Category: Politics

  • Oyo 2015: Parties in strategic moves

    Oyo 2015: Parties in strategic moves

    It is just 18 months into the four-year tenure of Oyo State Governor Abiola Ajimobi. Yet, intense political manoeuvres have already begun at the centre of politics in Yorubaland across major political parties. Correspondent BISI OLADELE reports.

    By November 29, it will be exactly one and half years that Senator Abiola Ajimobi was sworn in as the seventh Governor of Oyo State.

    The governor, who contested and won on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), succeeded a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor, Chief Adebayo Alao-Akala, who hails from Ogbomoso, the second largest town in the state. Ajimobi is from Ibadan, the state capital.

    Alao-Akala had tried in vain to secure a second term from voters. Though he polled over 65 percent of the total votes cast in Ogbomoso land, the higher number of votes in Ibadan, which were largely in favour of Ajimobi, truncated his dream of breaking the jinx of one-governor, one-term in the history of the state.

    The political scene was quiet in the first year, except for the alliance that was built between Senator Rashidi Ladoja and Ajimobi. Ladjoja, a former governor, is the leader of the Accord in the state.

    The alliance was borne out of the need for the ACN to enjoy the support of the then seven members of the House of Assembly who contested on the platform of the Accord. Ajimobi needed their support to form a synergy against the then 12 PDP members who were feared to be desperate to thwart his efforts to transform the state based on bitterness arising from the failure of the PDP to win the governorship election. The equation has since changed as ACN has gained a member each from the two other parties to swell its ranks to 15 out of 32.

    While the ACN and the Accord are in good form till date, the PDP is still unable to wriggle out of the internal crisis that has continued to afflict it since 2006 as things have since then fallen apart among major gladiators. The Action Alliance (AA), whose fortune rose by reason of the appointment of its governorship candidate, Taiwo Otegbeye as Special Adviser by Ajimobi, is also at the rear as feelers from the party show that its members are working together with the present ACN administration.

    In all defections so far, ACN and Accord are the beneficiaries while the PDP’s rank keeps depleting by the day.

    But events in recent times have shown that politicians in the state are not willing to waste any time or opportunity to grab a good platform with which to launch out for the 2015 election. Though it is unclear if Governor Ajimobi is interested in second term, the opposition, mainly the PDP gladiators and former governor Rashidi Ladoja do not seem to be scaling down on their ambition to give a fight in 2015.

    Ajimobi has fingered the PDP in the state as behind the recent online report alleging that his wife, Florence, was arrested in London for being in possession of N500 million.

    “We know those behind it. In fact, they are political jobbers who lost out in the last election. Three of them are from PDP. They have never achieved anything in their lives. They are coming back with the old system of maligning people. When you are doing well as a politician, some mischief makers who want to pull you down would concoct stories like this particular one.” he said in Abuja at the meeting of the National Economic Council.

    The current belief in the ACN in the state is that some PDP governorship hopefuls, who hail from Ibadan will stop at nothing to discredit the Ajimobi-led administration to create an opportunity for their emergence.

    Yet, internal harmony is an alien within the PDP fold in Oyo State. Former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala is leading a faction while former Senate Leader, Teslim Folarin and the Minister of State for FCT, Oloye Jumoke Akinjide also lead a faction each. The current Executive is under the control of Folarin while Akinjide is said to be battling hard to wrest it from him.

    The minister had waved an olive branch at Ladoja a few months ago, offering a partnership with him and his large crowd of followers to form a bigger faction in the PDP. Though talks and agreements progressed, Ladoja backed out at the last minute when he realized that Folarin was not ready to let go of the executive who has been acknowledged as the authentic one in the state by the national leadership. He was said to have told Akinjide that he was not ready to return to a factionalized PDP.

