Category: Politics

  • INEC vs 28 parties: Court to the rescue

    INEC vs 28 parties: Court to the rescue

    There seems to be no end in sight to the controversies generated by the recent de-registration of 28 political parties by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). In this report, ERIC IKHILAE and GBENGA OMOKHUNU examine the suit filed by the National Conscience Party (NCP) and submit that it holds the answer to the outrage over INEC’s action.

    The contest between the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the 28 deregistered political parties has continued to generate rumpus on the nation’s political scene. The political parties are looking up to the courts to declare INEC as lacking the powers to strike off the parties from the register of players on the electoral stage.

    Although some of the affected parties have headed for the court, an imminent answer to this question exists in a suit instituted last year by the National Conscience Party (NCP), established by the late activist, Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN).

    Justice Okon Abang of the Federal High Court, Lagos has fixed March 6, next year for judgment in the suit marked: FHC/L/CS/1084/2011. He chose the date on December 7, after entertaining final arguments from parties to the suit. NCP and one of its officials, Tunde Agunbiade are listed as plaintiffs, while the National Assembly, the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and INEC are named as defendants.

    The plaintiffs are, by the suit, challenging the legitimacy of Section 78(7) (ii) of the Electoral Act 2010, which empowers INEC to deregister parties for failing to win at least an elective position legislative or executive during a general election.

    It wants the court to void the provision on the ground that the National Assembly exceeded its bound in enacting such a law. NCP argued that provisions of section 78(7) (ii) of the Electoral Act violates citizens’ right to freedom of association guaranteed under section 40 of the Constitution.

    Section 78(7) provides that: “The commission shall have power to deregister political parties on the following grounds: (i) breach of any of the requirements for registration and (ii) failure to win presidential or governorship election or seat in the National Assembly or State Assembly.”

    The plaintiffs are praying the court for two declarative and injunctive reliefs. They want the court to declare that the provision of section 78(7) (ii) of the Electoral Act 2004 (as amended) is inconsistent with article 10 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and section 40 of the Constitution, and therefore null and void having regard to the provisions of section 1(3) of the Constitution.

    They also seek a declaration that the provisions of paragraph 18(1), (4) and (5) of the First Schedule of the Electoral Act contravene section 6 (6) (a) and (b) of the Constitution and therefore null and void in view of the provisions of Section 1 (3) of the Constitution.

    The plaintiffs are also praying the court for a perpetual injunction restraining INEC “from further disbanding or deregistering the first plaintiff (NCP) or any political party in Nigeria for that matter, in breach of the provision of the Constitution.”

    Arguing the plaintiffs’ case on December 7, their lawyer, Marcus Eyarhono, urged the court to grant his clients’ prayers and void INEC’s power to deregister parties under the Electoral Act. He argued that the provision contained in section 78(7) (ii) of the Electoral Act infringed on the freedom of association guaranteed under section 40 of the Constitution and Article 10 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right.

    “We submit humbly that the combined effects of the provisions of sections 38, 40 and 42 of the Constitution, the right to freedom of association, particularly, as it relates to political parties, is inviolable and inalienable, save as provided by the constitution.”

    The AGF declined to respond to the case. But the National Assembly responded and defended the commission’s powers to deregister political parties. The National Assembly argued that, in empowering INEC to register and deregister political parties, it acted within its legislative competence as provided in Section 4 of the Constitution.

    INEC contended that its powers to deregister parties which failed to win any elective position was not an infringement on the fundamental rights of the citizens as guaranteed under section 40 of the Constitution and Article 10 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights.

    They both urged the court to dismiss the suit, arguing that the laws being challenged by the plaintiffs were validly made.

    Specifically, the National Assembly argued in its written address, that aside the legislative powers vested on it by Section 4 of the Constitution, Section 228 (d) further empowers it to enact laws that regulate INEC’s activities.

    It urged the court to hold that the provisions of Section 78 (7) (ii) of the Electoral Act was validly made and it is within the ambit of its powers to make. It also argued that the provision did not negate the provision of section 40 of the constitution and Article 10 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights.

    INEC argued that the suit was premature as it failed to disclose any cause of action against it. The electoral body noted that the plaintiffs have not shown that it has taken steps to deregister NCP. It contended that the plaintiffs have failed to establish any wrong doing on its part.

    On December 7, INEC’s lawyer, Adeniyi Lawal urged the court to dismiss the suit on the ground that it is incompetent and amounts to abuse of court process.

    He urged the court to hold that INEC is empowered by the Constitution and a validly enacted Act of the National Assembly to deregister parties.

    Lawal, who argued that his client had not infringed on the plaintiff’s right in any way, contended that the National Assembly is constitutionally empowered to make, enact and amend the nation’s laws.

    Also, National Assembly’s lawyer, Oluwatosin Apata urged the court to disregard the plaintiffs’ claims. He contended that Sections 4 and 228(d) of the Constitution empowers the National Assembly to exercise legislative powers to enact laws that regulate the activities of INEC, including the power to register and deregister political parties.

    Apata further argued that the right to form and join political party is not an absolute right as Section 40 of the Constitution cited by the plaintiff, provided for the non-recognition of political parties.

    “The constitution does not explicitly spell out criteria for the recognition of political associations as political parties and so by virtue of Section 4(1)(2)(3) and item 56 of the Exclusive Legislative List in Part 1 of the 2nd Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), the National Assembly is empowered to make laws that specifically cater for the criteria and other details with respect to regulation of political parties.

    “Thus, the provisions of the Electoral Act 2010 as amended and particularly, Section 78(7)(ii) was validly enacted,” Apata said.

    Prior to the last hearing date, the court in June ordered parties to maintain status quo. It warned INEC against proceeding with its said purported plan to deregister NCP pending the determination of the suit.

    Justice Abang warned that his court would not hesitate in nullifying any step taken by INEC which violates the law and forms part of the prayers contained in the plaintiffs’ interlocutory application, seeking an injunction against the electoral body.

    On September 12, Justice Abang ruled on the Plaintiffs’ application for interlocutory injunction and further restrained INEC from deregistering NCP. The judge held, in a ruling that the order shall subsist pending the determination of the suit by NCP.

    The judge ordered the plaintiff to endorse a Form 48 (notice of consequences of disobedience of court orders) and serve it along with the court order, on INEC’s Chairman, Prof Attahiru Jega personally.

    Justice Abang refused the second leg of the plaintiffs’ prayer to the effect that INEC should be restrained from deregistering any political party in the country.

    The judge held that it was improper for the court to make an order in favour of parties not before it. He noted that the other political parties were not parties in the suit before the court.

    Justice Abang also noted that the need to restrain INEC from deregistering the plaintiff before the determination of the main suit was with the consent of parties, particularly INEC’s lawyer, Lawal, who undertook that INEC will not deregister the plaintiff until the main suit is decided.

    The judge, who noted that INEC defaulted in filing processes within the stipulated time, granted the commission additional time to respond to the suit. His decision, he said, was informed by the need to ensure justice to all parties.

    The plaintiffs had, in an affidavit supporting its application for interlocutory injunction, argued that unless restrained, INEC would carry out its alleged threat to deregister some parties.

    “If the third respondent (INEC) is not restrained promptly from deregistering the first plaintiff (NCP) or any political party pending the determination of the substantive suit, it may carry out its threat to do so, and this will cause irreparable damage to the plaintiffs,” the party had argued.

    Meanwhile, Intense anger was expressed and deeply felt at the parley which was held in Abuja, the federal capital. The conveners of the meeting were pillars of the 28 political parties that were struck out of existence by the INEC, the nation’s political empire.

    In utter indignation, it was a barrage of criticisms from the conveners who wondered why the Prof. Attahiru Jega-led INEC would kill what they described as constitutionally recognised political parties. The INEC decision, the parties contended, was shocking and unexpected.

    Enraged leaders of the affected political parties at the meeting described Jega’s action as unlawful; hence, they vowed to disregard INEC and continue to operate as political parties in line with provisions of the constitution. The embittered leadership of the parties expressed further expressed profuse outrage at INEC’s action even as they accused the Commission of reckless abuse of constitutional dictates.

    The aggrieved parties’ spokesman who is also the National Chairman of African Liberation Party (ALP), Chief Emmanuel Okereke, said Jega went ahead with the de-registration of parties in utter disregard for the subsisting court order to the contrary, thus, according to him, acting in contempt of the Federal High Court.

    He told The Nation that the parties had resolved to ignore the said de-registration and go ahead with their normal activities pending the final decision on its court case challenging INEC’s action. His words: “We are warning him (Jega) to tender his resignation letter because what he has done is a clear indication that the commission under him cannot conduct a credible election. He has shown that he is no longer capable of managing our electoral process. His actions are deliberate.”

    Okereke accused INEC of carrying out a premeditated act, having caused the sudden switch in the date of April 2011 general election from the date it was earlier scheduled for.  According to him, it was this sudden change in the election date which had huge cost implications that led to the dismal performance of the weaker parties.

    He said that N180 million was appropriated in this year’s budget for INEC to organize meetings with parties but that the chairman never held any but simply pocketed it.

