servants of the imperial masters under the indirect rule.

    The pre-colonial period:

    Human rights activist, the late Chima Ubani, who once reflected on the roles of traditional rulers and chiefs in the local government system, said they were the stabilisers and cornerstones of the local councils as “governors of their villages, towns, cities, and districts”, adding that in Yorubaland, they relied on their chiefs, community elders and family heads for easy administration and dissemination of information. In Igbo and Ibiobioland, village democracy was promoted, with clan councils, village councils and village assemblies exercising legislative, executive and judicial powers. Secret society and religious leaders complemented their roles in native administration. However, as noted by Ubani, that pre-colonial system of administration was not elective and hence, undemocratic. It was hereditary.

    The colonial blow:

    The powers of royal fathers waned consistently when they were displaced by colonial authorities. According to the political scientist and author, Moboluwaji Olaniyan, the British foisted indirect rule, which provoked criticisms by the few educated elite. Traditional rulers were appointed into Sole Native Authorities under the alien system. That marked the beginning of the exercise of constitutional powers by monarchs. But the royal fathers came under attack by their rivals, the educated elite who perceived them as agents of British colonialism. Ubani noted that prior to 1914 amalgamation, dirrerent brands of indirect rule were practiced in different parts of the Nigeria. In the Western Nigeria, the Obasa and Baales were the main agencies of indirect rule. In the East, the Warrant Chiefs exercised delegated powers and in the North, the Emirs ensured the success of indirect rule. There was tensin between the traditional rulers and elite. The royal fathers operated from a weak position because they were left behind by civilisation. As illiterates, the new political elite dismissed them as clog in the wheel of progress.

    In Olaniyan’s view, the 1930s marked the growth of constitutional development, which also weakened the influence of the traditional rulers. The period marked the rise of political associations and groups, professionals and technocrats; lawyers, judges, teachers, accountants, and surveyors. These products of western education saw themselves as symbols of economic development and contestants for power and influence. At that time, the Governor-General, Donald Cameron, indirectly incited the institution of traditional rulers against the educated class by laying emphasis on the selection of educated princes as monarchs. Indeed, the tiny class of educated obas at that time worked as progressives for the political, economic and social development of their kingdoms.

    However, educated nationalist politicians who challenged the colonial masters to a duel, dwarfed the prestige and influence of traditional rulers during the agitation against colonialism. In the 1950s, when elected local governments were established, traditional rulers were relegated to the background. Elected councillors saw traditional rulers who served in the councils as peers. Therefore, they waged war against the monarchs in two ways. Olaniyan recalled that they reduced the salaries of traditional rulers and prevented them from signing building permit, which was a major source of income. When Nigeria achieved independence, the traditional rulers played second fiddle in grassroots administration. “They were no more the wealthiest people in the society. At social functions, politicians became the cynosure of all eyes. They were more respected than the traditional rulers”, he added. Traditional rulers later started to woo politicians with honorary chieftaincy titles. Many of them also lost their sacred powers when they were compelled to jettison their traditional religions. The British introduced as Chieftaincy Act which created the Council of Chiefs. The body only attended to local issues; marriages, inheritance, family disputes and other traditional matters. Later, a House of Chiefs was created to accommodate them. They were also elected into the local councils.

    Traditional institution under parliamentary system:

    Between 1951 and 1966, when Nigeria practiced parliamentary system, many traditional rulers were appointed as members of House of Chiefs in the North, East, West and Midwest Regions. Some of them were also appointed into the ceremonial Senate. For political reasons, the Action Group(AG) led by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, courted the traditional rulers. When AG was launched in Owo, the late Olowo, Oba Olateru-Olagbegi, was the chief host. The Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Adesoji Aderemi, was elected into the House of Representatives and appointed a federal minister. When Awolowo became the Premier, Oba Aderemi served as the governor. In a bid to gain more influence at the expense of the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), AG shown more interest in succession to some thrones. The party threw its weight behind Prince Monsediku Adeniji-Adele against Prince Adeyinka Oyekan during the Lagos obaship tussle. Oyekan was supported by NCNC.