    Accord

    Ladoja is synonymous with the Accord in the state. The former governor joined the party in January last year and started mobilizing support for his governorship ambition. He gathered so much crowd behind him but the large number of supporters could not match that of Ajimobi, who trounced him with about 50,000 votes in the election. Yet, Ladoja remains a strong factor in Oyo politics as he commands large followership. He is also gaining back some of his former followers who stayed back in the PDP when he decamped to Accord.

    Some factions within the PDP have started making subtle moves to oppose his touted ambition to re-contest the governorship election come 2015. The politicians and their supporters who are working behind the scene, are exploiting all chances to ensure they succeed in opposing his candidature for 2015. Reason: they believe that his contest would either split the potential votes for the PDP or better still, split Ibadan votes as it did in the 2011 elections thereby spoiling the chances of the PDP. They believe that the PDP would have won the last governorship election if Ladoja had not contested as they see the Accord as purely an extension of the PDP.

    They also fear, it was gathered, that the interest of Ibadan as a city with the highest population will be threatened for the second time if Ladoja joins the race with the ACN candidate that may most likely hail from Ibadan.

    But analysts punctured the belief, saying that most of the civil servants who voted for Ladoja would not have cast their votes for Alao-Akala if the contest was only between Ajimobi and his immediate predecessor. They argued that Yoruba are clearly tired of the PDP and that those civil servants would have given their votes to Ajimobi who was adjudged a better alternative to the two other candidates.

    Analysts also believe that a four year rule of Senator Ajimobi as governor with good impact would convince many other voters who queued behind the Accord and PDP in 2011 that Ajimobi and the ACN are obviously better alternatives. To make matters worse for the PDP, Ladoja is currently supporting Ajimobi, his cousin and the PDP remains split as they are in other Southwest states.

    Should Ladoja join the race again in 2015, his participation will add less glamour, colour and less tension unlike the last year election, principally because nothing will be new with the candidates.

    Events have, however, shown that electors in the state have not switched their choice of candidate and party since last year.

    Alao-Akala

    The immediate past governor of the state remains a factor for his electoral value. Though he has since lost many of his followers to the ACN and Accord, he still pulls a good weight, particularly in his Ogbomoso town and some parts of Oke Ogun.

    It is believed that Alao-Akala has started preparing to contest for the Senate in 2015. He is, according to sources, counting on the support he can easily garner in the three local government areas in Ogbomoso and his appreciable popularity in some other local goverments in Oke Ogun that make up the Oyo North Senatorial District to unseat the incumbent, Senator Hosea Agboola. The latter, who hails from Oke Ogun, however, has enough political clout to give Alao-Akala a good run for both his money and popularity. The ambition has already pitched both of them against each other though they were once best political associates. Yet, the ACN candidate for the position, Dr Wale Okedare, is sure to rebound in 2015.

    Ajimobi and the ACN

    The current governor, among other considerations, has shown that he is a different type of politician in that he has risen above party sentiments and the winner-takes-all approach to accommodate various other parties and interests in his government. For instance, he accommodates the PDP, Accord and AA in his cabinet. He is, interestingly, also working with other different interests across the state, always emphasizing that his government has a place for anyone with genuine interest in transforming the state. So far, Ajimobi’s government has been marked out by integrity, vision and commitment to service, among others.

    It is unclear if Senator Femi Lanlehin and Dr Ismail Adewusi, who are major contenders for the governorship ticket of the ACN are still determined to give a good fight in 2015.

    PDP

    The party in Oyo State is the loser in many ways. Aside the fact that its members are leaving in droves for either the ACN or the Accord, it is unable to harmonize its many divergent interests.

    Yet, some leading lights in the party are fighting tooth and nail to pick the party’s governorship ticket for the next election. The ACN is always quick to finger Senator Folarin and Oloye Jumoke Akinjide in this ambition.

    It will, however, take an extra luck for the party to return to Agodi Government House in the near future in view of Ajimobi’s unfolding huge political stature made possible by his developmental projects as well as stable profile of Ladoja and his refusal to return to the PDP.

