Category: Politics

  • Understanding Imo politics

    THE first question that I know my readers are likely to ask is why Imo? During the week, I had the opportunity of attending the presentation in Owerri of two new titles by a colleague and friend, Ethelbert Okere. Okere was a Special Adviser to former Governor Ikedi Ohakim. The flagship of the books, Democracy by Military Tank should interest any political reporter and writer. I got an autographed copy in October and had time to read through, chew and inwardly digest the content.

    I was at the launch at the invitation of the author and was also saddled with the task of presenting the review written by The Nation’s editorial board chairman, Mr. Sam Omatseye. The book was the author’s account of the 2011 election and how his boss, Ohakim, was robbed of victory. It is a presentation of all that is ugly about politics, the conduct of public policy and governance in Nigeria. But I found it interesting because it can only promote the reader’s understanding of Nigeria’s politics and politicking. It is, in other words, a manual on how to successfully engage in politics in Imo in particular, and Nigeria in general.

    As I read through the book, I had a better appreciation of why nothing works in Nigeria. It opened my eyes further to realise the contribution of the judiciary, the electoral commission and the security agencies to the rot in the society.

    Before now, I had thought that the former Independent National Electoral Commission boss Maurice Iwu is more of a partisan agent than an electoral umpire, but I had no proof. In Okere’s book, the evidence is presented. Iwu worked closely with the ruling party in Imo State and Okere confirmed that. Okere has this to say: “Chief (Cosmas) Iwu’s exit from the PDP was also interpreted to mean that there was no love lost between the party and his elder brother, Professor Maurice Iwu who, though was generally seen as non-partisan, was at the same time perceived as nursing a lot of sympathy for the PDP.”

    In another paragraph, Okere submits, “as a matter of fact, there were speculations that Professor Iwu had become a major financier of the ACN even at the national level, a charge which was vehemently denied. But whether he was in ACN or not, one thing was quite clear to even the least discerning observer of Imo politics. It was that professor Iwu had completely withdrawn his sympathy and support for the incumbent governor, Ikedi Ohakim, who was seeking reelection on the platform of the PDP.”

    The Okere book has shown that some of those who grace the exalted seat of Chief Electoral umpires are not men of honour. It seeks to support the thesis that the government in power merely pretends to seek men of stature and integrity to handle the sensitive assignment. At the point of appointment, Iwu was presented as one of those who had the 2003 election, a professor of Pharmacology who was respected internationally, an ideologue at the University of Nigeria Nsukka who had distinguished himself in ASUU politics and could therefore be relied on to work for the country, fight for the people and work for national progress. Well, how well he achieved that is well known to all.

    Imo politics is not just about the Iwu clan. It is a shame that Christian denominations play large roles. Okere points out the role that the Catholic Church played in 2011. In organizing a debate, Okere states that the Archbishop of Owerri made very weighty and suggestive interventions. E presents that Church hierarchy as supporting Rochas Okorocha, a professed Catholic, as against Ohakim, an Anglican.

    After reading the book, it would be clear that the ghost of the April 26 and May 6 elections in Imo are yet to be laid to rest. As in some other parts of the country, no one can clearly, in good conscience answer the question: Who won the governorship election in the state.

    It could be said as a friend from the state argued that it would be erroneous to isolate the 2011 governorship election. What happened in the presidential election? The votes recorded in the more contentious governorship poll were considerably lower that what was recorded a week earlier for President Jonathan. Jonathan was credited with more that 1.3 million votes to about 700,000 in the governorship poll. It stands logic on the head.

    Could, indeed, the conduct of the 2007 election that brought Ohakim to power be said to be qualitatively better than the 2011, especially realizing that Iwu who is here presented as partisanly active superintended the earlier poll? If Martin Agbaso and Ifeanyi Araraume were to present their accounts of the 2007 poll, it is obvious that it would stink as much as Okere’s account of the 2011 polls.

    It is obvious that if Oguta, Ohaji-Egbema and Mbaitoli votes were discounted, Okorocha would not be in office. But, should the people be disenfranchised? What happened to the poll of April 26 in the local government areas? And, as a tie back, why was the election of April 29, 2007 cancelled? In Nigerian politics, the more you look, the less you see.

  • Distractions of Oyo irritants

    Sometimes, you cannot but pity ordinary Nigerian people. Due to the progressive worsening of their affairs over the years, especially at the governmental level, they are, most often than not, easy preys to demagogic adulations and selfish analyses. Because they are perceived to have faint memory, ability to deploy rigour in the estimation of political salesmen who canvass tendentious issues, is seldom put to play. This makes the landscape brim with charlatans who brow-beat us all with uncritical submissions that we cannot or fail to interrogate. I reckon that if such salesmen are abreast of our ability to deploy critical thinking, mental rigour and then shuttle into yesterday in coming to conclusions about issues they bring to our attention, they would be frightened off the peremptory ways they take us for granted.

    Mr. Dele Adigun has traversed very sensitive and highly-rated offices in Oyo State that qualify him to be rated an emeritus. He has been Director in the civil service, Permanent Secretary, commissioner and Secretary to the State Government. In saner climes, he should be a depository of knowledge and government after government should scramble to drink from his brook of wisdom. His contemporary in the state is, highly respected Alhaji Diti Oladapo. Any government Oladapo loans a piece of advice has struck gold; the one that waffles loses life-long investment.

    But Adigun is a politician. Upon retirement from the service, he has, like a restless troubadour, walked through the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), serving both political leaders like Rasidi Ladoja and Adebayo Alao-Akala. At the expiration of the governments of both, Adigun made spirited but failed attempts to berth at the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and eventually landed at the Accord Party (AP). It is common knowledge in Oyo State that the ex-civil servant is preening himself for the gubernatorial ticket of Ladoja’s AP and as such his restless and hyper vigor to be seen as the most recent people’s ombudsman.

    Of recent, Adigun’s penchant for intervening in issues of governance has reached a crescendo. One thread that runs through his pieces is the state of accumulated rot, literally and metaphorically, in Oyo State, which he acknowledges are massive and accumulated. The question to ask is, Adigun, having been at the front-burner of governments in the last decade, how implicated is he in this decadence? Has he adequately explained his Ibadan channelization project during the Chinyere Nwosu era? Could it be mischief or naivety that he would denigrate a government that has chosen as its credo, infrastructural renewal of this accumulated rot, a government which is undertaking more road rehabilitation projects than all the governments Adigun served combined? Is it the touted gubernatorial ambition of this former PS that has jaundiced his reasoning or, ab-initio, he is a case of over-celebrated nothingness that has deposited the previous Oyo State in its valley of hopelessness?

    A case in point is his  “Distractions in governance, perfidy in Oyo State”, which bears striking Siamese resemblance to an earlier piece entitled “Disconnect in Oyo’s N50b bond”. Riddled with vain and incongruous self-glorification and what 19th century British writer, Oscar Wilde, in his De Profundis, called violence of opinion and epileptic fury, the piece lacks the sophistication of the office Adigun occupied.

    First, he used the occasion of the piece to justify his gaffe of not being able to distinguish between a bond and a loan. His error of mind was justified by his reference to ex-Osun governor, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, as having collected a bond from the market. Which is a mis-match. Does anyone have to be a finance expert to know that, all over the world, loans in themselves are not evil but their deployment? Great economies of the world are run on loans and bonds. The tragedy of borrowing is using short-term loans to finance long-term projects. Oyo State government is not implicated in this financial malfeasance.

    My allegation of naivety or mischief, or both, on the part of Adigun runs thus: First, the Oyo government, in building a five-star hotel at Mokola, is doing that in partnership with an investor. Adigun has accused government of wastage of the bond fund on hotel. Can he pretend not to be abreast of the prevailing discourse and situation?

    Adigun wonders why government must build a housing estate. His argument falls under the inductive argumentative pitfall. Its analogy runs thus: Because a particular cookie is green and tasty, all green cookies are tasty. Because Lam Adesina and Ladoja, according to him, embarked on barren housing ventures, Ajimobi’s too would be barren. Even sophomore students of logic know that this is vacuous, tendentious and hyper epistemic. However, Ajimobi’s housing estates are conceived as a PPP and funds for the infrastructure on those estates, meant to be provided by government, are the ones built into the bond. Could it be that Adigun’s theorizations are anemic of facts or he is merely embarking on a high-wire manipulation to earn the adulation of his co-travelers on this travel? The same suffices for his denunciation of the circular road which he claimed he and Ladoja conceived, before his decamping to Alao-Akala’s side. This is being conceived as a PPP.