    “INEC has a hidden agenda. The agenda is to reduce parties in the country to two.  Since Prof. Attahiru Jega assumed office as Chairman of INEC, he has never called a meeting of political parties, “he said.

    Another party’s National Chairman, Mr. Damian Ogbonna of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), while reading resolutions of the parties, said INEC acted in a most reckless manner unknown to democratic world and against constitution of Nigeria by embarking on such an “anti-people, anti-democratic and grossly illegal escapade.”

    He accused INEC of waging war against the rights of the free people of Nigeria to freely associate.

    He said: “INEC acted in contemptuous disregard of court proceedings on the constitutionality of deregistration of political parties and the provisions of the Electoral Act being litigated against at the Federal High Courts in Lagos and Abuja. In fact, an application for a judicial order to restrain INEC from the de-registration of any political party was filed and served on INEC as far back as May 23, this year.

    “The key element of our freedoms as citizens in a democratic country is the freedom of association as enshrined in our constitution. This freedom is now under attack and is being dangerously undermined by INEC, the very body empowered by law to nurture, safeguard and advance democratic ideals.

    “The right of Nigerians to freely associate, including the right to form and belong to a political party of choice is fundamental. This right is enshrined under the Fundamental Human Rights Schedule, Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). INEC has no constitutional powers to tamper with these rights; neither does any law made by the National Assembly. Unfortunately, INEC is now waging a war of attrition against the rights of the free people of Nigeria to freely associate.”     Speaking further, he said: “Political parties existed as political associations prior to the transformation by virtue of Section 229 of the Constitution of Nigeria. Political associations transform into political parties as directed by Section 229 of the Constitution of Nigeria, having satisfied the conditions precedent as clearly spelt out in it. It then follows that the political parties will continue to function as political parties with all rights inherent to contest all elections. No inferior law or misguided prescription by INEC of any other organ of government will change that fact.

    “The mere fact that the constitution empowers the National Assembly to make laws on the administration of political parties and their relationship with INEC does not in any way confer on any government organ, any power to alter the Constitution of Nigeria by a mere exercise of legislation. The government cannot and does not have the powers to legislate away the peoples’ rights.”

    “This is a country where the culture of rigged and stolen elections under the eye of INEC is threatening our democracy. Rather than pursuing frivolities in the guise of action, INEC would be better off working to eradicate its own culture, which unfortunately encourages and cultivate massive electoral corruption.

    “In the light of the INEC’s action, we the political parties of Nigeria will continue to function as full-fledged political parties in strict compliance with the provisions Section 221-2/9 of the Constitution of Nigeria. We urge Professor Attahiru Jega to stem the current lawlessness that has become so pervasive in INEC and to be law-abiding, failing which we the political parties of Nigeria will move to protect our inalienable rights as a free people to our cherished freedom by every conceivable means. The attempt to turn this country into a nation of one or two state-sanctioned political parties will not stand,” he further said.

    Some of the party leaders who spoke at the meeting made reference to what obtains in other parts of the world where the number of political parties is as high as 177.

    For instance, the party leaders said South Africa has as many as 159 registered political parties while the United States of America (USA) has 210 recognised parties.

    Only time will tell when and how this battle will end, but it is the expectation of all that the right path is followed to settle the lingering issue.

  • Anambra 2014: Zoning not best option, says  ex-commissioner

    Anambra 2014: Zoning not best option, says ex-commissioner

      Dr Mike Egbebuike was Commissioner for Environment in Governor Peter Obi’s administration. In this interview with ODOGWU EMEKA ODOGWU, he opposes the call for power shift to Anambra North Senatorial District in 2015.  

    It is being alleged that you want to be governor of Anambra- State. How would you react to the contention it is not the turn of Anambra Central to become governor?

    I have not said that I have the ambition to be the governor of Anambra State and I am also saying that being a governor is not beyond me.

    Then, on the issue of zoning, I leave that to the political parties. I have heard that the North were promised governorship if they support APGA and we heard also that the North never supported APGA and is not entitled to governorship.

    Other people also said that the North was promised governorship without condition. So, the answer lies with the political parties. But when PDP zones presidency, it was just PDP. Sometimes, zoning is a very good thing only when you are trying to protect these things between major large geographical regions but sometimes it can result to inefficiency. In countries like America, we don’t talk about zoning. If you are talking about zoning, you know that you don’t want to get the best because it always narrows one down.

    But if there are contracts made, that will be binding on those that made the promise. But whether zoning or not, the best thing is to ask God to give us the best leader, somebody that can follow on what Gov. Obi has started. We have to listen to God because who says that APGA has monopoly of winning that governorship race, APGA may end up bringing somebody from the zone and another party brings from the zone, the electorate is not interested in the zoning. But, if APGA has promised a particular zone, then, APGA is obliged to fulfill the promise they made. In contract law when you make a promise, you are bound to perform. But, I know my governor will always say, and I like to respect his opinion that the North has been promised the governorship race and if that is the case, we shall wait and see what God wants.

    Which means that if you are not given the ticket in APGA, you can switch to another party?

    I have not said that I want to contest for governorship, but I am actually saying that those contesting may not be better than me. We make mistakes when we don’t bring God into our decisions. I had the opportunity to understand my state in the past three years the way I never knew it. I have seen the problems and have also seen what could be done. It must not need to be done by me. It could be done by whoever God brings to be the governor because everybody cannot be governor. It could be people supporting the governor. There are people in Nigeria who contribute more than the people at the helm of affairs simply by their impacts.

    What are those problems you have observed and what are the answers to them?

    First of all, I believe that Nigeria is very corrupt and as long as we have that corruption, we can never progress. Then, one of the biggest problems is not knowing who we are, that is lack of identity. America works because every individual is known. If you give me a date of birth and social security number, an American will tell you precisely, who you are.

    If somebody has gone to jail or commits crime, America collects your finger print so that next time crime is committed, there is a better chance that it must be from the community of crime committers, so they can go back to their data base and pick somebody up. They do all these things because they have an identity system. But, here, we don’t even know who is a Nigerian or who is a Malian or who is Cameroonian. Everybody claims to be Nigerian. In fact, I went to school with somebody who claims he is a Nigerian but finally, he is from Cameroon.

    So we can stop crime in Nigeria with easy identity system. So, the only thing that will help us is to invest in technology. We talk about crime today but if we have proper technology, we can flush it out of the system. We are interested in building infrastructure which is good but the basic thing is not yet done. This country is operating without the skeleton. It has flesh but has no skeleton. If we are to look inwards and ask ourselves our age, nobody can now say. I could have up to 3 or 4 identity systems in Nigeria. So, how can we fight crime without knowing who the people are? I don’t even know how we got to where we are today because without identification system, American will not even be possible.

    So, that is what I think that should be done. I don’t even want to go to the bigger one that everybody sees like electricity and others because corruption has been the bane of everything. If Ghana has electricity, why can’t Nigeria have? There are many things to be done to turn this country around. I have not seen any police officer that is like Nigerian police. It is totally dysfunctional.

    So, there are basic things to be done to move the country forward. We don’t have to look at the big ones. Once we take care of the small basic ones, the big ones will fall in place. Nigeria is like a country without proper foundation. We are just floating. I am praying to God that this oil doesn’t finish and the Boko Haram doesn’t come again because if they do, we are probably not going to learn any lesson from that. If we don’t have proper I.D. system in this country, we can’t even collect taxes; half of the people are not paying taxes. The ones that are paying, pays for those that are not paying. Once they catch you, you pay for your own and the man who didn’t pay. If you withdraw 10, 000 Dollars in America, you get a letter and you are monitored.

    Are you in support of state police?

    When it comes to state police, I know there are fears people had about governors misusing the state police in the country by using them to intimidate their opponents. But the people saying that are actually indicting themselves because what they are actually saying is that the president today is using the police to intimidate his enemies. If the president is not using the federal police to intimidate the citizenry or his enemies, why should anybody argue that the state governor will use state police to intimidate his enemies?

    Let me take my governor, Mr. Peter Obi for instance, his enemies have been moving around with siren and he has the power to arrest them but he is not even interested to do that, even though the law has given him the power to do that. So, I don’t think he is going to do more than what he is doing today if given state police.

    So I don’t know why we are arguing. Governors are Chief Security Officers of states and you cannot be answering CSO when you are not. Its either we make the president the Chief Security Officer of states and the whole country and leave the governors alone. But if still address them as that, we need to make them in-charge of security. So that they can give instructions to the commissioner of police and he will listen to them. So, if governors were allowed to be in control of state police, it will bring a lot of changes, the insecurity issue will be a thing of the past. Now, all the governors from the north are blaming the president. What we need to do is to have state police and federal marshals like it is done in US so that federal interests are not put at stake. Some people ask how are they going to be paid. Well, the police today are still being paid, so the federal government can bring out the money they are paying them and give to states, so that they can pay them. Do you know how many vehicles Governor Obi has given to the police? How many of them do you see on the streets? So, we need to grow. The arguments we make today are the kinds of arguments we made in the fifties. Babangida made bold to say that Nigeria is ripe for state police. So, this is what true federation is and it will solve our security problems. The northern governors have all agreed that state police is the answer but after meeting with their emirs and religious leaders, they made a u-turn by saying that they don’t want state police and I wonder why they said that.