    Indeed, prominent traditional rulers actually were part of the executive and legislative arms. Oba Olateru-Olagbegi was a Minister without portfolio and a leading member of the House of Chiefs in the Western Region. When he later supported Ladoke Akintola, his town became divided. The Sarki of Arigidi-Akoko, Alhaji Olanipekun, who was also a member of the House of Chiefs, was a minister without portfolio. When political crisis festered in his town, he went on exile for 25 years. The late Oba of Badagry, Oba Claudius Akran, was elected into the House of Assembly and served for 12 years as minister under Awolowo and Akintola. Many Ibadan chiefs who later mounted the throne of Olubadan were active politicians. Aminu Kobiowu was chairman of district council in the metropolis. Daniel Akintayo Adebiyi was a parliamentarian. Emmanuel Adeyemo was a commissioner during the emergency rule of Dr. Koye Majekodunmi. Oba Samuel Lana was a member of House of Representatives and Parliamentary Secretary to Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. The late Iyalode of Ibadan, Mrs. Wuraola Esan, was a Senator in the First Republic. However, the 1966 military coup drew the curtains on the era of political monarchs. When presidential system was introduced in 1979, traditional rulers finally lost their constitutional powers. However, in Oyo State, the late Ataoja of Osogbo, Oba Iyiola Matanmi, served as commissioner without portfolio in Ige Administration.

    Friction between monarchs and political class:

    The relationship between many traditional rulers and politicians have been frosty since independence and differences in political affiliations were the roots of discord. Politicians and monarchs flexed muscles due to ego and many royal fathers suffered bruises. Following the restoration of Akintola to the premiership after the emergency rule, the governor, Oba Aderemi was advised to hurriedly pack out of the Government House to pave the way for the new governor, Chief Odeleye Fadahunsi of the NCNC. 66, he was the chairman of Local Government Reforms Committee under Obasanjo Administration. The Alaaye of Efon Alaaye, Oba Aladejare, was the Chairman of Vision 2010 in Ekiti State. Many educated traditional rulers also teamed up with their educated subjects to agitate for state creation.

    Suspicion and resentment:

    Under the military rule, soldiers treated the monarchs as an appendage and exposed them to ridicule. Indiscriminate deposition of traditional rulers further debased the institution during the long interregnum. Many traditional rulers could not put their house in order. They were carried away by the five percent of council allocation reserved for them. The allowance became a source of quarrel as many leading monarchs allegedly monopolised the funds and excluded their topmost subordinate chiefs from the sharing. During the “June 12” debacle, some traditional rulers soiled their reputation. When their subjects became hostile, they fled their domain. Many of them have also compromised their hallowed positions by conferring honorary chieftaincy titles purchased by corrupt politicians.

    Royal fathers as politicians?

    Many analysts have objected to constitutional roles for traditional rulers for some reasons. The reasoned that their return to the “political thrones” would drag them in the mud. Others believe that royal fathers cannot cope with political insults, bickering, prevarications, sabotage and character assassination associated with Nigerian politics. Some also thinks their coming to power will deepen the gulf between them and their rivals, the career politicians. Ogala, who agreed with this view, submitted that monarchs should concentrate on the discharge of duties imposed on them by local traditions. “Traditional rulers should be held in high esteem and should not be dragged into politics”, he said.

    Another politician, Alhaji Lateef Raji, said “drafting the royal fathers into politics amounts to waking up the sleeping dogs”, adding that modern democracy has come to halt the dictatorship of few, which does not preclude the traditional rulers. He said there will be crisis, if the constitution now empowers modern monarchs to collect taxes and drag issues with politicians in the public. Raji warned that the institution may become a tool for mischief. “It is dangerous to draft them to the political fray. It will destroy the institution”, he added.

     

     

  • Who is next PDP BoT chair?

    Who is next PDP BoT chair?

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees (BoT) will pick its new chairman today in Abuja. Assistant Editor AUGUSTINE AVWODE writes on the contest.

    Today is the D-Day. For nine months, the position of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees (BoT) has been vacant. But it will be filled today. The position became vacant, following the sudden resignation of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in April, last year.

    PDP BoT secretary Senator Walid Jubrin disclosed a month ago that no fewer than 20 persons have indicated their interest in the position.

    According to Section 12(76) of the party’s constitution “a person shall be qualified for appointment into the Board of Trustees (BOT). If he or she is a registered card-carrying member of the party for not less than four years consecutively.