    Adigun doesn’t want Oyo government to build silos. His reasoning is that it is ‘puerile and infantile, which is amusing. Government did its research and discovered that in Oyo, the problem is not about agricultural production but wastage of produce during the season. The research confirmed that close to 70% of production during the year is wasted due to lack of storage. Government thus decided to arrest this wastage by constructing silos. This is in concert with the enhanced supply of farm inputs and the introduction of YES-O agriculture extension cadets from the state’s youth empowerment scheme. If the state expects more agriculture production because of these initiatives, it is imperative to address the problem of storage that has led to wastage in the past.

    I became a subject of Adigun’s misguided venom thereafter. Rather than reply him, however, I take his vituperation as my own modest recompense in the quest to make Oyo better.

    It is no wonder that Adigun has an aversion for the intellect. The governors he served were embarrassments to their minders in the public. In Oyo at the moment, we have a reversal of this seemingly intangible but significant milestone. Omololu Olunloyo makes peremptory reference to this. After him and Bola Ige, he says matter-of-factly, none of the governors who ruled Oyo State ever went to proper school until now. This reflects in the way outsiders view an indigene of the state. They believe that Tokyo or Auxiliary, breeds of governments that Adigun served, are the signposts of the knowledge base of Oyo State.

    In rebranding Oyo as the place to be, we needed to tell the world that infrastructural renewal and a knowledgeable man at the driver’s seat are not mutually exclusive. Aside constructing over 200 roads, far more than Ladoja and Alao-Akala ever did combined, dualizing about seven roads in the state, building a fly-over, the last time this was done being 30 years ago, rehabilitating schools, some of whose pupils, until of recent, sat with chairs provided by the Bola Ige government, there is also the need for the public to have the feel that the Adigun-type governors have been incinerated in Oyo State.

    Adigun dwelled extensively on cants and sophistries. While in one breath acknowledging that there are so many construction projects ongoing in Oyo State as reflected in “inefficiency in project management” which he said had bred traffic chaos, he, in another breath, said nothing was being done in the state. The truth of our state at the moment is that the Adiguns, for more than a decade now, abetted the progressive decay of Oyo State and Ajimobi is unlucky to be the recipient of the residue of a state they brought to dilapidated state. No foundation did he meet but rot and a once glowing past. No template for good governance but mementos of bar room politics, otherwise known as amala politics and governmental heist. Unmaintained bridges are falling; un-swept dirt are mounting; haphazardly done roads are giving way and the more Ajimobi tries, the more the ridges of ineptitude of the Adigun years show their lacunae.

    But like a matador that he is, Ajimobi’s lingo is, backward to the Adigun years never, forward to the new Oyo State ever!

    • Dr. Adedayo is Governor Abiola Ajimobi’s Special Adviser on Media.

  • BoT Chair: PDP’s frantic search for its conscience

    BoT Chair: PDP’s frantic search for its conscience

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has announced Tuesday, January 8, as the date for the emergence of a new chairman of its Board of Trustees. In this report, AUGUSTINE AVWODE and JEREMIAH OKE examine the challenges the next chairman would contend with and the leading aspirants for the post.

    The rather frenetic dimension which the race for the chairmanship of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has assumed seems to have taken many by surprise. It underscores a party’s frantic search for its conscience. The Board, according to the PDP Constitution, is saddled with the task of serving as “the conscience” of the party.

    Article 12.80(a) of the Constitution says, the Board of Trustees shall: “Ensure highest standards of morality in all the activities of the party by acting as the conscience of the party, with power to call to order any officer of the party whose conduct falls below the norms”.

    Besides, in Section 12.80 (b-i) the Board is further charged to “ensure high morale of members of the party and that the party enjoys a good image before the Nigerian populace and is in good political health; harmonize, co-ordinate, review and advice on policies, programmes and activities of the party at the national level; coordinate the sourcing of party funds; be vested with the assets of the party and shall serve as custodians of such assets; mediate in disputes between the executive and legislative arms of government”, among others.

    These may be the stated roles, but, as a result of the opersonalities of the former holders of the office, it has been more involved in the critical aspects of running the party which are ordinarily reserved for the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Working Committee. Both the chairman and the secretary are members of the NEC.

    The Board, some members have pointed out, has miserably failed to live up to expectation since inception in 1999 till April this year when former President Olusegun Obasanjo suddenly resigned from its chairmanship.

    The BoT was expected to wade into the crisis of confidence that rocked the party after the July 10, 2003abduction of a sitting governors elected on its platform in Anambra State. The inexplicable development was traced to a faction of the rulling party. Curiously, the Federal Government controlled by the party and other national organs of the party all watched helplessly. The BoT could not rally efforts to save the party from the fallout.

    Literary icon, Professor Chinua Achebe was to cite that singular incidence as one of the reasons for rejecting a national honour Obasanjo was to confer on him, saying: “I have watched events in Nigeria with alarm and dismay. I have watched particularly the chaos in my own state of Anambra where a small clique of renegades, openly boasting its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom. I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance, of the Presidency…”

    It was just one of the many low sides of a party that has had the good fortune of ruling the country since the inception of the Fourth Republic, but has increasingly failed to demonstrate the capacity to grow the goodwill of Nigerians into a formidable asset through performance and increased popularity among the citizenry.

    The party has lived with alleged impunity, abuse of procedure and imposition of candidates and outright disregard for internal democracy. When the Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that Senator Ifeanyi Araraume was the duly nominated gubernatorial candidate of the party in Imo State, the party found it convenient to circumvent that ruling by not filling any candidate. It was yet another blight on the conscience of the party.

    The party was hit with a gale of high profile defections, especially as the 2007 elections approached. Besides, almost all state chapters were enmeshed in factional fighting. The party is yet to fully recover from these twin problems. And the 2011 election proved to be even more divisive for the party on account of its zoning policy. While a section of the party believes that the North should produce its presidential candidate, another section hold that it could not apply given the circumstances of the 2011 election. The animosity generated within the party is still haunting it today. Little wonder, national chairman Alhaji Bamanga Tukur made reconciliation a major point of his campaign and he has pursued it with much zest. This is the setting for the contest at hand.

    Crowded field

    Already, as many as 20 aspirants have been confirmed as having indicated interest in the job. Whoever emerges is expected to reposition the party and work with other organs to ensure that the party’s image in polished.

    From 1999, the PDP has had three BoT chairmen. They are former vice president, Dr Alex Ifeanyichukwu Ekwueme who held the office from 1999 to 2003. He was succeeded by Chief Tony Anenih between 2003 and 2007 while a former president Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, became the chairman in 2007 after he completed his tenure as the president. He assumed office in controversial circumstances following the amendment of the Constitution to make provision for only former presidents produced by the party to be the BoT chairman. But perhaps because of the unpopular nature of that piece of provision, it has been amended to throw the position of the chairman open to all members of the Board.

    In a telephone interview, the National Publicity Secretary of the party Chief Olisa Metuh said the party’s constitution had been amended to accommodate other members of the Board to take part in the election of its Chairman.

    Metuh explained that the development is to make room for participation by people who could take the party to the next level.

    Another member of the party who spoke with our correspondent on phone is the Director of the Organization of the party in Ogun State, Segun Sowunmi, who said the constitution was amended to accommodate others because the number of those who are the past presidents is very few and the party does not want the few people to be rotating the office between themselves.

    His words:, “the PDP constitution has been amended. It gives room to other members to contest because people who are former presidents are very few and we don’t want few people to occupy the office for so long. We need to throw it open so that credible and dignifying people will also emerge as the BoT chairman”.

    Sowunmi said : “The position of BoT is a very high and sensitive one in our party, no one can say the number of the people vying for the position for now, but I know the leaders of the party will choose a candidate who has the credentials, comportment, integrity, and quality to act in capacity of the BoT chairman. It is someone who has the experience and the exposure who can act effectively in the office. We are living that for our leaders to handle because the former president Obasanjo, National chairman of the party Bamanga Tukur, President Goodluck Jonathan and other leaders across the country in the party are well experienced to determine that.”

    The board is designed to reflect all the segments of the Nigerian community at the highest echelon of the party, and is made up of all past and serving Presidents and Vice Presidents who held or hold the respective posts as members of the party and who are still members of the party.

    Also, serving national chairmen, deputy national chairmen and national secretaries who are still members of the party are qualified to be members.

    All past and serving Presidents of the Senate and Speakers of the House of Representatives who are still members of the party; two women selected from each of the six geo-political zones; three members, at least one of whom shall be a woman from each of the six geo-political zones; and person(s) not exceeding six, who have contributed immensely to the growth of the party and found suitable by the Board. Importantly, the membership of the Board must reflect the federal character of Nigeria. It is out of these high calibre people, who must not be less than 50 years of age, that one of them would be crowned on January 8.