  • ‘Yakowa was a people’s leader’

    ‘Yakowa was a people’s leader’

    Writing about Governor Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa of Kaduna State, in the past tense, was not part of my plans for the last days of the year 2012. Working with the governor, the Commissioner of Economic Planning and others, we had just produced the 2013 budget which he had looked forward to faithfully implementing, so as to continue to deliver democracy dividends to the people. My plan was to market the budget to the people of the state and take some journalists for project inspection to the new teaching hospital, and the 30 megawatt solar power project that Yakowa was passionate about. And then, I would shut down for the year.

    Though my senior by more than 16 years, I have never deluded myself that I would write his obituary or even that of my 85-year-old father, because nothing on earth says I could not have died before him or before my father. As a mortal being, he definitely knew, his wife knew, same for his lovely children and friends, that one day he will answer the inevitable call. I want to stress that he was more than aware of this fact , because as he took decisions his standard line was “ can I justify this before my God.” Nevertheless no one expected his death either in the manner, nor the time it came. And this is the ace that God continues to have over us. In spite of this fact, we continue to hope and pray that we will live to be old, in fact more than the three scores and ten , the bible promises us. To die peacefully in our sleep and for those that have “made” (read stolen) money never to die, if possible.

    At the flag off of the construction of WAEC road Kawo Yakowa publicly joked about people looking for his seat. To many people present on that day, it was the usual joke about the incessant pressures occupiers of public office go through. But It was his own way of letting people know what he was going through. About a month ago, he talked about the latest threat, anonymous telephone calls, that he would never finish his first tenure, let alone go for a second term. Yakowa was bluntly told: “You are not going to finish this tenure.” There were many other threats, from a very tiny minority. He took it all in his stride and as a devout catholic, he continued praying to God. He shared his experiences several times,including that of a ‘good’ spiritualist who called to assure Yakowa that he would not be harmed, because his crystal glass revealed Yakowa was a good man. He however admonished Yakowa to remain committed to his ideals of equity, justice, and fairness. From who or which quarter(s) did the threats come? Nobody can say. But did some people desperately want his job? Yes. But did they kill him? A big no. To everything, there is a time. A time to be born, and a time to die. Yakowa’s time was up. Was the 14 days, after his 64th birthday, his extra time?

    As a believer, I don’t subscribe to the “they killed him “ theory , because if in the view of the Almighty God, Yakowa had not completed his race, nobody would have been able to take his life. My message to the small and misguided minority, be they Christians or Muslims, that reportedly celebrated the death of a “Christian governor,” which he never was, or of a “stingy governor,“ who refused to play father Christmas with public funds, is: Please, live for forever! I am consoled that many Muslims are genuinely mourning him, just as I know some Christians are rejoicing that Ramallan Yero, has taken over from a “stingy” Yakowa. This is life and life is all about interests. So, to my fellow Christians, I say don’t allow the actions of a tiny minority define your relationship with Muslims because some of our fellow Christians are equally happy. We must learn to live with one another in peace and this will be our greatest tribute to him. The truth is that there is no area in Nigeria that is “religiously clean”. This we must always have at the back of our minds and after our turn-by-turn leadership, we must go back to the drawing board and agree that religion and tribe will not be the main issue when it comes to electing a leader.

    To those pushing for his wife to become deputy governor, I say please leave the poor woman alone. She is not power-hungry and has suffered enough humiliations in the hands of people without character, that she will put herself forward for more humiliations. What is unknown to many people is the fact that she had made it abundantly clear to her husband that she had had enough of the so-called life of glamour and power. She once told me “He (Yakowa) knows that after 2014, he is on his own.” Her other prayer is that they leave the Government House with their two legs and not in a casket. How prophetic has she turned out! Many people only saw the glamour, the siren; they never knew the other side and so would never appreciate the price the Yakowas paid for being the first Christian family in the Government House. Other governors have also had their challenges, they were just lucky not to have paid the supreme price. I know that by now, people who want to control the new governor would have taken his name and picture to all manner of places.

    There is no doubt about it, that among the reasons Nigeria is backward is the activity of demonic forces. They want to control governors, ministers, presidents and anybody of influence to award contracts. It is all about money and power. It has nothing to do with public good. We must continue to pray for our leaders.

    It was meant to be a quick trip to honour Oronto Douglas, an aide of President Goodluck Jonathan. Some people have questioned the wisdom of his decision to attend the burial of “just an aide” to the president. Who is Oronto Douglas? Why didn’t he send a delegation? I heard some mourners question? First, Oronto is a human being. Secondly, he must have enjoyed some relationship with him and as such, nothing could ever equal being personally present at the burial of Oronto’s father. That is Yakowa for you – ever selfless. He never changed as governor, nor as a minister or as whatever he was. Up to his last day on earth, he didn’t change. This much was attested to by Cosmas Asogwa of Premium Times who took the last picture of Yakowa and Azizi on earth. Asogwa wrote: “He even took time to cheer up his kinsmen who were at the corner butchering cow meat for the occasion. I don’t understand Hausa, but the smiles on the face of the Hausa butchers following their conversation with Governor Yakowa smacked of fulfillment and excitement.”It wasn’t beneath his person to chat up butchers or the madman at the NEPA roundabout in Kaduna, about the need to move so the place can be cleaned.

    One can go on and on about the many sides of Yakowa. He was largely a good man. Every being has his own shortcomings. But deliberate mischief is certainly not one of his.

    It is time to say farewell to a friend and confident, an epitome of selfless service, humility and simplicity. An astute administrator, a honest, patient and hardworking leader. Fare thee well sir, until we meet at the feet of our Lord.

    On his short tenure, history will judge him positively and this has nothing to do with the fact that I worked for him. By the Grace of God, I was critical of him. And God Bless him for indulging me. I would always tell him: Your Excellency you are doing well, but you should be flying; your benchmark is Ahmed Makarfi. If you don’t surpass him, then you have failed. He agreed to that benchmark and we were working with some people on the areas that were holding him down – decision making, access to people, his cabinet, funding, the bloated civil service, wage bill etc. Not many powerful men will agree to self-assessment. Dr. Shola Adeyanju of the Mass Communication Department of the Ahmadu Bello University was to administer a questionnaire, which purpose was to assess performance areas of strength and weakness in Yakowa and his appointees. He knew the expectations and was determined to succeed.

    I can go- on about the man that became better known as Yakowa na Kowa, meaning: Yakowa that belongs to everyone. We must thank his family that gave him to us. We must thank God for sending him to us and taking him at the time and how he did. Like Shakespeare said the world is a stage. The challenge of governing Kaduna State is now on the lean shoulders of Ramallan Yero. Will he govern the state with fear of God, justly and fairly? Will the Vice–President, his mentor support or hinder him? Will the Zazzau Emirate become more overbearing, covertly and overtly? Will the Yero tenure exclude or include people in governance? The Southern Kaduna people believe the Vice – President doesn’t like them. How will he treat Senator Makarfi, the man who, despite all opposition, helped install him as governor? Without him being a governor, there is no way Sambo would ever have become the Vice–President. This is the time to reach out to the Sothern Kaduna people and indeed everybody. I pray against the omen that I see of people behaving like war lords. Men of goodwill must stand up to be counted at this critical time. The choice is Yero’s and that of the Vice-President.

    Emmanuel Ado, was External Media Consultant to Governor Yakowa

  • Buhari: Waiting for another chance

    Buhari: Waiting for another chance

    General Muhammadu Buhari, a former Head of State and three-time presidential candidate, has just clocked 70. Assistant Editor AUGUSTINE AVWODE reviews the political career of the General  from Daura, Katsina State. In view of plans for the opposition parties to present a united front against the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015, could the General beat the field at the fourth attempt?

    IT is 28 years since he took the country by storm. His firm, fine and athletic figure find suitable complement in equally firm resolve to tackle a system that was about to spiral out of control. Together with his band, he struck on the very last day of the year, December 31, 1983. When he later addressed the nation, he sought to bolster the courage and determination to end the national drift.

    “This generation of Nigerians, and indeed, future generations, have no country other than Nigeria. We shall remain here and salvage it together”. It was the high point of a nation wide broadcast by Muhammadu Buhari in January 1984. He was then a Major General and just 42 years old. The broadcast signalled the end of the Second Republic under the leadership of Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari.

    The last four of those days were marked by a near total breakdown of law and order, a burgeoning insecurity that stemmed from the bitter political wrangling generated by the 1983 general elections. The polity was characterized by endemic corruption, greed, avarice, and a lack of public probity and accountability. It was another sad military intervention in the affairs of Nigeria political history to halt the aimless drift of the ship of state. Nigerians embraced it for whatever value it promised to offer.