    Also, he must have been paying his annual subscription regularly. Besides, the person must have attained the age of 50 years. The person should be a man or woman of integrity.

    The constitution equally spells out the composition of the board in Section 12.76(1). It should be made up of all past and serving Presidents and Vice Presidents of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, who held or hold the respective posts as members of the party and who are still members of the party. Also, all past and serving national chairmen, deputy national chairmen and national secretaries of the party who are still members of the party are members. All past and serving Presidents of the Senate and Speakers of the House of Representatives, who are still members of the party are also members.

    The PDP constitution also states that two women should be selected from each of the six geo-political zones. Three members, at least, one of whom shall be a woman, from each of the six geo-political zones.

    It is from among these people that officers of the board which include the chairman and secretary, are to be elected as stipulated by Section 12.77 of the constitution.

    “The Board of Trustees shall elect a chairman and a secretary from members of the Board…The chairman, secretary and other members of the board are to enjoy a single term of five years”.

    The major responsiblity of the board, according to Section 12.80 of the party’s constitution, is to “ensure highest standards of morality in all the activities of the party by acting as the conscience of the party, with power to call to order any officer of the party whose conduct falls below the norms”.

    When Obasanjo was appointed as the BoT chairman, he was the only one eligible for the post. The constitution had been amended to permit his sole candidature being the only former president elected on the platform of the party. Obasanjo literally strolled into the office after he served out his second term as president. However, with the amendment of the constitution after Obasanjo’s exit, other members of the party who are interested can now vie for the office.

    Expectedly, the race for the chairmanship has attracted a lot of passion and interest within and beyond the party, not only because of the duty the BoT is expected to perform as the “conscience of the party,” but because of perceived political advantages the occupant of the post can swing in anybody’s favour.

    To many PDP leaders, whoever emerges as the chairman will play a crucial role during the 2015 general elections, particularly, the presidential election. That, perhaps, explains why almost every group of note within the party is doing everything possible to protect its interest and ensure that its preferred candidate clinches the chairmanship seat.

    As at the time of filling this report, those at the fore-front of the race include former Senate President Ken Nnamani; former Minister of Works, Chief Anthony Anenih, who once held the office; former PDP national chairman Dr. Ahmadu Ali; former Chairman of the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) Board of Trustees (BoT) Chief Harry Akande; former PDP deputy national chairman Alhaji Shuaib Oyedokun, and PDP chieftain Chief Emmanuel Iwanyanwu.

    As it is often the case, the position and interest of the President will play a major factor in deciding who will eventually emerge as the winner. It would be recalled that notwithstanding the concerted opposition to the candidacy of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur as the national chairman from his Northeast geo- political zone, President Goodluck Jonathan’s insistence on having him as the chairman of the party brought all other contestants to their knees. But in this instance, it has been difficult to identify the President’s preference for the job.

    The appointment is not based on zoning. But, the agitation for equity reared it head last week when the Southwest caucus of the party demanded that the zone be allowed to produce the BoT chairman.

    Besides, indications are that for the first time, the chairman of the board may emerge through election, rather than the usual consensus method. Whatever the case is, the party will have a new BoT chairman today.

     

     

  • Two-party system will enhance democracy, says  Okonkwo

    Two-party system will enhance democracy, says Okonkwo

    A chieftain of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Senator Annie Okonkwo, has said the two-party system will

    deepen Nigeria’s democracy. He urged Nigeria to learn from the United States where the system has been working for centuries.

    Okonkwo, who spoke in Lagos, said:“I have always supported two strong political parties and the one that gives room for independent candidate to contest for elected offices. This is because, if any of the political parties becomes unpopular, the other party would be in a better position to defeat the non-performing party when they contest for the peoples’ mandate. This has been the strongest political point of the USA.”

    He explained that in view of the large number of parties and inability to muster the strength to defeat the ruling party, the sitting government, which is not performing would turn itself into a leviathan because other parties are so fragmented and are unable to defeat it at the polls.

    Okonkwo added: “Where we have too many political parties, it is always very difficult to wrest power out of the hand of the ruling party, even when they are not performing because other parties are not strong enough to give such a party the fight. This gives room for corruption and that is part of the problems that affect our democracy.”