    As at the time of writing this report, the front runners for the race were former Senate President Ken Nnamani; former Minister of Works, Chief Anthony Anenih, who is making a come back bid; former PDP National Chairman Dr. Ahmadu Ali; former chairman of the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) Board of Trustees (BoT) Chief Harry Akande; former PDP Deputy National Chairman, Alhaji Shuaib Oyedokun, and PDP chieftain, Chief Emmanuel Iwanyanwu.

    The aspirants, it was learnt, have begun to intensify efforts at various levels to seek the support of the party’s gladiators. Some of them have crisscrossed the entire 36 states, taking their campaigns to the 120 members of the Board ahead of the January 8, contest.

    Expectations

    Whoever emerges as the chairman is expected to play a crucial role in stabilising the party in one form or another, especially as the politics of 2015 general election is increasingly coming into focus.

    Resolving the contentious zoning formula in a manner that it will not generate the type of bad blood as it did in the last general election will most likely be one area where the Board will be needed most. Besides, bringing a kind of lasting settlement to many state chapters that are plagued currently by factional crisis is another. Ensuring that the party obeys its rules and discard the infamous culture of imposition of candidate, a move that is sure to endear the party to its faithful is also imperative.

    Speaking to The Nation on Thursday, a chieftain of the party who craved anonymity, said there is a lot of challenges which the incoming Chairman of the BoT must rise up to. The party man who also doubles as an arrow head of Anioma Agenda, a group committed to the realisation of a governor of Anioma extraction in Delta State come 2015, listed ensuring ‘equity and fairness’ through the sustenance of the zoning policy as number one.

    “I tell you, my brother, the incoming chairman of the BoT has a big challenge. He must completely support the national executive committee to ensure that the party continues to uphold the policy of zoning. As far as we in Anioma are concerned, nothing is more important that ensuring equity, fairness and justice. The state belongs to all of us, and we must be made to feel a sense of belonging by producing the governor for the first time in 2015. PDP is the ruling party in Delta State.

    “There are other states, too, where PDP is the ruling party like Benue, Kogi, Cross River and others where some people are agonizing over the inability of their kinsmen to aspire to the number one seat in the state. It is not fair, it is not just. The cases in Kogi, Benue and Delta are particularly serious.”

    He added that the next challenge would be how to ensure that the image of the party is polished in the mind of Nigerians. He conceded that while many people are willing to identify with the party, the perception that most of the states controlled by the party are not performing optimally and often associated with mind boggling cases of corruption has mad it impossible for people to talk good of the party.

    “The leadership of our great party must know that people like this party but the image in their mind is no longer what it used to be. Why? Only few of the states controlled by the party are performing in terms of the provision of the dividends of democracy. And you also hear of big amounts involved in cases of corruption, fraud and economic crime against the people. These are some of the things the chairman that would be elected must help the national chairman to achieve.

    “I also hope that he would help the party to realise the reconciliation that has begun in the party. You recently heard that some people are against the return of some people in their state and all that, well, these were the things that happened and characterised the party before now. Things must change. The party must not fail Nigerians because if we fail generations unborn will not forgive us”, he said.

    The aspirants

    Chief Tony Anenih

    He had held the post before. A former minister for works, he is an experienced politician who is often credited with being able to do the seeming impossible. It is for this acclaimed ability to always deliver that he is called Mr Fix It. Anenih has held many high profile political appointments and has remained relevant in the corridors of power since the days of the late maximum dictator, General Sani Abacha. He joined People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in 1999 and was among the Presidential Policy Advisory Committee, 1999.

    Ahmadu Adah Ali

    Since 1999, he has been a member of the party. He served as a special assistant on South- South cooperation, (G77) and was appointed to head the University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital Board. In 2002, he was a campaign coordinator, North Central for the Obasanjo/Atiku re-election campaign. He was elected chairman of the party in 2005 as a replacement for Chief Audu Ogbeh. Though, Ali himself contested the chairmanship in 1999, but was beaten by Barnabas Gemade.

    Bode Olajumoke

    He is a chieftain and a member of the Board of Trustees. Running as a People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Bode Olajumoke was elected as senator in the 5th (2003-2007) National Assembly representing Ondo North Senatorial District, and was re-elected in 2007 for a further four-year term. He served as a member of senate committees on Navy, National Planning, Foreign Affairs, Employment, Labour & Productivity, Downstream Petroleum and Defence & Army. He was nominated by his political party UNCP to be Presidential Candidate for the elections held in 1999 in Nigeria. Presently, he is a member of the Board of Trustees of PDP and vying for the post of its chairmanship.

    Senator Ken Nnamani

    Ken Nnamani succeeded Adolphus Wabara as Senate President after Wabara was accused of corruption. Nnamani’s appointment came as a surprise as he was relatively new to the Senate and not well known in political circles.

    Nnamani has a difficult relationship with Olusegun Obasanjo. In 2006, he announced the Senate’s decision to throw out an amendment to Nigeria’s constitution that would have allowed Obasanjo to run for a third term.

    Chief Harry Akande

    Akande contested in the presidential primaries of ANPP in 2007 against Buhari. He left the ailing ANPP for the PDP before the 2011 general elections and was part of the campaign trail of President Jonathan. He is a chieftain of the People Democratic Party in the southwest before the 2011 general elections. Akande was reported to have spent a huge sum of money for the party in the last election. Considered to be straightforward, compassionate and intelligent, the choice of Akande by the leaders of the party in the Southwest was as a result of his contributions to the party. Now he is also interested in the race.

    Alhaji Shuaib Oyedokun

    He is a former Deputy National Chairman (South) of the PDP, Chief Shuaib Oyedokun, has never hidden the fact that he is an ally of the former vice-president Atiku Abubakar even when he held sway in the PDP. It was for his brazen support for Atiku that he was removed from office but he has been unrepentant in his support for the vice president. He is the real face of Atiku in the new faction. It was he who spoke with journalists over the emergence of the new faction. A major drawback for him in the new battle may be coming from the home front, shortly after he announced the formation of the new faction, the PDP in his home state dissociated itself from his action saying he was on his own.

    Shuaib Oyedokun is a member, board of trustees of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, is the arrowhead in the campaign for the postponement of the 2011 general elections and the handover date. His position was anchored on the need to give President Jonathan, political players, political parties and the new INEC leadership enough time to prepare and ensure the conduct of credible, free and fair elections in the country.

    The race for the BoT chairman is open to the entire contestant depending on the way each of them could convince the leaders of the party before the fixed date. But the chances of each of them also depend on the experience, interest of the leaders, charisma, and ability to convince the leaders before the deal day.

  • ‘It’s good INEC axed non-performing parties’

    ‘It’s good INEC axed non-performing parties’

    When last week the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) axed 28 non-performing parties there was a general outcry. But not so in Anambra State where politicians and stakeholders have heartly endorsed the action. NWANOSIKE ONU reports.

    Apart from three or four political parties, others have been largely non-existent in Anambra State. That was before the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) axed 28 parties last week for nnon-performance.

    The parties that could claim to be on ground and functional include the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Labour Party (LP), All Nigeria Peoples Party(ANPP) and perhaps, the Progressives People Alliance (PPA).

    Some of those that were de-registered only showed some flickers of being alive during the 2007 and 2010 governorship elections.

    These were the African Political System (APS), Hope Democratic Party (HDP) and National Solidarity Democratic Party (NSDP).

    And among the three, only two were actually visible and held forth some promise. The electorate in the state were even tempted to think that they had come to provide alternative platform for them.

    Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu, a well known politician in the state had left PDP to try his popularity in HDP with a senior lawyer in the state, Chief Mike Okoye as his deputy.

    On the other hand, another popular figure in the state’s political terrain, Dr Alex Obiogbolu pitched his tent with APS. Both politicians dumped the PDP when they were denied the party’s gubernatorial ticket.

    However, the de-registration of the parties last week made little or no meaning to these big time politicians as they had either retraced their steps back to the PDP or joined other parties in the state.

    Ukachukwu, refused to be joined in the tribunal matter initiated by his then deputy, Okoye of the HDP against the election of Governor Peter Obi. The matter was eventually quashed by the tribunal.

    As for Dr Obiogbolu, the era of APS ended immediately after the Governorship election as he went back to the more established PDP where he is already gunning for the Governorship election next year.

    Also, National Solidarity Democratic Party (NSDP) has gone into oblivion.

    It was learnt that many of the candidates who contested on the platform of one party or another during the last election was to spoil the show for the former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Prof Charles Chukwuma Soludo for selfish reasons.

    They were parties which hadn’t even a single one room office in the state and could not boast of state secretariats like the major ones.