    For Buhari, there was need to instill a sense of nationalism and patriotism in Nigerians. He sought frantically to arouse a sense of pride in their country, which was fast being eroded. Besides, he saw the urgent need to begin a culture of “doing the right thing in the right way”. And the regime demonstrated its commitment to the vision by quickly identifying indiscipline as the bane of the nation’s ills.

    The regime’s War Against Indiscipline (WAI) was launched in different phases. The policy became very popular with Nigerians as it established orderliness, cleanliness, reduced corruption and rekindled nationalistic fervour and hope among Nigerians.

    There was WAI (a) Queuing (March 20, 1984), (b) Work Ethics (May 1, 1984), (c) Nationalism and Patriotism (August 21, 1984), (d) Anti-Corruption and Economic Sabotage (May 14, 1985), (e) Environmental Sanitation (July 29, 1985).

    Many would argue today that he was more of a fascist, having led a government that forbade discussion of national affairs and herded politicians before military tribunals that handed long sentences to almost all. Even those against whom nothing was found, men like Alhaji Lateef Jakande, former Vice President Alex Ekwueme and Second Republic President Shehu Shagari, were kept behind the bars for the 20 months that Buhari took charge of the federation.

    On August 27, 1985, he was over-thrown by General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida.

    Military / public career

    General Buhari started his military career when he joined the Nigerian Military Training School, Kaduna, in 1963 about two years after completing his secondary school education. In October of the same year, he was sent to the Officers’ Cadet School in Aldershot, the United Kingdom, was thereafter commissioned Second Lieutenant in 1963 and posted to the 2nd Infantry Battalion, Abeokuta as Platoon Commander.

    He became the Commander, 31st Infantry Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, in February 1970 and in July 1971 became the Assistant Adjutant-General, 1st Infantry Division Headquarters. In September 1974, he was made Acting Director, Supply and Transport, Nigeria Army Corps of supply and Transport. And in August 1975 became the Military Governor, North Eastern State of Nigeria. He was appointed Federal Commissioner for Petroleum Resources in March 1976 and held the position till June 1978. He also emerged the Chairman, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, June 1978 and returned to full military duties as Military Secretary, Army Headquarters, in July 1978.

    Meanwhile he had been appointed as a member of the Supreme Military Council since March 1976, the highest policy making organ in the country then and remained a member till June 1979. He became the General Officer Commanding (GOC), 4th Infantry Division, August 1980 to January 1981; General Officer Commanding (GOC), 2nd Mechanised Infantry Division, January 1981 to October 1981 and the General Officer Commanding (GOC), 3rd Armed Division, Nigerian Army, from October 1981 to December 1983. It was from there he emerged as the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces on December 31, 1983 till August 1985.

    Apart from the numerous formations where he worked in leadership capacity in the Nigeria Army, he left indelible mark in the various political offices and appointments he held. It was during his tenure that the Nigerian National Oil Corporation and the Ministry of Petroleum Resources were reorganised to form the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), and he became its first Chairman. He spearheaded the construction of 20 oil depots throughout the country, a project involving over 3200 kilometers of pipelines. Under his leadership both Warri and Kaduna Refineries were built. He later served as the Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund established by the late General Sani Abacha.

    Search for second chance

    Eighteen years after he was removed from office in a bloodless coup, Buhari began the process of seeking for a second chance to lead the country again. He firmly believes in the enormous potential of Nigeria to be a great nation owing to the abundance of human and natural resources. Unfortunately, this has been so grossly mismanaged to the eternal chagrin of the people and the country.

    In 2003, Buhari contested the presidential election as the candidate of the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). But the results did not favour him. He was defeated by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)’s President Olusegun Obasanjo. Buhari’s supporters and other members of the opposition claimed that in some states, like Ebonyi, there were more votes than there were registered voters. Although some allegations of fraud were proven in the courts and the conduct of the election was criticized by the Commonwealth Observer Group, the courts decided that the level of proven electoral fraud was not sufficient to affect the outcome of the election and to warrant the cancellation of the whole Presidential election.

    On December 18, 2006, Buhari was nominated as the consensus candidate of the ANPP. His main challenger in the April 2007 polls the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua of PDP, who hailed from the same home state of Katsina. He was again defeated but rejected the results. After Yar’Adua took office, the ANPP agreed to join his government, but Buhari denounced this agreement.

    In March 2010, Buhari left the ANPP with some of his loyalists to form the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). He emerged as the CPC presidential candidate in the April 16, 2011 general election, running against incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and Ibrahim Shekarau of ANPP. They were the major contenders among 20 contestants.

    He scored 12,214,853 votes to place second to President Goodluck Jonathan who polled 22,495,187 votes and was declared the winner.

    Making it the third time he would be aiming to lead the country again.

    While concluding his campaign for the 2011 election, General Buhari wept for Nigeria. Almost a year later, he explained to journalists why he wept.

    According to him, the appalling state of Nigeria and the hardship of the citizens in the midst of abundance compelled him to weep openly for the nation in 2011. In his words: “This is a country that is well-blessed both materially and otherwise. God has blessed us more than we expected. We have so much land for agriculture.

    “But majority of Nigerians can’t send their children to school, can’t afford medicine for their children, and no potable water to drink. Where does the money go to? This was why I broke down when I was rounding off up my presidential campaign in 2011.

    “From the level of exporter we have moved to the level of importer of oil? Are you surprised? All the infrastructure were allowed to die and decay. And now they say they want to remove subsidy. I was there when the refineries were built with Nigeria money and we didn’t borrow any kobo to do that,” he explained as he visited the headquarters of the CPC in Utako, Abuja in June this year.

    What hope for the future?

    After three attempts, and now 70, is there any hope of realising his ambition to rule Nigeria? Will 2015 finally reward him for his tenacity of purpose?

    Buhari had initially given signals that the 2011 presidential contest would be his last. While drawing the curtain on his presidential campaign for the 2011 election, he said “unlike the previous two – 2003 and 2007, our victory is assured as evidenced by the unprecedented turnout by people and spontaneous popular acclaim all over the country. This campaign is the third and last one for me since, after it, I will not present myself again for election into the office of the president”.

    But, he later said he would wait for the outcome of the case in court before deciding on his political future. The apex court affirmed the victory of President Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari soon served notice that he could take one more chance in his bid to ostensibly rescue Nigeria.

    While hosting members of his party from Niger State at his Kaduna residence in May, Buhari said: “God willing, something will happen in 2015.” He urged the electoral umpire to ensure a free and fair conduct of the 2015 elections so that Nigeria can move forward”. he however warned that “If what happens in 2011 should again happen in 2015, by the grace of God, the dog and the baboon would all be soaked in blood.” He was roundly condemned by critics who said the General has a penchant for instigating violence. But his supporters and the opposition rallied round him and explained that he has been misinterpreted. The opposition insisted that only a mind fixated on rigging would be afraid of what Buhari said.

    Since that time, events have moved on to the fast lane as the CPC, the ACN and ANPP have proved beyond any doubt, at least for now, that they are ready to merge into one party strong enough to give the ruling party a good fight in 2015.

    Speaking in September, Buhari promised to join forces with other well-meaning Nigerians to ensure free, fair and credible elections in 2015. He acknowledged that opposition parties’ merger plans were on course to wrest power from the PDP in 2015.

    “The type of rigging pattern perfected by the PDP must be stopped. People must be allowed to vote for candidates of their choice. If our election processes are free, fair and credible, there will be no problem in Nigeria.

    “The PDP has said that they will rule forever and I know this is not possible”, Buhari said. He added that : “I am sure if you go down memory lane, you will see what we have gone through. In 2010 when opposition parties tried to merge and form an alliance, there was no time. And there must be understanding from parties to accept an alliance. Now, the time is on our side. The ACN, the CPC and the ANPP have realised now that to defeat PDP, opposition parties must come together. The merger is on course.”

    The same optimism has been expressed by the ANPP which has revealed that efforts would be made to conclude the merger arrangement with other opposition political parties by the first quarter of 2013 in order to produce the next president in 2015.

    Speaking in Enugu at its 2012 South-East zonal summit, the party’s national chairman, Rebuilding and Interparty Contact Committee, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, said the 21-man committee would come out with the new identity of the merger by 2013.

    Shekarau said the ANPP was already in merger talks with the CPC, ACN, Democratic People’s Party (DPP) and Governor Rochas Okorocha’s faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, among others.

    According to the former Kano State governor “The merger plan will be concluded not later than the first quarter of next year so that we would have at least two years to go into every nook and cranny of the country before the 2015 general elections. This committee was put up by the party to catch up with the views, aspirations and visions of ordinary Nigerians for change for the better”.

    Given his towering figure, the large followership which he enjoys, especially in the North, Buhari may yet again get the nod to vie for the plum position the fourth time. And given the strength of the opposition just now in the country, which has succeeded in reducing the absolute majority hitherto enjoyed by the PDP, and with little luck in terms of good performance by the electoral umpire, who knows, General Muhammadu Buhari may yet realise his dream to help reshape Nigeria to make it the country of our dreams.