  • Ondo: Jonathan, PDP supported me, says Oke

    Ondo: Jonathan, PDP supported me, says Oke

    THE gubernatorial candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the just-concluded election in Ondo State, Chief Olusola Oke has rebutted allegations that President Goodluck Jonathan and the leadership of the party at the national level undermined his chances by refusing to work for him.

    Oke, in a statement, said on the contrary, he was well supported by the Presidency and the national leadership of the party, describing the rumours that he attributed his defeat to lack of support from the party as the handiwork of mischief makers and fifth columnists “whose stock in trade is spreading unfounded rumour and feasting from different political camps”.

    “I am deeply shocked at this wicked misrepresentation. It would be sheer ingratitude. I have been part of the NEC and I know what the President does. At no time did I insinuate or utter a statement to that effect. It would be a contradiction of myself. What Mr President did for us was in conformity with the standard procedure of our party at all elections”.

    Oke added that “I am aware as an officer of the party that the President and the national body of this party take all elections involving our party serious at all times”.

    “This insinuation is wicked, mischievous and unprofitable for anyone to brazenly distort facts and misrepresent me on a simple matter. President Jonathan is not just the leader of the party, he insists that all elections must be well supported. He did very well for us and that is why we got this far. He attended our rallies in company of the Vice President and all our party organs”.

    Speaking about the support provided by the party, the former legal adviser to the party said: “I got maximum support from my party and the presidency. Next to God, the president was the biggest supporter of our campaign. The insinuation is absolutely incorrect. I’ve done paid advertorial to express my hearth-felt appreciation to the President. We remain eternally grateful to the national body of the PDP. It is, therefore, not out of place to conclude that the misrepresentation of facts was done with tacit sinister motive to cause disaffection among the leadership of the party.”

    Oke blamed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the ruling Labour Party for whatever went wrong with his desire to rule the state.

    “What went wrong in the election was between the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC and the Labour party. That aspect is left for the tribunal to resolve”, Oke noted.

  • Constitution: Plateau supports new states

    Constitution: Plateau supports new states

    Two of the three senatorial zones of Plateau State have expressed their support for the creation of more states, but one of the zones opposed the idea.

    At the Plateau North Senatorial District stakeholders meeting held at Plateau Youth Centre, Dandikowa neighborhood, it was unanimously agreed at the constitution review meeting that there was no need to demand new states. The meeting, however, added that should any other senatorial district be interested in creation of new states, they should go ahead with the agitation.

    But at their separate stakeholders meetings held by the Central and Southern Senatorial Districts of the state at Pankshin and Shendam, the two zones unanimously supported the creation of more states. They argued that new states would bring about speedy development.

    However, the three senatorial districts took a common ground of the issue of indigeneship and citizenship clause, saying indigenship should be enshrined in the proposed constitution just as according to them, they believe in equal rights of all citizens.

    Stakeholders from the three zones were expected to assemble at government House Jos to hold a meeting with Governor Jonah Jang so as to harmonize their position before proceeding from to Markudi, the Benue State capital for the North-central constitution review meeting .

    The North-central geo-political zone is expected to take a common position on issues like creation of states and matters that concern the minority ethnic groups in the country at that meeting and forwarded to Abuja for consideration by the national constitution review committee at the National Assembly.

  • ‘Saraki’s opponents ‘ll miss him too’

    ‘Saraki’s opponents ‘ll miss him too’

    A former member of the House of Representatives, Alhaji Bashir Bolarinwa yesterday described the late Senator Olusola Saraki as an insurmountable factor to his political opponents while his reign lasted as a deciding figure in Kwara State politics.

    To the ex-lawmaker, therefore, the Kwara political kingmaker will not only be missed by his teeming loyalists, his influence will for a long time, remain fresh in the minds of those who did not share political camp with him while alive.

    “Oloye Olusola Saraki has different meanings to different classes of people, but an undisputable fact is that until his death, he was overtly or covertly omnipresent in the affairs of Kwara, with politics being just an area. He was an insurmountable factor to his opponent and a success bridge to his loyalists. No doubt, he will greatly be missed for whatever reasons by Kwarans in particular and Nigerians in general,” he explained.