    Some of the parties like African Liberation Party (ALP), Action Party of Nigeria (APM), Better Nigeria Progress Party (BNPP), Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA), Freedom Party of Nigeria (FPN), and Liberal Democratic Party of Nigeria (LDPN) among others were at best ‘briefcase’ political parties in the state.

    The former governorship candidate of APS in the state, Obiogbolu, told The Nation in the week that INEC Chairman, Prof Attahiru Jega was on the right track by de-registering some of those parties.

    He said he was of the belief that INEC boss is trying to strengthen democracy in the land by taking the action he took.

    According to Obiogbolu, ‘’for me, the INEC Chairman is applying the necessary tools as enshrined in the electoral guild lines, what he has done is important at this particular period of our democratic system’’.

    The ANPP Chairman, Chief Patrick Orjiako, questioned why INEC registered such parties in the first place, when it knew that they would not make any impact in the country’s political terrain.

    However, he was of the view that such de-registration would now strengthen the existing parties the more.

    In his words: “Politics is not a business of buying and selling, politics is a serious business, some of the people who floated political parties did it because INEC was giving subvention to the parties.

    ‘’ It was easy for the parties to carter for their members and perhaps sponsor candidates both at the states and national level. But when INEC took the decision of not giving money to political parties, most of those parties become handicapped.

    ‘’A political party should be able to win elections either at the level of councillorship, local government chairman, House of Assembly, National Assembly or Governorship. But I equally blame INEC on the other hand for registering such large number of parties, this is Nigeria and Africa and not America ‘’ Orjiako said.

    The Chairman of the PDP’s fresh congress group in Anambra State , Pastor, Emma Obiora, told The Nation in Awka that the move by INEC was a welcomed development.

    According to him, ‘’most of the parties were not functioning, then why should they exist, they should allow the functioning parties to operate and perform.

    “We in PDP like what INEC did by de-registering those non functional parties, if those parties had members, they should join those on the ground, this multi party system introduced in the system is also helping in killing democracy in the land,‘’Obiora said.

    A human rights activist and Anambra State coordinator, Transform Nigeria Movement (TNM), Comrade Obi Ochije, told The Nation in Awka that the INEC chairman needs commendation

    He said, ‘’Jega is right in what he has done, a political party should be able to win something during election no matter how small, but let those parties form a common front by coming together for fresh registration as a group, ‘’Ochije advised.

  • Awo and the civil war: The debate continues

    Awo and the civil war: The debate continues

    Dr Tony Nwaezeigwe joins the debate on the role played by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo as Minister of Finance during the civil war.  He argues that the late Leader of the Yoruba is being unduly vilified by Professor Chinua Achebe and other critics.

    The Igbo have a moral responsibility to begin to ask questions about the manner in which the secessionist state was run, before passing the buck to outsiders. Has anyone tried to ask why Ojukwu entrusted the responsibility of purchasing arms and ammunition to a lawyer and his kinsman, the same person he appointed to the all-important position of Home Affairs Commissioner, when professional military officers were available? Has the question been asked: why did Nnamdi Azikiwe abandon Biafra?

    This is the time for the Igbo to accept internal criticism as a catalyst for quality leadership and for the restoration of popular confidence. It takes only an Igbo mind free from the virus of ethnic bankruptcy to realise that the Yoruba are the most trusted and forgiving friends of the Igbo today. The records cannot be hiden. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, it must be said, rode through the political tutelage of Sir Herbert Macaulay and the bulk of the Yoruba still stood firm behind Zik even after his exit from Western Region.

    Is it not also on record that they enjoyed unrestrained formidable political largesse in Yorubaland during the First Republic , producing at the same time Vice Chancellors of Universities of Ibadan and Lagos , as well as the Rector of the Yaba College of Technology? Has it occurred to most Igbo that the Yoruba had reason to revolt against the Igbo for the killings of the January 15, 1966 coup, as did the North, remembering that Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun and Col Ralph Sodeinde were victims?

    Those who are ignorant of his past might not know that the worst enemies of the Igbo, past and present, are the Hausa-Fulani, beginning with the Kano riots of 1953 through the pogroms of 1966 and 67 to uncountable anti-Igbo riots showcasing the beheading of Gideon Akaluka in Kano, to the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) and Sharia, then the present  Boko Haram. This is why some Igbo quislings who are covertly rooting for General Muhammadu Buhari to rule this nation by attempting to create unnecessary political cracks between the Igbo and Yoruba will meet their political waterloo at the appropriate time. The words of Chief Obafemi Awolowo are clear. In an interview in 1983 at Abeokuta , which was moderated by Okparadike, Chief Awolowo had stated at length.                                                                                                 “As far as I know, the Ibo masses are friendly to me. In fact, whenever I visited Igboland, either Anambra or Imo, and there is no campaigning for elections on, the Ibo people received me warmly and affectionately. But there are some elements in Iboland who believe that they can maintain their popularity only by denigrating me, and so they keep on telling hies against me.”

    Could Chief Awolowo be faulted, given the present circumstance, in his claim that there are still some shortsighted Igbo leaders who feel they could rise to political stardom by deliberately misrepresenting his roles in the Nigerian Civil War?

    On starvation policy Chief Awolowo stated: “Then, but above all, the ending of the War itself that I’m accused of starving the Ibos, I did nothing of the sort. You know, shortly after the liberation of these places, Calabar, Enugu and Port Harcourt, I decided to pay a visit… some soldiers were not truthful with us, they did not tell us correct stories and so on.

    “I wanted to be there and see things for myself… But I went and some people tried to frighten me out of my goal by saying that Adekunle was my enemy and he was going to see to it that I never retuned from the place, so I went. But when I went what did I see? I saw Kwashiokor victims. Then l enquired what happened to the food we here sending to the civilians. We were sending food through the Red Cross and CARITAS to the them, but what happened was that the vehicles carrying the food were always ambushed by the soldiers.”

    Even from the above account, it is obvious to an impartial historian of the Nigerian Civil War that Chief Obafemi Awolowo was not fully in tune with the politics that beclouded relief supplies to Biafra . On July 14, 1968 , the New York Times was reported quoting Col Benjamin Adekunle as saying that any plan to send relief materials to Biafra was a “misguided humanitarian rubbish”, stating further that any food sent to Biafra through him would definitely end up in the soldier’s stomachs. It was in fact Adekunle’s obstinacy in refusing to allow relief materials to pass through  Port Harcourt to Biafra  that led the Federal Government to re-direct her route of relief supplies to Awgu.

    But again, the Awgu relief project could not materialise because of Biafra ’s refusal to accept any relief material from an enemy for fear of food poisoning. In fact, Biafra’s Special Representative in United States of America, Dr. Nwoye Otue, if still alive could comment on this, as reported by the same  New York Times of July 14, 1968. Put together, the issue of relief supplies to Biafra was not within the powers of Obafemi Awolowo to decide. Biafra was blockaded land, air and sea, and the Federal Government insisted that every aircraft carrying relief materials to Biafra should be inspected first against possible unauthorised cargoes, before landing in Biafra , a proposal which the latter rejected. These are incontestable facts of any war situation which do not have any post-war political propaganda utility.

    The fact is that most people in war-torn Biafra, including Chinua Achebe, would confess that they had limited access to news reports, with only a limited few having access to even   what was offered by Radio Biafra. There was also limited freedom of movement. Thus much of the personal accounts of individual participants and observers, including that of Achebe, would be limited. It therefore takes only the historian the duty to put all the factual pieces together to make them whole.

     On twenty pounds, Chief Awolowo was emphatic: “That’s what I did.  And the case of the money they said was not given back to them, you know during the war, all the pounds were looted, they printed Biafra currency notes, which they circulated. At the close of the war some people wanted their Biafran note to be exchanged for them. Of course I couldn’t do that (otherwise) the whole country would be bankrupt.

    “We didn’t know about Biafran notes and we didn’t know on what basis they printed them, so we refused the Biafran note, but I laid down the principle that all those who had savings in the banks on the eve of the declaration of the Biafran war or Biafra, will get their money back if they could satisfy us that they had savings there, or the money there.

    “Unfortunately, all the banks books had been burnt, and many of the people who had savings there didn’t have their saving books or their last statement of account, so a Panel had to be set up. I didn’t take part in setting up the Panel, it was done by the Central Bank and the pertinent officials of the Ministry of Finance, to look into the matter… and then made some recommendation which I approved.”

    The question here is, what better approach should anybody in Chief Awolowo’s shoes have taken under such a circumstance, to exchange Biafran currency one to one with the Nigerian currency?