    However, his critics have been unrelenting in painting him as a sectional leader who is not fit to rule the country again. They not only describe him as an ethnic jingoist, he is nearly always portrayed as a religious bigot following comments credited to him on the need for implementation of Sharia Law in the country.

    Besides, those who have an axe to grind with him describe his prosecution of the WAI programme, for which he is famous, as highhanded. His regime is alleged to have flouted or violated some of the cardinal principles of human rights.

    Besides, some of his Decrees are said to be too draconian, self serving and the worst in the land. Critics readily point to such decrees as Decree 2 of 1984 (State Security (detention of persons), which gave the regime wide discretionary powers to detain individuals. The Public Officers (Protection against False Accusation) Decree. The Exchange Control Anti-Sabotage Decree; The Robbery Firearms (Special Provisions) Decree, among others.

    Admirers’ testimonies

    But notwithstanding the opinion of critics, his admirers have been singing his praises and pouring encomiums on him. National Leader, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, in a goodwill message to Buhari on Monday said: “General Muhhamadu Buhari represents discipline, modesty, integrity and fidelity, four traits rare in our political establishment. As such he is a precious commodity and it is wise for us to value and celebrate what is precious among us. Apart from the revered Aminu Kano, no other individual in the North has gained the passionate followership among the common people as has Muhammadu Buhari.

    “His politics are people-centric and borrowed heavily from Aminu Kano. He has transformed himself from a military leader to a warrior for democracy and good governance. As a democratic warrior, he has been tireless and he will not stop until victory is achieved.

    “Unfortunately, General Buhari has had to fight a political system so heavily infused with corrupt money that the will of the people is regularly shortchanged. This principled and decent man not only stands firm but shall stand tall when the history of this period is written. That history will say here was a man who could have sided with the powerful and the elite to live a life of soft comfort and easy choices. Instead, he joined hands with the poor, humble and broken. He did this because he wanted to be on the side of those who sought to save Nigeria, not those who tried to milk and bleed her to their own advantage.”

    Prince Tony Momoh, the national chairman of the CPC said this of him: “As a citizen, the inimitable discipline and dedication – firmly rooted in your being – speak eloquently of your patriotic fervour four your nation. As a family man, you have shown tenderness and loving devotion.

    “As a soldier, you were never wanting in courage and loyalty. During the civil war, you humanely supported the weak (among the enemy) whilst not compromising unwavering commitment to your commission.

    “As a politician, you have shown decency, honesty and truth, rather than employing the despicable tactics of the unconscionable politician in this clime, you have consistently chosen to ventilate your grievance against the pervasive corruption of the nation’s electoral system in courts.

    “As a national leader, you have shown humility and honour. In the midst of bare-faced imprudence and kleptomania among the leaders in pulverizing the nation, you shine like a million stars.

    … We stand on the high mountain of the land to trumpet the worthiness of your character and the integrity of your persona. May your tribe increase”

    Coming from such a high pedestal, and as has been generally attested to by almost all, friends and foes alike, to say that General Mohammadu Buhari (GMB) is a Nigerian in a class of his own, cannot be an exaggeration. It is simply a statement of fact. For now, finger are crossed and Nigerians wait for what happens in 2015.

  • Bukola Saraki and Kwara politics: What future?

    Bukola Saraki and Kwara politics: What future?

    The political career of Dr. Bukola Saraki is quite rich. He has been a presidential aide, governor, chairman of Governors’ Forum and now a Senator. Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the career of the politician who has succeeded his father as head of the ‘Saraki political dynasty’ in Kwara State.

     

    At 50, life goes on for Abubakar ‘Bukola Saraki, medical doctor, two-time governor of Kwara State and Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. For him, the past five decades have paled into a glorious past. Yet, the acknowledged political leader of Kwara in post-Olusola Saraki era, faces a future pregnant with possibilities. He has inherited a solid political structure bequeathed by the eminent politician. As the head of the political dynasty, he has shown an uncanny capacity for sustaining mass followership. His visionary leadership style, courage and pragmatism are enduring assets. But, what has earned him political loyalty in Kwara is his service to the people. As predicted by observers, Saraki has filled the vacuum created by the demise of the celebrated grassroots politician.

    From childhood, the medical doctor-turned politician has been a promising character. At school, he had shone with a rare brilliance. Although he was born with silver spoon in his mouth, he was not indulged by his affluent father. Also, the younger Saraki did not neglect the path of self-development. He practised his profession with passion and recorded manifold success. In politics, he built on the solid foundation laid by the late Oloye. To observers, the name ‘Saraki’ was only an added advantage, both in private and public life, for Oloye’s beloved son.

    Unlike other privileged colleagues, Saraki started his political career from the top. As a presidential aide, he lived to expectation. His intellect, creative ingenuity, sense of industry and focus made him to stand out from the crowd of special assistants and senior special assistants in the Obasanjo Administration. Key Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leaders who closely observed him aptly described him as a man of the future. When the critical moment of opportunity came, he fulfilled his destiny. As governor for eight years, he presided over a model administration and erected lasting legacies. It is ironic that what is not common in the State of Harmony is harmony. Politics in the state has been shaped by poverty, ethnicity and religion. For that eight years when he was in the saddle, the opposition did not relent in their criticism of his administration for many reasons. But many Kwarans agreed that Saraki lived up to expectation in terms of performance.

    The Governors Forum which he led became a potent force in the ruling PDP and ultimately, the country. Towards the end of his second term, he eyed the presidency. Although he missed the ticket, it did not translate into a political eclipse. Up to now, the home front is intact. An important challenge that confronted the former governor and the political machinery that nurtured and catapulted him to power was succession. There were many politicians from the ruling and opposition parties itching to succeed him. Indeed, intra-party scramble for power shook the political dynasty and the tension, for the first time, could not be mitigated by the gerontocratic wisdom of the patriarch, Oloye Saraki, who was the main issue in Kwara politics for 45 years. The elderstatesman, his governor-son and senator-daughter were embroiled in controversy and crisis of succession. The rest is now history.

    Senator Saraki shared the same fate with his late father. But much difficulties were not on his path to political victory and fame. The elder Saraki passed through political vicissitudes, rising from the slippery political ground at every fall. His son, many believe, emerged later to reap the fruits of his father’s political labour. Like the departed political kingpin, he had wanted to serve in the highest office. When reality dawned on him that it was a futile ambition, he took the senatorial route, like his father. Up to now, the towering stature of the Second Republic Senate Leader has dwarfed his successors in subsequent dispensations. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) caucus, the Second Republic highest decision making political and governmental machinery, was incomplete without the indomitable Turaki and later, Waziri, of Ilorin.

    As a senator, Senator Saraki mirrors his father, mentor and role model. The senator from Kwara Central District has endowed his seat in the Upper Chamber with visibility. His strength lies in his power of ideas, experience, exposure and logic. Although a first timer on the ranked floor, he is not a baby senator and bench warmer. Indisputably, he is also not afraid to ruffle feathers. As legislator, the urban and cosmopolitan politician has dazed many with his fighting spirit, resilience and populist tendencies. It is a paradox. Having erected his legislative career on a conservative platform, he veered off by adorning the cap of a progressive actor. He became an anti-corruption crusader. Reactions to his principled position on prudence an d transparency in national governance were varied. While party colleagues attempted to label him as another emerging internal opposition leader, ordinary Nigerians hailed his defence of truth, fair play and justice in the decadent society.

    At a critical time when colleagues were aloof to public plight, Saraki filled the consciousness of the people by pitching his tent with Nigerians. He dared the powerful cabals, insisting that the enemies of the country who suffocated the land with the subsidy scam must not go unpunished. Harassed by the power that be, he nevertheless, survived the onslaught by the mega fraudsters. Today, it is said of the Kwara senator that the end has justified the means.

    Saraki’s charm has endured, owing to his political disposition. Even, when his father rooted for his sister, Senator Gbemisola Saraki, he was cautious. Although he knew that PDP would have probably won the governorship with her as candidate, he objected. His close associates said that he differed on moral ground, with an intent to remove the misperception that Kwara and Kwara government have become Saraki’s fiefdom. In his view, power shift to another zone was desirable to give the district a sense of belonging. In addition, wanted to cleverly avert a hard journey to victory for PDP.

    With fondness, many Kwarans have retained the memory of Bukola Saraki years in Government House. Thus, his successor, who was part of the administration, has no reason to derail from his transformational programmes in education, health, agriculture and provision of other social amenities. His father had started finding solution to the acute water crisis in the state from sixties. To his consternation, the problem had not abated when he assumed the reins. Therefore, he inherited the unfinished business of resuscitating the dried pipes. He revatalised education by providing more educational structures. When he started his agricultural programme, critics descended on the administration for inviting Zimbabwean farmers to hijack peoples’ land. The programme turned out to be income and employment yielding for the state.

    In the Senate where he currently represents Kwara Central, he has made his mark. Whereas there are Senators who are described as sleeping lawmakers, Saraki has been very active. He will be remembered as the man who triggered the uproar on the unsustainable subsidy regime. He has also cried out on the state of the environment in different parts of the country, especially the ecology of the oil producing states. He has traversed the entire Nigeria territory following the unprecedented flood that ravaged many of the states in the course of this year.