    Bolarinwa, who is also a governorship aspirant in the state in the 2011 elections, also stated that the eventful life of the late politician would, one way or the other, serve as a lesson to other politicians across the country.

    He enjoined fellow politicians and other public servants in the country to let their attitude to their people be guided with the fear of God, bearing in mind that one day, they would give account of their stewardship before their creator.

    “Many have passed away and quite many will still go as many babies are being born day in, day out. The death of Oloye Saraki should further convince us all that life is transient and as such, while alive, we must conduct ourselves with the fear of God in the overall interest of the masses of our teeming people,” Bolarinwa added.

  • A day with President Jonathan in Jigawa

    A day with President Jonathan in Jigawa

    For two consecutive days – November 5 and 6, 2012 – President Goodluck Jonathan took his working visit to Jigawa State. The visit later turned out to be an opportunity for him to commission state-executed projects such as N9.5 billion State Secretariat, N800 million Yakubu Gawon NYSC and Sport Centre, Academy for Gifted and Talented Bamaina and the foundation laying of Dutse International Airport and Collage for Remedial and Advanced Studies, Kafin Hausa.

    The President also took time to convey a meeting with Jigawa Stakeholders. The event which appeared a town hall meeting was held in Council Chamber, Government House and was attended by all well-meaning Jigawa State indigenes – the Ulmaa, women group, politicians, elders, technocrats, from Civil Service, academia, private sector giants, and members of the National Assembly including members of Jigawa State Executive Council.

    Unlike other meetings convened for political purposes, this one was premeditated to create a platform for the state think-tank (as Governor Sule Lamido called them during his preamble at the occasion) to interact with the President directly on issues that touch the lives of Jigawa State people nay Nigeria in general. This also afforded the President opportunity to gather first-hand information on problems of the people and proffer suggestions on how best those challenges could be surmounted.

    Obviously, President Goodluck wasn’t disappointed with the manner in which people aired their views on his administration as well as the systematic approach the state is taking from one of the backward and poor states to status of a well-planned, developed state. Though, he (President) was astonished with ongoing development in Jigawa State and the prudent and transparent manner in which Governor Sule Lamido is governing the state, he didn’t hide his feelings in virtually all the places he visited to either commission, inspect or lay foundation of projects in the state.

    Prior to his commissioning of the new NYSC camp, he remarked: “…in the whole country, I think is not up to 15 states that have constructed special place for Corp members in including the Federal Capital. And I was told this is best NYSC in the country. It was constructed at a cost less than N800million, if it was in other places… you will hear the N2 billion or 1.5 billion was expended.”

    Some of the requests made to Mr President on which he instantly assured the people were: some federal road linking the state with border with Niger Republic, Kano-Babura-Niger Republic, Kano-Jahun-Hadejia and Kano-Gumel-Niger Republic. All, according to the Acting Chairman of the state’s elders, Alhaji Muhammad Ibrahim, are critical to socio-economic livelihood of Jigawa people.

    Other requests included: Federal Collage of Education, damming of water from Hadejia valley to support irrigation and address the perennial flooding of communities at the water banks; dredging of Hadejia River as well as revival of 31-year abandoned Hadejia irrigation project and the Federal Government intervention of Dutse Greater Water Project with the intention of transferring water from 60-kilometre Sintilmawa town, an outskirt of Dutse, the State capital.

    These requests were echoed by erstwhile Ministers of Commerce, Alh. Bello Maitama and Alh Sale Shehu, who also bemoaned the glaring socio-economic challenges in the state no thanks to federal government’s neglect of its responsibility to the state. Proprietor of Lautai General Enterprises Bashir Muhammad; former Secretary to Jigawa State Government, Alh Tanko Ayuba; Dr Zubaida A. Nagee, Dr Ummah Abdulwahab among others bluntly told the president that for economic activities to flourish with enhanced internally generated revenue (IGR), the federal government must intervene in the areas listed.