     Is it not an irony that right there in Biafra, while some people were dying from starvation, other privileged Biafrans were indeed accumulating the Biafran currency through illegal businesses such as sale of the same relief materials, and cross-border trades popularly known as Afia-Attack. It is the same people that wanted the ill-accumulated currency exchanged one to one.

    On subvention to the war-torn East Central State , Chief Awolowo had this to say: “During the war I saw to it that the revenue which was due to  Iboland- South Eastern States they called it, at that time East Central State, I kept it; I saved the money for them. And when they were liberated, I handed over the money to them- millions. If I didn’t decide to do so, I could have kept the money away from them. And then when they took over I saw to it that subvention was given to them at the rate of 990,000 pounds every month. I didn’t go to the Executive Committee to ask for support, or for approval because… there were more enemies in the Executive Council for the Ibos than friends.”

    One expects any true Igbo man to have the moral courage to commend Chief Obafemi Awolowo for that unsung magnanimity?

    Again on the now defunct Igbo banks, Chief Obafemi Awolowo had this to day: “But I did that for the Ibos, and when the war was over, I saw to it that the ACB got three and half million pounds to start with. This was distributed immediately, and I gave another sum of money. The attitude of the experts, officials at the time, of the ACB, was that ACB should be closed down, and I held the view that you couldn’t close the ACB down because that is the bank that gives finance to the Ibo traders, and if you close it down, they will find it difficult to revive or survive. So it was given. I did the same thing for the cooperative Bank for Eastern Nigeria ….”

    On abandoned property, Chief Awolowo continued: “And then finally, I saw to it that the houses owned by the Ibos in Lagos and on this side, were kept for them. I had an estate agent friend who told me that one of them collected half a million pounds rent which has been kept for him. All his rent were collected, but since we didn’t seize their houses, he came back and collected half a million pounds. So that is the position. I’m a friend of the Ibos and the mass of the Ibos are my friends, but there are certain elements who want to continue to deceive the Ibos by telling lies against me, and one day, they will discover and then that day will be terrible for those who have been telling lies.”

    The reason for quoting Chief Awolowo at length is to open the vista of facts for uncouth critics of Awolowo. There is no gainsaying the fact that Chief Obafemi Awolowo deserved an unqualified apology from those Igbo people still painting him as a villain, while trying to protect the dirty acts of their kinsmen.

    Dr Tony Nwaezeigwe is a Senior Research Fellow of the Institute of African Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

  • A homeboy returns

    A homeboy returns

     The ‘Walk-to-Live’ programme of the government of the State of Osun has been achieving dual objectives. Apart from sensitising the people to the imperative of physical exercise, it has become a test of Governor Rauf Aregbesola’s popularity. Editor GBENGA OMOTOSO participated in the eighth edition of the walk in Ilesa.

     

    A SEA of people in white sport shirts and fez caps. Excited drummers in fre-netic display of skills. Singers doing some elegiac numbers in a symbolic flashback to the recent dark days preceding the new dawn. Curious kids and some women with babies strapped onto their backs, apparently wondering what was on the way this bright, sunny morning.

    An old man stood there, soaking it all up, just behind the crowd, a white t-shirt pulled over his native Ankara dress, a walking stick in his right hand and a smile of inner satisfaction that seems to say “o, we’ve seen it all” playing on his wrinkled face. Truly, Pa Emmanuel Ajayi, an octogenarian, has been around for long. He recalled the days of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo on the hustings, his eyes betraying a glint of triumph.

    “I can’t stay indoors on a day like this; I must be part of this,” the old man said, adding: “It’s a great day.”

    But, despite the festive air – drums, songs and dances – it was no carnival in Ilesa, the Osun State home of the Ijesha, who are famous for their shrewd business sense. It was a test of endurance. A seven-kilometre walk; the 10th in the Walk to Live series initiated by the Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola administration.

    Why would Pa Ajayi join the walk? “I followed Awolowo all my days as a young man. And this governor has been following the footsteps of Awolowo. So, I have been supporting him,” he told this reporter.

    For Pa Ajayi, it was a magical moment that brought memories of those days flooding back to him. He recalled how the late Chief Awolowo went on a campaign somewhere in the North and “as soon as he mounted the podium, a swarm of bees flooded the place and there was confusion”.

    “Awo brought out a white handkerchief, waved it at the bees and they disappeared. The campaign went on,” he said excitedly.

    The myths surrounding the late sage are many. So, it was not unusual for such old men who saw it all and fervently crave for the return of the good old days to identify with anyone they believe is full of thoughts for the common man, just like the late Awo, who passed on in 1989 after a sparkling record that has become a reference point in good governance.

    But, what exactly has drawn Pa Ajayi to the circle of those who identify with the governor of the State of Osun? “Look at this road on which we are walking; it wasn’t this smooth in the days of the amunisin (the slave masters). Pupils are wearing free uniforms and eating free food. That’s why, for my house and me, it’s Aregbe.”

    His walking stick tapping the ground faster than before as the walk got underway, the old man kept moving to keep up the pace. There were many others in the crowd that kept on growing as the walk progressed. Some of them were in pairs – two men holding each other’s hands or two women holding each other’s hands – as an antidote to getting lost in the crowd.

    A man was ringing a bell and shouting: E wa woko igbala; o fe si. Aregbe fe si o. E wa wole o. (Come join the salvation train. It’s leaving now. Aregbe’s train is leaving). Once in a while, he takes a break to address bystanders on why the people should support the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the governor’s party.

    Lost in the growing crowd are dignitaries. Aregbesola was there, flanked by Deputy Governor Otunba Titi Laoye-Tomori and the Chief of Staff, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola. Chief Adegboye Onigbinde, the former Eagles coach, who has not missed any edition of the walk since it started a year ago, Taiwo Ogunjobi, the soccer administrator and ex-soccer star Segun Odegbami were there.

    There was also a team of movie stars, including Toyin Adegbola, who is also known as Asewo to re Mecca (Cuba, after being part of the state’s contingent to that Caribbean country that has so much cultural affinity with the Yoruba). Yemi Solade and Nike Peller, daughter of the famous magician, the late Prof Peller, were there. So were Dupe Jaiyesimi, Ayisat Abimbola, Muyiwa Ademola and many others.

    The walk, which began in front of Ilesa West Local Government, snaked through some major streets, the frontage of the palace of the Adimula at Ereja Square where the statue of the first Owa Obokun, the fiery Oba Ajibogun, stood , a sword in hand. It terminated with an exercise session at the Ilesa Grammar School where some of the dignitaries addressed the participants and the huge crowd of spectators who needed an army of security agents to keep them in check. The emotion was gripping. They all wanted to touch Aregbesola. It was as if the trip was the governor’s first to his home town in about two years.

    The Seriki Hausa led the Hausa community. Students were there. ACN Chair Adelowo Adebiyi and Secretary Gboyega Famodun were there. Hon Ajibola Famurewa, member of the House of Representatives, and many other frontline politicians whose robust frames betrayed a dire need for exercises. Every group wanted to be part of the action, which the governor insisted, was no political rally. Some old women representing the elderly, who are beneficiaries of the social security scheme, Agba Osun, mounted the podium to pray for Aregbesola, “who has ensured that we don’t suffer in our old age”. Widows also got a chance to say a word. They prayed for the governor.

    The chairman of the local National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), Mr Lekan Salami, also spoke. Protocols. Then he hailed his men: “Up national!” “Progress!” They screamed back. “You like me, I like you.” You push me, I push you.” And on and on.

    But the atmosphere became moving when the Special Assistant to the governor of Oyo State on Special Needs mounted the podium after Ogbeni Aregbesola broke his speech to allow him. Prince Paul Adelabu was as elated as he was touched by the governor’s gesture. To him, the symbolism of it all is that the physically challenged are as good as other people; they should not be ignored.

    “I thank the governor for this honour. It is rare for a governor to break the protocol, especially for somebody like me. This shows that we are all equal, mentally. There is nothing any able bodied person can do that I can’t do. I’ve been to America. I’ve been to London. If you have a child like me, please, don’t throw him away.”

    Aregbesola spoke about the importance of exercise, saying it is a sure way to keep diseases out of the way. He urged the people to see it as a daily routine and not a monthly ritual.

    He recalled that when the last Walk to Live took place in Ikire, it rained cats and dogs, but the show went on. He then recalled the song the crowd sang on that day:

    Se bawa lo laso awa, se bawa lo laso awa; teji ba de, e je o de, t’ojo baro e je o ro, awa kii segbe arojo sa o, se bawa lo laso awa.(Let the wind blow, let the rain pour. We own our dresses. We are not people who see the rain and flee. We own our dresses).

    The crowd went ecstatic, with many singing along with the governor.