    Saraki was born on December 19, 1962. He attended King’s College, Lagos, from 1973-1978, and Cheltenham College, Cheltenham, London from 1979-1981 for his High School Certificate (HSC) programme. He then studied at the London Hospital Medical College of the University of London from 1982 to 1987, when he obtained his M.B.B.S (London). He worked as a Medical Officer at Rush Green Hospital, Essex, from 1988-1989. He was a Director of Societe Generale Bank (Nig) Ltd from 1990-2000. He was appointed Special Assistant to the President on Budget in 2000. Ceremonially, he also serves as a tribal nobleman of high rank in his capacity as the Turaki of the Ilorin Emirate.

    There is no politician without his dark period. In April this year, the police sent a letter to Saraki asking him to assist their investigation of a case of “conspiracy, forgery and stealing N21,000,000,000 belonging to Joy Petroleum Ltd.” A Federal High Court in Abuja heard a request by Saraki for an injunction preventing the police from arresting him “to protect his dignity and prevent further harassment”. At the hearing, the counsel for the police alleged that Saraki had influenced purchase of stocks by the Ministry of Finance of Kwara State in companies that included Joy Petroleum, of which Saraki was the promoter. His wife was linked to the transaction as was Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed, former Commissioner of Finance. The High Court adjourned the hearing until 22 May 2012.

    On April 28, 2012, the police Special Fraud Unit said they had issued an arrest warrant for Saraki, whom they wanted to question about “a case of suspected fraudulent conversion of depositors’ funds through questionable waivers of loans and other facilities of about N9.76 billion granted by the management of the defunct Intercontinental Bank Plc.” It was alleged that the waived loans from the bank were used for his personal profit while he was governor of Kwara State. Saraki said he was willing to appear before the police. On May 3, 2012 the senator was questioned by the police for two hours. His associates said the allegations were politically motivated.

    With the opposition in Kwara working hard everyday, the question many are asking is: will Saraki be able to hold the state’s politics as firmly as his father did?

     

     

  • Coalition wants electoral reforms now

    Coalition wants electoral reforms now

    In its bid to sanitize the electoral system, Coalition of Civil Societies, Partners for Electoral Reforms PER is demanding far-reaching electoral reforms as part of the on-going amendment of the constitution.

    The Coalition said one major impediments to the conduct of credible elections is the power granted the President to appoint the chairman, national commissioners and resident electoral commissioners

    The group identified the same measure for state governors to prevent them from selecting heads of the State Independent Electoral Commissions SIEC.

    Coordinator of Centre for Policy Advocacy and Leadership Development CPALD, Ezenwa Nwagwu, who spoke with the move will clear doubts in the mind of the electorate and further guarantee that voters’ interest is represented.

    Section 153 and 154 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution as amended empowers the President to appoint INEC board and Resident Electoral Commissioners RECs. Other similar constitutional provisions empower governors to appoint board of the SIECs.

    Nwagwu said: “It is important that the FG, especially the President, is relieved of the powers to appoint the INEC chairman, its commissioners, and resident electoral commissioners while the state governors are also relieved of doing same for their state independent electoral commissions.

    “Those in elective positions must withdraw from determining membership of the various electoral positions. This seriously erodes sovereign trust and undermines confidence of the public in the government.”

    Coordinator of the Transition Monitoring Group TMG, Ibrahim Zikirullahi, restated that for the electoral body to be truly independent, its leadership should be selected through public forum, not by elected public officials.

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Who becomes Kaduna State deputy governor?

    Who becomes Kaduna State deputy governor?

    Following the death of Kaduna State Governor Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa last Saturday, the political arena is charged as the search for a new deputy governor is gathering steam. TONY AKOWE presents the intrigues, calculations and permutations by the godfathers and their wards.

     

    The death of Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa, who was until Saturday, December 15, 2012, the governor of Kaduna State, has sent shockwaves across the state. It created a vacuum and a scramble has started.

    Already, the late Yakowa’s erstwhile deputy, Mukthar Ramalan Yero, has stepped in as the new governor.

    However, it is not the same story for the position of deputy governor, which consequently became vacant. The scenario has thrown open yet another contest and high-class lobbying among political players in Southern Kaduna where Yakowa hailed from. Interestingly, Kaduna, the heart of Northern Nigerian politics, is politically divided into two – Northern and Southern Kaduna. And the state is constitutionally divided into three senatorial zones.

    Since the creation of Katsina out of the old kaduna State, the tradition has been that when a Muslim becomes governor, a Christian is made the deputy. This is the crux of the interest currently going on towards the appointment of a deputy governor for the state.

    The Nation gathered that many names are currently being bandied by political actors in the state.It has been reported that less than 24 hours after Yakowa’s death, his Principal Private Secretary, Allahmagani Yohanna, is receiving critical support to atep up as deputy governor. This, an inside source said, has angered Yakowa’s wife who felt that it was a betrayal on the part of any of Yakowa’s aides to be showing interest in the office so soon after his tragic death.

    Further findings by The Nation revealed that many other names are being thrown up. They include the current Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state, Ambassador Nuhu Bajoga; former Minister of State for Power, Nuhu Wya; former Secretary to Kaduna State Government and ex-Minister, Felix Hassan Hyat; and Mrs. Charity Shekari, former Commissioner for Health who was wife of Stephen Shekari, the late Deputy Governor of the state..

    Southern Kaduna elders are believed to be against the appointment of Mrs Yakowa as deputy governor. According to sources close to them, they believe that appointing her to such a position would amount to belittling her husband.

    The source said: “The Bible says that the husband and wife are one. So, we believe that Yakowa and his wife were one and if they want to honour him in death with such an appointment, they should look for any of his relations qualifies for such a position since his children may not be up to the constitutionally required age.”

    Another source argued: “As the First Lady, the wife of Yakowa’s Deputy was always coming to take instructions from her. If you appoint her as deputy governor now, she will be taking instructions from the First Lady who was her subordinate before this unfortunate incident. That will amount to humiliating her and the memory of her husband.”

    This perhaps explains why the elders of Southern Kaduna are opposed to having her appointed to that position”. But such arguments mean nothing to those who are pushing for her appointment. They believe that there is nothing wrong in such an appointment.

    Some southern Kaduna elders, The Nation also learnt, are pushing for the appointment of Mrs Charity Shekari as the new deputy governor. The death of Stephen Shekari, an engineer, paved the way for Yakowa to become deputy governor in 2005 and she was later appointed a Commissioner by Yakowa when he assumed office as governor in 2010.

    Charity, a strong member of the ruling PDP, is considered one of the strongest women political players in the area. She is believed to be intelligent, articulate and a team player. And above all, she is believed to be close to the Namadi Sambo Group. Some of the elders in southern Kaduna believe that she will make a good deputy governor and is therefore considered one of the top contenders even though she has not shown any obvious interest in the position.

    However, the Vice President, Mohammed Namadi Sambo, who is currently building his political block in the North, is believed to favour his friend and former Minister of State for Power, Nuhu Wya. He is said to have spoken to some of the southern Kaduna elders about his preference.

    Investigations, however, revealed that Wya’s acceptability in the southern part of the state where he hails from has waned considerably. His people were said to have complained bitterly that when he was Minister, he did nothing to empower them.

    Under the Yakowa-led government, Wya headed the Committee on Power Generation in the state and has his closeness to the Vice President working in his favour. Observers are of the belief that for a man trying to build a political empire and for a government trying to gain the confidence of the people, the appointment of Wya may stand on his way to achieving success in that regard, especially in Southern Kaduna that is predominantly a PDP-controlled area.

    A meeting of the elders from the area is said to be taking place at the residence of Retired General Zamani Lekwot to deliberate on the issue in order to make their position known to the government. But at the time of this report, Wya and Charity still top the list of favourites.

    Another candidate who is reportedly enjoying good followership in southern Kaduna and thus stands a chance is Felix Hassan Hyet, a former Minister who served the Makarfi-led government as Secretary to the Government. Though reports say he is enjoying robust support from his people, he is not known to belong to the Sambo camp. Rather, he is well known as a member of Makarfi’s political camp. Some political analysts in the state believe that appointing him to such a position would mean strengthening the Makarfi camp and this is something that the Sambo camp where the new governor belongs would want to prevent. Though both Sambo and Makarfi have constantly told those who care to listen that they are still good friends, many believe that their relationship has grown worse over the years. The relationship between the two is one of the major factors that may work against Hyet’s candidature.

    The current Chairman of the PDP in the state, Ambassador Nuhu Bajoga, is another man that is close to the Vice President in the southern Kaduna’s political enclave. Bajoga is an ally of former Executive Secretary of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF), Hamisu Yusuf, popularly known as Mairago who is believed to be one of the Vice President’s most trusted allies in the state.

    Bajoga, a former top executive of Ashaka Cement is well respected among the old and the young in southern Kaduna, but he is said to have some health challenges, but his name is high on the stake and some of the Vice President’s men are backing and pushing him forward for the position.