    Without hesitation, they reminded Mr President that, so far, the IGR of Jigawa State was little above N200 million, the amount which one local government in other states generates. The elders pointed out that all the projects the state governments so far executed were with the meagre resources from the federation allocation. They urged the President to treat their requests with urgency.

    In his response, President Jonathan ordered the Minister of Works, Arc. Mike Onalememen, Minister of Water Resources, Sarah Achekpe and their counterpart in Education, Professor Rukayyatu Rufai to give account of their ministries’ impacts in Jigawa State. Though, the ministers made attempt to explain some of their programmes, the mien of the people in attendance showed dissatisfaction. However, the people were convinced in the end that Jigawa State would not be forgotten in terms of Federal Government project allocation after all.

    President Jonathan, however, explained some of policies of his government on education, road development, agriculture and air transportation. He hinted that the Federal Government planned to establish a university each in all the states of the federation to ensure qualitative education for all. But he said that government would not establish any Collage of Education or Polytechnic in the near future, adding that the policy was to ensure that the newly established universities get the required funding that would make them compete with any other university around the globe.

    The President said the phenomenal development recorded in Jigawa State within the last five and half years had made to him wonder what other state are doing. To him, if the Jigawa example is replicated in other states, Nigeria would have been a better place. “I thank Governor Sule Lamido sincerely,” he added.

    He acknowledged that for any state to be economically independent, there must be free movement of goods and services which according to him, is one of the cardinal objectives of his administration. He hinted that his administration would create at least a cargo terminal in all the states to serve as gateway for export of agricultural products. He promised to take the Jigawa people’s demands seriously. He added that Federal Government would collaborate with the state government on water supply, irrigation and the proposed Dutse Airport.

    On the whole, the assembly got the much-sought assurances and commitment of the President that the Federal Government would likely consider Jigawa State as from 2013 budget on schemes of capital. If that happens, then who will take the credit? Sule Lamido who is doing a wonderful job which attracts President’s visit? Elders who, despite all odds, packaged the demands of Jigawa State and eloquently presented them to Mr President for execution? Or even the President himself? The people of Jigawa State, of course, will thank the trio for their commitment to Jigawa Project and it is left for other states to emulate the giant strides.

  • Exit of a people’s general

    Exit of a people’s general

    The death, yesterday, of Dr Abubakar Olusola Saraki marked the end of an era in the politics of Kwara State. For 35 years, he was the reference point for politicians in the state. Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines  the essence of the man, his politics, struggles and dynasty.

    The Emir of Ilorin, Alhaji Kolapo Sulu Gambari, and leaders of the emirate are in a mourning mood. Muslim clerics and political associates are downcast. Families and relations are in sober reflection. Three days after the demise of the Alhaji Lamidi Adesina, former governor of Oyo State, death has also sneaked into Ilorin, capital of Kwara State, snatching the Wazirin Ilorin, Dr Abubakar Olusola Saraki.

    No politician had bestrode the Kwara political firmament like the multi-millionaire Second Republic Senate Leader and Leader of Northern Union. His death marked the end of an era in the ;politics of Ilorin, Kwara State and Nigeria. He was a political mentor, role model and godfather in Kwara that could not be ignored for over 50 years. He was colourful, charismatic , pragmatic and politically resourceful, making his demise to create a vacuum in the Ilorin enclave.

    From the beginning, he made no pretence about his political leaning. The future political leader of Kwara cultivated the aristocrats who looked up to the Sardauna of Sokoto and leader of the Northern Peoples Congress, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello. NPC lacked a national outlook because enlisting any marginal support from the South was not a priority. Even, when few youths canvassed the change of name to Nigerian Peoples Congress (NPC) to convey the vague impression of ‘Nigerianess’, the suggestion was shot down. Throughout the independence years, it was a party to beat in Nigeria.