    A walk of about seven kilometers with ease? It was easy because, according to the governor, there was unity of purpose. He urged the people to unite and support the government in its efforts to develop the state.

    The crowd dispersed, but the show was far from being over. A reception had been organised in the home of a businessman, Lowo Adedeji (Obafoot). Food and drinks were served. Then a short interview by a radio station during which Aregbesola said his administration had spent over N424 million in two years on primary schools’ grants and examination fees in two years as against “the negligible N64m spent by the previous government in seven years”. He promised more people – oriented programmes, saying “ the figures speak volumes of our efforts at upgrading the standard as well as quality of education” . “And that is in primary school alone.”

    A band was playing. Some youths were blowing trumpets and drumming – a southpaw girl-drummer was so skillful that she was applauded by all. They dished out old, familiar tunes that moved Aregbesola to stand up and dance like an excited bride on her wedding day. The dancing was infectious. The deputy governor joined the dancing. The Chief of Staff joined. Soon, everybody was dancing. The atmosphere became electrifying.

    Soon after, it was time to pay homage to Oba Adekunle Aromolaran, the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland. His jokes, laced with proverbs, were witty. And quite funny. He told the governor how he wished Ilesa could be given priority in the scheme of things because “the governor is our son”.

    Oba Aromolaran recalled his bitter experience during Aregbesola’s struggle for his mandate. He was detested for not disowning “a man whose father’s house I know very well”. Besides, many indigenes suffered untold dehumanisation.

    The governor thanked His Majesty for standing firm. He assured him that his dream of a beautiful town would become a reality, but that so it shall be for all towns in the State of Osun; not Ilesa alone because “they all voted for me”.

    Aregbesola recalled the horrendous injuries some Ijesa suffered during the struggle to reclaim his mandate. A girl was raped. A former chairman of DHL, the courier company, was beaten up at a filling station where his driver had protested attempts by some people to jump the queue. Chief Komolafe was hit in the head. He died. His mother in-law had her teeth removed as she was being beaten. The list of horror is long.

    “We are not for vengeance; vengeance is of the Lord,” the governor said, adding: “But we will never forget.”

    As the last of the crowds melted into the night, one could not help but wonder about Pa Ajayi. Did he finish the walk? What was his impression of the day? The crowd was the largest ever in the series. Those who could not join the walk were hailing from their verandas and balconies. Could the exhilaration have been less? It is doubtful. After all, it was the return of a homeboy.

     

     

     

     

    Rauf Aregbesola’s popularity. Editor GBENGA OMOTOSO participated in the eighth edition of the walk in Ilesa.

  • Nigeria ‘ll bounce back, says Maitama Sule

    Nigeria ‘ll bounce back, says Maitama Sule

    Alhaji Maitama Sule has urged Nigerians to rekindle hope in the country saying Nigeria will bounce back from the seeming precipice to which it has moved.

    Speaking in Lagos on Sunday as a special guest of foremost constitutional lawyer, Prof Ben Nwabueze, the convener of Project Nigeria, Sule argued that all great countries of the world have had their challenging moments which they overcome through perseverance.

    The former ambassador explained that the country is passing through a phase in its life and would heal in due course. His words: “This is the time to think about Nigeria, the time is not to apportion blame or to point accusing fingers to one another. The question is not who is wrong, let us come together and think of Nigeria first, Nigeria is a great country but essentially all of us need to come together to establish peace and love among ourselves irrespective of religion or tribe that is the one thing that will make Nigeria great.”

    While praying for Nigeria to get it right in order to establish itself in the comity of nation, he stressed that even though the country was undergoing leadership crisis and near total collapse of basic infrastructure hope was not lost as God is in control.

    He said: “Nigeria can take her place in the comity of nations if we love ourselves and put the interest of the country uppermost in our mind. In spite of all the things that are happening today, I still remain optimistic, I still remain hopeful, I believe by the grace of God we will over come these difficulties.”

    Citing the various ethnic and religious crisis going on in different parts of the country as some of its darkest moments, he restated the need to be united in order to build a prosperous and economically viable country that could set the platform for African renaissance.

    “If we have the political clout and the will power to be united, Nigeria will lead the rest of Africa. But firstly, let Nigerians make up their mind to think of Nigeria first, to place the country above personal and pecuniary interests, be our brother keeper that is when the country will be salvaged.”

    His host, Prof Nwabueze while expressing the belief that Project Nigeria would point the way forward on how to get out of the myriad of problems confronting the nation, maintained that at the very moment a national conference was imperative.

    He said: “Project Nigeria is essentially for Nigeria, we want to save the country, we believe that it can be saved and we can do a lot more for our country. There should be a national conference where we would sit down to look at the issues that can help galvanise a better Nigeria.”

    Responding to some questions raised on conference which the country had had in past without positive effect, the previous conferences lacked the capacity to address the issues that had undermined the unity of the country.

    He said: “We have not had any national conference, we have had conferences and so on but we have not had a national conference where the ethnic nationalities will be brought together to sit at the conference table, so that they can discuss the fundamental issues on how the entire people of this country can live together in peace and harmony.”

    “This project will work out some modalities though they are not final because we are still fine tuning. We will put ideas together that is what it takes and how it has to be done. If we don’t do it that way we are merely postponing the evil days, when we run away from a national conference.”

    Nwabueze who explained that if the issue of national conference is not taken with seriousness it would have consequences that would be inimical to the progress of the nation.

     

  • Corruption: Senator punctures PDP’s claim

    Corruption: Senator punctures PDP’s claim

    To President Goodluck Jonathan, members of his cabinet and indeed, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), appreciable progress has been made in the so-called fight against the monster of corruption, despite a contrary view by discerning stakeholders across the country.

    The spokesman of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Alhaji Lai Mohammed had, at the weekend, raised the alarm that corruption had turned endemic in the country. And responding on Monday, the PDP’s national publicist, Chief Olisa Metuh gave the Jonathan-led administration thumbs-up, claiming that the anti-graft agencies it set up for the battle had covered appreciable grounds on the issue. But advertising icon-turned-politician, Senator Babalola Akin Odunsi, who represents Ogun West Senatorial District in the Senate, has told the PDP to tell it to the marines.

    “I have not seen anything to show that the government is serious about fighting corruption; all we have heard has been noise over noise and movement without any motion,” Odunsi told The Nation yesterday.

    An ACN senator, Odunsi described as well-intentioned and objective, any advice or suggestion to the federal government to the effect that its anti-corruption battle is slow or ineffectual, urging the government to accept such suggestions in good faith.

    He said: “There should not be any pretence about the fact that there is no evidence of any progress being made in the direction. I think the government should be more decisive and serious about the whole issue. Much as we claim to be fighting corruption, it is obviously escalating. It is worrisome.”

    Asked where to place the blame for the awry development between the President and The agencies, notably the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the lawmaker said: “Well, we have all seen what has been happening all along between the EFCC in particular and the Office of the Attorney General; they know what they are doing. But this is not good for us as a nation. All the parties concerned must quickly harmonise their acts and be sincere about the fight.”

    Speaking further, Odunsi tasked the federal government and the agencies to summon the courage to publish the names of all those indicted for corrupt practices and ensure that they are made to prove their innocence in the law courts.

    Corruption, he emphasised, is a most terrible enemy of any nation and its economy, adding: “It is a serious injustice against the Nigerian people whose common wealths are being monopolised by the few among them who should be honest and reliable custodians of their sacred mandate. It is a rape on our people and all hands must be on deck to arrest the monster now.”

     

  • ‘Foreign missions grossly underfunded’

    ‘Foreign missions grossly underfunded’

    Hon. Nnena Elendu-Ukeje is the chairperson, House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs. In this interview with Victor Oluwasegun and Dele Anofi, the lawmaker, who represents Bende Federal Constituency in Abia State, speaks on fraud in Nigeria’s Foreign Missions and their alleged inability to pay workers’ salaries.

     

    What is your comment on the allegations of fraud in our foreign missions ?

    The issue of fraud which readily comes to mind is the one with our mission in Washington DC in the United States of America, and it has been effectively trashed out. Of course of all allegations around the world, people are supposed to be innocent until proven guilty and there is verifications of these issues. We have issues in the Philippines which have been investigated also.

    We have 111 foreign missions around the world and a lot of them have issues with payments. As at September last year, some of the missions have not gotten their salary and they have remittance issues. It is also not about money alone, but also about engaging Nigerians very well. There are some of them doing very well. In some cases, I found out that most or some of the missions don’t have the tools that they need to work with and that is an issue.

    Tools in what sense?