    Among Yakowa’s aides, Allahmagani Yohanna stands as one of the most favoured. He has worked as a Commissioner in the state and was Yakowa’s Principal Private Secretary. But a group of youths from Yakowa’s Jama’a Local Government Area wants the position to go to Ayuba Natsa, an architect who is believed to be Yakowa’s relation and served as his Special Adviser on Project.

    The group’s spokesman, John Yuhusa, told The Nation that in the absence of Ayuba, the powers that be should consider the Commissioner for Water Resources, Sunday Marshal Katung or the man who represents Jama’a Sanga in the House of Representatives, Shehu Garba Sarki for the position.

    However, as the days go by, there is the possibility of a dark horse emerging for the job from the growing political camp of the Vice President especially in southern Kaduna.

     

     

  • Growing row over 2013 budget

    Growing row over 2013 budget

    The Senate has promised to pass the 2013 Budget before the end of this month. But, unresolved differences between the legislature and the executive may frustrate the bid. Assistant Editor ONYEDI OJIABOR reports moves being made to achieve the feat.

    The Senate is determined to pass the 2013 Appropriation Bill on or before December 20, 2012 when it is expected to go on the Christmas break.. If the lawmakers succeed, the feat will mark a major shift from the awkward practice of the annual budget being repeatedly passed in the following fiscal year.

    The 2012 Appropriation Bill, for instance, was embarrassingly passed in March by the Parliament and signed into law in April. It has to be stated, however, that the late passage of the Appropriation Bill is not entirely the fault of the National Assembly.

    Late presentation of the bill by the executive arm of government has been largely blamed for the inability of the Parliament to endorse the fiscal document on time.

    This year, if the optimism of the Senate President, David Mark, is anything to go by, the trend of late passage of the budget will become history.

    Mark has already given the matching order to standing committees of the Senate to submit the reports of budget defence by ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) to the joint Senate Committee on Appropriation and Finance for compilation and presentation to the Senate.

    The matching order was not without a warning, apparently, to drive home the need for compliance. Mark warned that the joint Senate Committee on Appropriation and Finance is at liberty to adopt spending estimates submitted by the executive if any committee fails to submit its report.

    Good as early passage of the Appropriation Bill may be, National Assembly watchers are worried that Nigerians may never know to what extent the parliament has been able to scrutinize government spending estimates over the years.

    Some of the observers believe that it is possible that the lawmakers have never examined government spending proposals as closely as the law empowers them to do.

    Some blame the anomaly on limited time available to the parliament to perform this all important duty while others lay the blame on increasing size of government and its MDAs.

    Yet another group say the problem should be attributed to lack of fiscal expertise, skill, proficiency and capacity to conduct in-depth forensic examination of government spending proposals.

    Although a number of the senate committees showed signs of seriousness in the examination of the fiscal estimates of MDAs under their supervision, others glossed over the exercise.

    Some of the committees even held their budget defence in camera creating the impression of a hidden agenda in an exercise that should have been conducted in the open.

    The business as usual attitude of some committees in the consideration of the budget proposal left desperate MDAs with disproportionate and obviously bloated budget figures.

    Some MDAs that were obviously not prepared to defend their budgets simply appeared in the Senate to fulfil all righteousness.

    Some MDAs also deliberately denied parliamentarians valuable facts that would have assisted them to do a thorough examination of the proposals.

    As if that is not serious enough, most of the revenue yielding agencies did not appear before the Senate Committees to defend their budget as stipulated by law.

    The refusal of the agencies to present their spending plans before the parliament for scrutiny may have underscored the widely held view that “a government that is less and less accountable to parliament, is hardly able to account at all.”

    The worrisome situation re-enforces the perception by most Nigerians that their elected representatives may never know how much accrues to government in any fiscal year.

    It should also be said that the refusal of some revenue yielding agencies to present their budgets for examination is part of the persisting culture of impunity in the country.

    Section 80(4) of the Constitution clearly stated that “No moneys shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Revenue Fund or any other public fund of the Federation, except in the manner prescribed by the National Assembly.”

    While some government agencies have consistently paid no attention to the constitutional provision, others hide under nebulous justification to flout the provision.

    That may explain why pervasive corrupt tendencies are prevalent in most of the agencies.

    The idea that over the years budget defence by MDAs has been largely reduced to a jamboree or at best an annual budgetary ritual may also explain why the federal government has not really been bothered about budget implementation.

    The unhealthy situation of poor budget implementation is not helped by instances of failure of oversight.

    What the MPs did with the 2012 spending plans was more or less “garbage in garbage out” as the National Assembly virtually returned the budget estimate as presented by the Executive.

    The MPs claimed that the decision to adopt the budget proposal as presented by the Executive was to avoid being accused of “padding” the budget.

    If the measure was meant to engender improved implementation of the budget, that was not to be.

    The level of implementation of the 2012 budget has remained a source of friction between members of the National Assembly and the Presidency.

    Those in the know say that the level of implementation of the budget is no more than “35 per cent”.

    The Presidency faulted the claim saying that the budget achieved over 69 per cent implementation as at September.

    The House of Representatives, particularly, cried blue murder and threatened not to have any thing to do with the 2013 budget until the Executive showed sufficient reason why it failed to implement the 2012 spending plans.

    Though the House later soft-pedalled after several entreaties by some influential Nigerians, the perception that the Executive arm of government may not be interested in implementing the budget has subsisted.

    In the Senate one of the agencies that received several knocks over its activities is the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE-P).

    The joint Senate and House of Representatives Committee on Petroleum (downstream), which examined the spending plans of the SURE-P asked the government to scrap the agency for allegedly spending huge sums of money on moribund projects.

    For some members of the joint committee, SURE-P has failed to impact on the lives of Nigerians through clear cut infrastructural provision.

    But the Dr. Christopher Kolade led agency disagreed with the lawmakers.

    A member of the Committee, Hon. Peter Akpatason (Akoko-Edo Federal Constituency) felt that all the interventions made by the SURE-P fell into existing projects of the Federal Government being handled by relevant agencies.

    Akpatason said, “Our belief is that road projects, the most prominent like the East-West road, is the responsibility of the government. East-West road has been there over the years and funds have been appropriated for its construction. Why is it that it is the same thing the ministries have been doing that SURE-P is putting money into? What is the job of the ministries? If the ministries were efficient, why are we having this backlog of uncompleted projects?

    “We are of the opinion that the SURE-P should be fully responsible for identifying new projects and participating in the procurement phase to the extent of awarding contracts and financing such projects. But if SURE-P is to continue to finance portions of projects that ministries have been responsible for, then there is no need for it to continue to exist.”

    For Senator Danjuma Goje, the existence of SURE-P is an indication that the Federal Government has lost confidence in the ability of the ministries to carry out their mandates.

    The former Gombe State governor insisted that the money given to SURE-P ought to have been given to the ministries.

    “I see confusion and duplication of functions some where in all these. It is either you give the money to the ministries or you give SURE-P the money. It is not neat for one person to award a contract and another person pays for it,” Goje said.

    The lawmakers saw SURE-P as another avenue to spend money on overhead even with the growing concern that overhead is taking a large chunk of the national budget.

    Kolade told the lawmakers that N135 billion accrued to the agency in 2012 as Federal government share of the partial deregulation petroleum downstream of the oil industry.

    He listed some projects where the funds have been applied to include social safety nets like maternal and child health, public works for youths, mass transit, vocational training centres and culture and tourism (capacity building) which he said gulped N16.7billion.

    Kolade also told the committee that the agency augmented the construction of the East West Road, Lokoja-Abuja Road, Benin-Ore-Shagamu Road, Kano-Maiduguri road, Port Harcourt-Enugu-Onitsha Road and the second Niger Bridge (counterpart funding) to the tune of N27.34billion.

    He added that the sum of N9.276billion has been spent on the Lagos-Kano, Port Harcourt – Maiduguri, and Kano – Abuja rail project while the agency spent N299million on consultancy and logistics. He also gave the committee’s breakdown of expenditure.

    Observers say that it is interesting that the MPs may pass the budget before the end of the year. A feat, they say, has never happened since the return of democracy in 1999.

    But what is of more interest, they declared, is that the parliamentarians should learn to do the needful – track expenditure of appropriated funds by MDAs through purposeful oversight.

     

  • How to avert voter apathy  in Lagos, by LASIEC

    How to avert voter apathy in Lagos, by LASIEC

    Lagos State Independent Electoral Commission (LASIEC) yesterday expressed worries over recurrent voter apathy in the state, urging traditional rulers and community leaders to mobilise people for future local government polls.

    Its chairman, Justice Fatai Adeyinka (rtd), lamented the decline in the turnout of registered voters at periodic elections. He said democracy cannot be sustained by the reluctance of people to choose or reject their leaders during elections. The former Chief Judge of Lagos State said, since local government is the closest to the grassroots, more people should turn out to vote for the chairmanship and councillorship candidates.