    He cited the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention(NRC), recalling that the experiment worked in the Third Republic. He said had it not been for the sudden distruption of the democratic experience, the country would have become a leading light in democratic governance.

    Okonkwo said: “If not for the fact that the military government threw a spanner in the works and proscribed the defunct NRC and SDP after annulling a free election, Nigeria would have been a better experiment as far democracy is concerned. This is because each time one political party fails to perform, the other party would be there to unseat it at the polls.

    He said the two-party system did not permit religion and ethnicity to dominate the scene, adding that voters even endorsed a Muslim-Muslim ticket.

    The politician added:“Nigeria was more united then, such that the SDP won an election through a Muslim-Muslim ticket. But today, it is not possible; no body is going to vote such candidates. Then, nobody cared where you came from. All they were interested in was performance. So, we must go back to the basics in order to get it right.

    Okonkwo urged the National Assembly to amend the 1999 Constitution in a way that would please Nigerians.

    He said: “This is the first time we are going to have the peoples’ constitution; it is a very good development. This time around, I think the people’s interests will be taken into consideration because their impact will be felt. There are some fundamental issues that would be raised in different constituencies because each constituency has their peculiar demand.”

    “Though everybody will not agree, but the one that is overwhelmingly put across should be allowed to carry the day. This is a situation where the people make inputs rather than what it used to be in the past when you call for public hearing and at the end of the day it is not allowed to prevail. But when you go to the grassroots, that means the people have been roundly involved.”

    He maintained that because this was the first time the people at the grassroots will be making contributions to constitution amendment, they would leave no stone unturned to ensure that the proposed document would defend federalism, state police, resource control and rotational Presidency.

    Okonkwo said: “Certain things are not properly put up in the constitution and they have continued to cause problems. The issues of rotation of presidency, zones that have been accepted but not enshrined in the constitution, issues of state police, and issues of state executive office rotation with the senatorial zones and some of these issues that are really worrisome. And if you don’t attend to them today, they will rear their ugly heads tomorrow and cause bigger problems. We must look at some of these critical issues in our constitution and amicably resolve them now”.

  • ACN, CPC, ANPP merger will beat PDP

    ACN, CPC, ANPP merger will beat PDP

    Is the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) really strong in Nasarawa State?

    Yes, ACN is really on ground in this state. As I am talking to you, there is nowhere you go in the state that you will not find us. If you go round the three senatorial districts, we have offices and followership there. We are fully on ground. Out of 13 local governments in the state, we have offices in about eight and before the forth- coming local government elections in the state, I want to assure you that we will have offices in the remaining five councils. The party under my leadership has done much to correct past mistakes in order to ensure that ACN emerges victorious in any future elections.

    People see your party as a regional party confined to the Southwest. How do you react to this?

    Nuhu Ribadu was the presidential flag bearer of the party in the last presidential election and he is not from the Southwest zone. So, anybody saying this must be enemy of the masses. They know we have plan and they want to disrupt it, but I am assuring you that the loyalists of the party in Nassarawa State do not reason that way. They are in total support of the party.

    Do you have the followership that can win any election in the state?

    I can tell you authoritatively that our people in Nassarawa State know the good work our political office holders are doing across the country. I could not believe the crowd I saw when I went to inaugurate some of our offices in some areas. I could not believe the mammoth crowd that witnessed the inauguration. This alone gives me encouragement that ACN is a party to be reckoned with anytime in any part of the country. The structure is fully on ground and it will be surely demonstrated during elections.

    After 2011 general elections, there was murmuring within the party that the flag bearer was handpicked without proper consultation among the bigwigs and he did not even have the clout to win election! What efforts are you making to rectify this in 2015?

    Our flag bearer was not handpicked because he was the only candidate, but he created problems for himself. He was not in good term with the National Secretariat and the presidential candidate, Nuhu Ribadu. As a result of that, the National Exco and Nuhu Ribadu never came to campaign for him. He was the only one that was screened, nominated and presented to INEC. As I am talking to you, there is no problem in the party, and if we see anyone who is aggrieved among the party members, by the time the election comes, it will be resolved. They will see reason to come together because our people know that ACN is ready to help the masses and reduce poverty in the society. On the issue of his capacity for winning the election, that was considered before presenting him as the candidate. If you look at his antecedent and how people in the state are in love with him, you will agree with me that he is a man to beat, he is a kind of person who can take the state to the next level and he is fit to lead the state.