    Every country has two policies – the domestic and foreign. The foreign policy is supposed to mirror its domestic policy and vice versa but a lot of cases, you will find out that while we are dealing with domestic policy, we sometimes ignore the drivers of the foreign policy. They are grossly under-funded, there is a lot of political appointees in these missions, they are not career diplomats, the ratio between career and political diplomat is high. Nigerians themselves, a large number of them don’t even want to go to Nigerian embassy to register when they get abroad.

    Nigerians are not aware of their existence until, God’s forbids, they run into problem and the expectations are very high. I will give you a very quick example, when Nigerian citizen has issues in China, we found out that the mission was in Shanghai and the large concentration of Nigerians was in Gwangju It is a three hours thirty minutes flight from Shanghai to Gwangju and Nigerians were so removed from the presence of government in China and what did we do? From our oversight, we decided we are going to open up a mission in the heart of where there is a large population of Nigerians in Gwangju and I believe that if Nigerians in China say that the Nigerian mission in China doesn’t care about them, would that be correct?

    It was a logistic issue and we are addressing that and I also believe it is an advantage for Nigerians living outside the country to register with the missions. Let the ambassadors who are there and all the diplomatic officers who are there be aware of their existence so that in the event that there is any need for them to come to their assistance in short notice, it would have been a relationship that has already been established.

    It has been alleged that our diplomatic and official passports are not being respected. What is your take on this?

    I think the issue of diplomatic and official passports is very clear. It is the highest means of communication between two countries and normally, when it comes to passport, its for Government-to-Government assignments. Yes, have they, to a large extent, being subjected to some kind of abuse, probably. But what can we do? It is very interesting that a lot of people seek favour, they have a lot of expectations of people who carry public offices and you will find that people feel they need to actually enjoy some of these requests and so, there is some kind of proliferation and abuse to some extent.

    So, what happens? We go back to the guidelines that strictly govern the issuance of diplomatic and official passports and adhere to it strictly. It should be followed through, I think the laws have been flouted. I think the law is already in place and all it takes is the administration of the laws in the strictest sense.

    The immigration officers and so on, who are supposed to carry out checks before the issuance must be held to account for what they must do in the issuance of the said passports because there is a guideline as to the type of people who must carry the diplomatic and official passports. The ministry of foreign affairs must adhere to the guidelines. I think that is the only way we can regulate it and put it back on course.

    What is your committee doing about the lack of funding for the foreign Missions?

    I have said it in different fora, Mr. President stated in 2011 that he was going to be committed to greater funding of our missions. The Senate President in 2011 said the same thing just before the budget consideration; Mr. Speaker, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal had spoken publicly about it and lamented the deplorable state of our missions across the world. We have tried to capture it in the nation’s budget.

    South Africa spends 19 percent of their nation budget for foreign affairs, Republic of Benin spends three percent of its nation’s budget on foreign affairs, Ghana spends 11 percent of its nation’s budget on foreign policy and Nigeria spent only 0.8 percent, less than 1 percent.

    I have decried that, I have stated that we must go back to the old glory days where Nigeria was the centre of Africa, where Nigeria was the strong country indeed and the only way to do that is to push forth our foreign policy in the countries where we are because we are in 111 countries. Show me your house and I will tell you what kind of person you are. The mission in Israel – Nigerians have gone on pilgrimage to the mission in Israel – they had buckets in the living room of the ambassador because it was raining and his roof was leaking. That is not good enough.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Can INEC deregister parties?

    Can INEC deregister parties?

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has just axed 28 parties for their poor showing at elections. Their leaders have threatened court actions. Will the INEC’s action stand? Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU asks.

    The de-registration battle has moved from the court of public opinion to the court room. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had stirred the hornet’s nest when it axed 20 registered political parties. The commission’s chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega, complained that the affected parties merely warmed the agency’s register, adding that they had only participated in periodic elections in vain. Jega also threatened to delist more parties from the register in the future, if they maintain their unimpressive showing at future polls. The decision to remove the names of the mushroom parties from INEC list enjoys the backing of the National Assembly and federal government.

    Following the de-registration, leaders of the fragile parties have been pouring venom on INEC. Threatening fire and brimstone, the chairman of the polarised Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), Alhaji Balarabe Musa, described Jega as a fascist. He said the commission erred in law, adding that it was acting out a diabolical script to scheme the affected parties out of 2015 general elections . “By virtue of Section 40 of 1999 Constitution and Section 78 of the Electoral Act, INEC cannot deregister political parties. It does not have the right”, said the former Kaduna State governor.

    Fresh Democratic Party (FDP) leader, Pastor Chris Okotie is in the same shoes with Musa. His party has been contesting elections for more than eight years, but with nothing to show for it. But the cleric-turned-politician says the platform has the right to exist and canvass for votes. To him, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was afraid of other parties ahead of the forth-coming elections. Unlike Okotie and Musa, the national chairman of National Conscience Party (NCP), Dr. Yinusa Tanko, said mere threats would not resolve the hurdle. He told reporters that the matter would be decided in court, advising INEC to allow the case to be decided by the judiciary before applying its hammer.

    In the past, NCP founder, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi had sued the commission and federal government to court over the registration ceiling. He won the case, thereby paving the way for the registration of more parties in the country. Frowning at Jega’s pronouncement, Tanko said, “the court will interpret this again”. Echoing the same sentiment, Progressive Action Congress (PAC) national chairman, Mr. Charles Nwodo said INEC was playing smart by not waiting for the decision of the court on the matter. “We are going to test our strength again at the court of law. It is against the law of the land and undemocratic to deregister 28 parties”, he fumed.

    Former factional leader of CNPP, Dr. Olapade Agoro, whose party had already been deregistered, lamented that INEC had become lord to itself. He said the agency was set up to conduct elections, which it had often failed to do lawfully on many occasions, stressing that certain PDP elements were pushing the commission to do the wrong thing. He faulted the claim of INEC on the performance of the party, saying that it is subjective. Agoro, a lawyer, said the so-called big parties had often rigged the smaller parties out at every contest. “If Tinubu had not stood up in the Southwest, there would be no ACN today and then, you will be talking about de-registration of the party. So, you want to deregister parties that cannot rig in favour of parties that rig. It will not stand. It lacks the backing of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees freedom of association. The court will sort things out”, he added.

    Opinion is, however, divided on the de-registration. For example, many Nigerians questioned the rationality for the inclusion of many tiny, fragile and distressed parties on INEC’s list, despite their predictable failure at the periodic elections. Analysts have contented that out of 62 registered parties, less than 10 are electorally viable. Many agree that he proliferation of political parties underscores the debate over their utility as democratic agencies of the society. Should the non-performing parties be struck out of the INEC register or merely allowed to exist without the potentials of making any electoral impact in the future? The protagonists of deregistration claim that party formation is part of the framework for interest articulation and freedom of association and assembly. They argued that the democratic space should become widened as democracy grows.

    However, the antagonists perceive some of the owners and directors of the failed parties in two lights. They see them as eminent Nigerians who are seeking relevance outside the big parties where they could not rub shoulders with entrenched big wigs. Others describe those younger elements floating never-do-well parties as smart guys banking on the periodic grants to parties contesting for elections. The argument for their de-listing became more compelling following the outcome of the recent governorship elections in Edo and Ondo states. Not up to 15 parties participated in the two exercises. In fact, the second leg of governorship debate was narrowed down to only three parties in Ondo State, namely the PDP, ACN and Labour (LP).

    Jega’s INEC has consistently maintained that the failed parties should fizzle out. On some occasions, he had disclosed that the commission had the backing of the law to outlaw them for non-performance. The agency objected to the drawing of grants by the unhealthy parties prior to elections, only to come up with dismal failure. In INEC’s bid to wipe the poor parties out of existence, it had relied on Section 75, Sub-Section 2 of the Electoral Act. But older politicians, eminent political scientists, legal luminaries and civil society groups have often disagreed with the commission on the contentious issue. In their view, the umpire is not sensitive to compelling reasons for the multiplicity of political parties in a diverse and plural society like Nigeria.

    During its last national congress in Lagos, NCP had cried out that INEC was up to a mischief. One of its leaders and Lagos lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) rejected the move, saying that it was undemocratic. He said the functions of political parties are not restricted to fighting for power in elections. “There exist in other mature democracies local parties that exist to pursue local matters peculiar to the community, group or society and they may not be interested in fighting for national or federal power,” he submitted.

    It is not the first time INEC will be embroiled in the controversy. Thus, Falana reminded the commission of a subsisting judgment in a suit by the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, against INEC and federal government. “The Supreme Court has ruled that political parties cannot be deregistered by INEC or federal government because it would imply a gross violation of the freedom of association”, Falana recalled. But the twist to the on-going controversy is the parliamentary support for INEC. In the suit pending in court, the National Assembly counsel, Oluwatosin Apata, had prayed the court to disregard the prayer of the protesting political party, pointing out that the commission is empowered by law to take the drastic action.