    Adeyinka spoke in Lagos at the ‘Civic populace stakeholders’ forum’ organised by the commission. It was attended by representatives of the state Council of Obas and Chiefs, market men and women associations, council chairmen and councillors, and community development associations. At the forum, a member of Lagos State House of Assembly, Mrs. Funmilayo Tejuoso, delivered a lecture titled: “Building a culture of effective representation: The role of a civic populace”. She said the people have uncritically confused the roles of the legislature with the executive, thereby rebuking legislators for lapses committed by the executive arm of government. Tejuoso pointed out that many voters expected lawmakers to construct roads and provide other social amenities, despite the fact that they lack the constitutional power to implement the budget.

    Frowning at voters’ apathy, he said: “Organising elections in which participation and turnout is low is a frustrating experience for election managers. Low turnout at elections denies the populace the opportunity to exercise their civic right and duty”.

    In 2008, 4.1 million voters registered ahead of the council polls. Only 1,5 million voted, representing 25 percent of the registered voters. The figures declined in 2011. While 6.1 million voters registered, 781,363 voted, representing 12.76 per cent.

    Adeyinka appealed to Lagosians to embrace voting at grassroots elections as a patriotic duty in the interest of democracy. He said a vibrant and active civic populace should promote public trust, foster accountability and build support for democratic values in the state by participating in governance through the choice of democratic leaders.

    The LASIEC boss highlighted the roles of the community leaders in mobiisation for democracy. He said: “The role of the civic populace in any democracy is of utmost importance as these groups are the closest to the grassroots. The civic populace interacts with the electorate on daily basis. They also provide spiritual, moral and commercial assistance to the people. The elders and leaders can significantly influence the level of citizen education and participation and contribute to the transparency and fairness in any electoral process”.

    Urging the traditional and religious leaders to discharge their obligations to the polity, Adeyinka said they should build a culture of encouraging their people to appreciate the significance of periodic elections. He added: “We all have the right to take part in the governance of this nation, directly or indirectly, by choosing our representatives through the electoral process. The collective will and trust of our people are the basis of authority of government. This authority is exercised periodically through the conduct of elections into various offices”.

    Tejuoso, who is a former deputy speaker of the House of Assembly, conducted political education for participants at the forum. She stressed the constitutional attainment of school certificate for eligible office holders in the country, adding that aspirants are not required to forge the certificate, even if they came out with poor results.

    The legislator also highlighted the functions of the legislature, clarifying that they are not in charge of execution of projects. She pointed out that House of Representatives members may implement some constituency projects because they get constituency allowances for them. But she said that state legislators can only lobby the executive to attract projects to their constituencies.

    Tejuoso stressed: “It is important to quickly point out that legislators don’t construct roads, award contracts, provide water or electricity. It is not our job, but that of the executive. Legislators lobby to get some of these things done, to attract these things to our constituencies. Basically, our responsibilities revolve around making laws that would bring about good governance in all ramifications”.

    The lawmaker said effective representation also required gathering views of constituents and reflecting them at the level of decision making. She however lamented that the economic downturn had beclouded the perception of the people about the roles of the legislators.

    Tejuoso said: “Because of the poverty challenges, we have become the provider of solutions to economic challenges in our constituencies. Many of our constituents approach us for financial help during the wedding and naming ceremonies of their children. When we wake up, people are lining up to see us. When we get to the office, people are waiting to see us. When we get home in the night, they are there to see us for solutions to their economic problems. Unfortunately, the resources available are never sufficient to meet these challenges”.

    The lawmaker said when a legislators boasts of attracting good roads to their constituencies, people usually discourage them by urging them to “tar our mouths, instead of tarring our toads”. Tejuoso also complained that street urchins, popularly known as ‘area boys’ often harass lawmakers, oblivious of the fact they depend on their salaries to survive.

    She urged the constituents to cooperate with the legislature by furnishing information on the needs of their needs to the legislators who live among them. She said that the people can also monitor the implementation of government projects by reporting to the appropriate agencies the observable lapses of the contractors on site. Tejuoso however, warned them not to convert project monitoring into an opportunity to extort the contractors, warning that it would be counter-productive.

    The lawmaker also urged the people to project government’s assets and projects in their environment. She said maintenance culture involves the protection of public utilities, especially roads, transformers, hospitals and other social infrastructure, adding that people should also refrain from building on canals.

    Tejuoso added: “Let it be known that legislators are not out to steal money. As we request for your cooperation, you must appreciate that the communal interest must supersede individual interest. So, instead of abusing us that we have not given you money, you should criticise us if your roads are not tarred”.

     

  • Obi’s moves against underdevelopment

    Obi’s moves against underdevelopment

    Governor Peter Obi is a man in a hurry. He has barely one year to bow out of the stage in Anambra State. His budget just presented to the state House of Assembly is meant to illustrate his bid to ensure that anambra joins the league of relatively developed states of the country.

    Therefore, the administration of Anambra State Governor Peter Obi could be said to be footing the bills of those who elected him, through his Anambra State Integrated Development Strategy (ANIDS).

    Besides, his land mark trade in fighting crimes in the state is enormous. This explains the number of vehicles his administration has given out to the state Police Command, the Military, Civil Defence and other security outfits.

    In the area of Health, Education, Agriculture, Commerce and Industry, Obi has really excelled in Anambra State not to talk of infrastructure.

    Not only that, there is a new lease of life in Anmabra State schools since he gave back over 1,000 schools to the churches in the state.

    The governor has spent over ten billion naira on schools in recent times, with each school getting between 10 to 20 million naira in all the 21 local government areas in the state.

    The only area where people believe Obi has not fared well is the non-conduct of local government election in the state, which according to investigation, has been prolonged following the court case instituted by former chairman of Anambra State Independent Electoral Commission (ANSIEC), Prof. Titus Ezeh.

    Obi has used his ANIDS programme to tackle frontally, all development projects in the state and thus, meeting the challenges of democratic development in the state.

    In his opinion, the member representing Anaocha 1 constituency in the Anambra House of Assembly, Hon Ebele Ejiofor, who spoke to The Nation a few days ago, Anambra State had never had it so good before now.

    The lawmaker is of the view that Obi is a kind of Messiah sent by God to deliver Anambra State from infrastructural decay and take it to the next level.

    Ejiofor said Obi had weathered the storm in the state and if it were possible for him to continue another term, the people of Anambra would love it.

    According to him, “ANIDS accomplishments in road construction are truly heartwarming, over 500 kilometer of roads have been constructed and these roads are there for people to see’’

    “The successful completion of the first ever electronic stock exchange building, completion of business parks in the state, the building of five star hotel in Onitsha which is on going and the steps being taken to revolutionalize commerce in the state.

    “Also, the jinx of portable water has been broken with the completion of major water schemes, which had before now defied all solutions. For example, the commissioning of Amawobia water scheme by Obi, the Obizi water scheme in Uga Aguata, which unfortunately was taken over by flood recently, and numerous water bore holes being provided.

    “ There has been a very big leap in the Agricultural sector with over 200 new tractors with full complements have been purchased, loans that have been given to farmers amounted to over two billion naira, while the State Collage of Agriculture in Mgbakwu has taken off longtime ago with many buildings.

    “My brother, what else can we discuss about Peter Obi’s administration, is it the Teaching Hospital in Awka, which has since been completed, is it youth and sports, though our athletes did not perform well in Lagos recently in Eko 2012.

    “So, Governor Obi has left an indelible mark that will be difficult for anybody to match in this state. What we are praying for him is that God should intervene in 2014 election to send somebody from APGA that can fit into Obi’s big shoes’,’ Ejiofor said.

    Furthermore, Obi has equally worked harmoniously with the legislative arm in the state, making tongues to wag that the assembly members are rubber stamps to the executive.

    His administration’s cordial relationship with the legislature which was lacking in Anambra State before now, has been the moving force in the developmental strides in the state.

    Ejiofor said,’’ Some people in the state have designed all sorts of names for the state lawmakers because of our relationship with Obi, but we can not go against the man who has turned around Anambra State.

    “Members of the House of Assembly and majority of the people in the state including our Speaker, Chinwe Nwebili, are happy with the governor, if we fight him without any cause, what people are witnessing today in this state will not be there.

    “When the lawmakers fought in the past against the governors, where did it lead us to, nowhere, rather, it dragged the state backwards, so, we do not regret working harmoniously with our governor, and he has done well for those who elected him’’

    “On industrialization, Obi has moved mountains by establishing SAB miller and the likes and thereby putting the state in the committee of industrial nations, which was lacking since the creation of the state”

    Recently, Obi drags the president, Dr Goodluck Jonathan to Anambra to commission the Orient Oil Refinery, where he has invested the state’s billions of naira and very soon the state will start reaping the dividends of the oil sector as the state has become oil producing.

    As his tenure ends shortly, Obi has continued to commission new roads especially in virtually all the 177 communities in the state, a feat which other out-going governors can not do.

    “Anybody, who has any negative thing to say against Governor Obi is either a member of opposition or an enemy of progress; we have never had it so good in this state,’’ Ejiofor said.