    Recently, you went to Benue State to campaign for the ACN during the local government election which PDP won. Why did ACN lose the election?

    You know PDP with their rigging formula. And that is why we are talking about merger of the strong opposition parties in the country. This is the only way to reverse the trend of the rigging of PDP, because the merger of the parties is going to be a rainbow coalition of red, blue, black, yellow, white and others. So, the opposition parties will surely make it in 2015 elections because Nigerians are tired of PDP.

    The case of Benue State where the PDP claimed it won all the chairmanship positions was due to the rigging. That is their trademark. That is why we are calling for equal opportunity. There must be internal democracy, institutional mechanism to monitor elections . We need a reliable data base and there should be feedback from the general public to provide ideas and policies . But we are still very much on the issue.

    What is the solution to this problem?

    All the limits set by law should be monitored by INEC . There should be enlightenment programmes for the electorate to know why they must jettison money politics and monitor their votes after the election to ensure that their vote is not stolen. That is why after 14 years of PDP in governance, Nigeria is still wallowing in abject poverty and we are being referred to as the giant of Africa. Insecurity and other social vices that almost consumed the country are affecting our economy. We are gradually moving to another round of elections. Nigerians should vote for only people with impeccable characters, not people that will place their immediate family above the electorate. That is why we are appealing to the people to vote for ACN which knows where the shoes pinch the masses. Look at what ACN is doing in Lagos State. Look at the wonderful works Comrade Adams Oshiomale is doing in Edo State and other ACN-controlled states in the Southwest of Nigeria.

    We are appealing to the electorate to vote en-mass for the party in any future election so as to witness monumental development and dividends of democracy.

    How prepared is ACN for the proposed local government elections in the state?

    The state executive council under my leadership, after our meeting in Jos, Plateau State, where I emerged on October 3, 2012 as the party chairman,has resolved to work hard. Now, we cannot afford to fail again because, since the formation of that party, we have not gone anywhere in the state. It was ACD, later AC and later ACN. We have discovered all our loopholes and we are ready to tackle them headlong. As for the council election, we have gone far and our impact will definitely speak during the election in this state. We are going to blow our trumpet through our offices which we have opened with the effort of our national leaders and the assistance of our members. We have already extended the invitation letter to the Senate Minority, Senator George Akume, to come and inaugurate these offices and two vehicles purchased for the same purposes. So, we are well prepared. We have addressed all the areas that made us failed in 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections. The Chairmanship and councilorship aspirants have started emerging and we are encouraged by their large turnout. Although, we cannot do it alone, because the party has its guidelines, we have told them to exercise patience because we are not on the mark yet.

    Also, we are still having financial constraints. We believe our National Secretariat and supporters will come to our aid.

    What is your message for the aggrieved party stalwarts who have deserted the party?

    My advice is that they should come back and let us make the party more formidable. We must learn to forget and learn to understand because united we stand and divided we fall. It is when all of us come together that we can make progress. Nobody is small or big, nobody is poor or rich, nobody is educated or illiterate, we are all important to the party. We need to come together to form a formidable team so as to record victory on poll day. We must surely deliver this state for ACN in any future election.

    In view of the proposed merger of the party with other prominent parties in Nigeria, do you think the coalition will be formidable enough to chase the acclaimed largest ruling People Democratic Party (PDP) out of Aso-Villa in 2015?

    When you go back into history and look at the political trend, there is no discussion in Nigeria today that is more important for politicians than the merger of ACN, CPC, ANPP and other political parties. When political parties were formed before 1999 election, you recall that theAll Peoples Party (APP), which metamorphosed into All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), dominated so many states in North, the Alliance for Democracy (AD), now Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), dominated the Southwest and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was then in Southeast and some parts of North, but intra-party activities consumed some of these opposition parties. So, the PDP had edge above other parties. So, now that people of like-minds are talking about the merger and they are from different parties which already have structures in their domains, I tell you they will be victorious. If you look at the Northeast, comprising Borno, Yobe, Bauchi, and Adamawa, also if you take a look at Northeast, you have Kebbi, Zamfara and Sokoto, you agree with me that these states will embrace the merger plan.