    Actually, lawyers argue that the amended electoral act gives the INEC the nod to delist the fragile or failing parties, although some of them said the law is in bad faith. But it has been difficult for INEC to implement it because it would be trailed by outcry from a section of the political class. Observers also felt that the controversial clause could not be tested in the past, apparently because of the lack of will or consciousness about an imminent conflict with the 1999 Constitution, which is the guarantor of the freedom of association in the country. The fear is that, once the deregistration commences, there would be no looking back by INEC. If the hammer is dangled, only six parties would escape at the end of the day. The six top flyers at the last general elections were the ruling PDP, ACN, All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), LP, All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).

    PDP has maintained its hold in 25 states by winning the governorship and majority seats in the state and National Assembly. Trailing it is the ACN, which retained Lagos State and bounced back in other four Southwest states – Oyo, Ogun, Osun and Ekiti. In addition, it is still the ruling party in Edo State. APGA won Anambra and Imo States. CPC installed its lone governor in Nasarawa State. ANPP cleared Bornu and Zamfara States. LP’s influence is limited to Ondo State, where it installed a governor and many legislators. INEC has also declared LP winner of the recent governorship poll in the state, although the victory is being challenged by the ACN. PDP also struggled hard in Oyo State to give ACN a fight. It won a senatorial position and few House of Representatives seats in the state. ACN made inroad into the North, winning a senatorial seat in Benue State. It also won some House of Representatives and state Assembly slots.

    Other parties are shadows of themselves and their electoral activities pale into window dressing. According to analysts, they are merely crawling at snail’s speed. Perhaps, the exception to this description is the Accord Party (AP), which has eight House of Assembly and four House of Representatives members in Oyo State. One state lawmaker has defected to the ACN. The Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN), which was supported by former Governor Gbenga Daniel of Ogun State, could only win one seat in the House of Assembly.

    In 2011, during the general elections, other fledging parties were like spectators. Many of them refused to field candidates for the polls. Some lacked visible offices or secretariats. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo once derided them as parties being operated in the bedrooms of their founders, and with their wives, children and other relations as party officials. Mocking the parties, Obasanjo said relations serve as their chairmen, secretaries, financial secretaries and treasurers. In the reckoning of the retired General, political parties were operated as business outfits yielding profits to their founders.

    Across the states, many of these mushroom parties are eager to form alliance with the dominant ones. Sources said that their officials are handsomely paid for the offer of imaginary collaboration and subjective alliance. After the general elections, they are never had again. Even, they refrain from fielding candidates for local government elections.

    These mushroom parties do not mirror the small parties of the First Republic, whose foundations were erected on solid political principle. For example, the Dynamic Party of Chike Obi was respected for its ideological stand. So also was the Farmers and Workers’ Congress of Dr. Tunji Otegbeye. Even, during the pre-independence years, the Mobolaje Group, which became Ibadan Peoples Party (IPP) won the first five regional legislative seats in Ibadan metropolis in 1952. Also, the Niger Delta Congress, Bornu Youth Movement and Mid West Party were small, but popular and relevant in their localities.

    A wide gap separates the small parties of old and private parties of today. The parties fretting under the INEC’s hammer include Action alliance (AA), Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN), Alliance for Democracy (AD), African Democratic Congress (ADC), All Peoples Liberation Party (ALP), Action Party of Nigeria (APN), African Political System (APS), African Renaissance Party (ARP), Better Nigeria Progressive Party (BNPP), Congress for Democratic Change (CDC), Community Party of Nigeria (CPN), Citizens Popular Party (CPP), Democratic Alternative (DA), Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA), Democratic Peoples Party (DPP), Fresh Democratic Party (FRESH), Hope Democratic Party (HDP), Justice Party (JP), Liberal Democratic Party of Nigeria (LDPN), Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ), Masses Movement of Nigeria (MMN), Movement for the Restoration and Defense of Democracy (MRDD), National Action Council (NAC), Nigeria Advanced Party (NAP), Mega Progressive Peoples Party (MPPP), New Democrats (ND), National Democratic Party (NDP), Nigeria Elements Progressive Party (NEPP), National Majority Democratic Party (NMDP), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Nigeria Peoples Congress (NPC), National Reformation Party (NRP), National Solidarity Democratic Party (NSDP), National Unity Party (NUP), Progressive Action Congress (PAC), Peoples Mandate Party (PMP), Progressive People Alliance (PPA), Peoples Progressive Party (PPP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), Peoples Salvation Party (PSP), Republican Party of Nigeria (RPN), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Nigeria Peoples Party (UNPP) and KOWA.

    Many of them sprang up because their leaders and founders were edged out of the seemingly big parties. Indeed, crises have often polarised the major parties, making aggrieved chieftains to float new platforms. Party sources also said that many leaders of the big parties are the brains behind the small parties, which the money bags in the big parties deliberately form as a sort of “Plan B”. Thus, it has also been argued by observers that the paper weight parties were products of abuse by the elite locked in bitter competition for power and relevance. Sometimes, the sharing of the election fund in the small parties often lead to hot argument and party men drag themselves to court over the right of control. The multiplicity of the opposing parties has been to the advantage if the ruling conservative PDP, which had inadvertently encouraged many of them to spring up and create disunity in the progressive fold, thereby weakening the progressive challenge of the status quo.

    Besides, the smaller parties, it has also been alleged, have promoted the business plan of packaging endorsement programmes, in partnership with dominant parties, especially during governorship and local council elections. Indeed, as alleged by leaders of the scattered parties, many of them became an appendage of the PDP, which penetrated into the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), divided the fold and reduce the capacity of the many opposition parties to play the role of watchdogs. When CNPP broke into two and they were led by paralleled executive committees, it was alleged that it was the PDP at work.

    Political scientists and legal scholars contend that this awful picture contrasts sharply with the previous multi-party arrangements of the First, Second Republics and early part of this Fourth Republic. University of Lagos (UNILAG) teachers; Prof. Akin Oyebode and Dr. Derin Ologbenla, lamented that the lack of ideology has reduced the parties into platforms without substance. They conceded to individuals and groups the right to freedom of association, but they maintained that parties should have ideological directions. “Political options become possible and people are able to make their choices during elections, if the ideas, principles and ideologies of then parties are clear and understood”, said Ologbenla. Berating the political parties, big and small, for lack of sound ideological orientation, Oyebode advised them to emulate the few ones among them conducting political education for members.

    In the previous dispensations, two features of political parties were distinguishable. The existing parties, which were rooted in ideology, were actually on ground in their strongholds. Besides, they have always proposed alliances along two parallel lines, which ultimately make the polity to become disposed, in principle, to two party system, which was eventually imposed on the country in the ill-fated Third Republic. In those earlier dispensations, analysts argue that party administration was comparatively superb and no party existed without a cardinal goal.

    Despite these realities, many are of the view asking the unhealthy parties to wind up is counter-productive. But in a previous interview, Lagos State ACN chairman, Chief Dele Ajomale, disagreed. He said the number of parties on the INEC register is an embarrassment. He supported the deregistration on the ground that many of them are only faking their existence. “Many of them are just existing in name. Some of them don’t even have secretariats. Some of them don’t even have members, except three or four of them who claim to be chairman, secretary and financial secretary. The address is not existing. So, how can you they continue like that? If it is three or four parties are formidable, let us have them, instead of this hundred that is useless”, he advised.

    However, former CPC vice-presidential candidate Pastor Tunde Bakare said “you cannot stop people from grouping”, adding that, in the United States, political parties flourish without restrictions. He said some parties are only interested in local elections. Describing the deregistration as a non-issue, he also faulted the claim of poor performance, submitting that “no political party has won hands down without the cooperation of other parties”.

    Former Afenifere Publicity Secretary Yinka Odumakin agreed with Bakare. He said the whole issue contradicted the freedom of association. “Parties should be allowed to flourish and die naturally on their own. In a heavily monetised environment like Nigeria, results of elections cannot be a valid assessment of parties’ strength”, he added.

    Ekiti State ACN chairman Chief Jide Awe disagreed with both Bakare and Odumakin. He said the the stipulations by INEC, which guide the electoral process, is the beginning of sanity, adding that INEC can punish political parties for violating the rules. “INEC should move further by meting appropriate sanctions to any politician who violates the rules that guide the process of ensuring healthy electoral process in our country. It should not end with parties. I think a new order is here, if we can sustain the drive”, he stressed.