    Yet, Saraki, one of its young devotees from the Middle Belt, lost his deposit in his first bid for parliamentary power at the federal level on that conservative platform. Indisputably, he lost power, but he was regarded as a promising politician.

    When Westcentral State was created in 1967, Governor David Bamgboye requested Sakari to serve as commissioner. He declined and nominated a protégé into the cabinet. But throughout the military era, he was a factor in the politics of Ilorin, Kwara and Nigeria.

    In 1978, Saraki was elected into the Constituent Assembly. In the assembly, he was not a bench warmer. There, he became a founding member of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). He sought to fly its presidential flag, but the entrenched forces in the North preferred a core Fulani candidate. That may have lent credence to the gulf between the core north and middle-belt in the so-called monolithic north and plight of Yoruba-northerners inhabiting the Kwara/Kogi axis. The same fate was befall the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi, the Aro of Mopa and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chairman aspirant. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo objected to the ambition, saying that Yoruba could not be President and national chairman of the ruling party at the same time.

    At the formative stage of the NPN, Saraki had established himself as a party financier. This however, did not give him an edge ahead of the primaries. When his presidential ambition crumbled, he was advised to vie for governorship. But he opted for the Senate, after sponsoring the Ebira prince, Alhaji Adamu Attah, for the governorship. Since the party’s zoning formula was also not in his favour, Saraki’s ambition to become the Senate President crumbled. Then, the party favoured the youthful Dr. Joseph Wayas for the number three position. But he emerged as the Senate Majority Leader, a position which also secured an eminent seat for him in the powerful and influential NPN Caucus presided over by the party chairman, the late Chief Adisa Akinloye.

    Saraki singlehandedly frustrated Attah’s second term bid. When the party insisted on fielding him in 1983, he supported the governor’s rival and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) candidate, Senator Cornelius Adebayo, who later displaced Attah during the election. Kwara NPN threatened fire and brimstone. A federal minister, the late Chief Akanbi Oniyangi, warned at a rally in Ilorin that, should Attah fail at the poll, Saraki would lose his honour. The opposite happened. Attah lost and the party could not expel Saraki for anti-party activity. He was re-elected senator on NPN platform.

    In the Third Republic, the Kwara kingpin bounced back. He installed Alhaji Shaba Lafiagi as governor. He also renewed his battle for the Presidency. He had the wealth of experience, connection and resources to prosecute a nationwide campaign. However, the ambition was stopped by the Head of State, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, who mooted the idea of transmuting to a civilian President. At the constitutional conference set up by Abacha, the late politician was a towering figure.

    It was evident that Saraki would never contemplate retirement from politics. In 1999, he had emerged as the father of the All Peoples Party (APP) in the state. He wanted to vie for the Presidency. However, he could not make it because the party agreed to the APP/AD joint ticket, which catapulted Chief Oluyemisi Falae. The chief had made a surrogate, Salman Adebayo, the senatorial flag bearer in his Central District, with the hope of coming back to retrieve the ticket from him, should he fail to get presidential nomination. When he returned to Ilorin, Salman, was said to have deliberately gone abroad and did not return until the close of nominations. He served as senator on APP platform for four years. Since then, nothing has been heard about him politically. Saraki later became the APP Board of Trustees (BOT) chairman.

    This dispensation is a turning point. The new breed of Third Republic had grown wings. Many of them were in a strategic alliance to frustrate the political veterans of the First and Second Republics. Party supremacy, party loyalty and party discipline were all gone. Saraki lamented the collapse of the party culture, when he waded into the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP crises in Lagos State, following pleas by the former chairman of the chapter, Olorunfunmi Basorun. He said young turks in politics were impatient and rude.

    Barely two years into the democratic dispensation, his political empire was shaking. Saraki was having a running battle with the governor he installed, Mohammed Lawal, a retired Real Admiral, who had served as governor of Ogun State. The party was polarised. Ethnic tension was also played up to convey the impression that the descendants of Afonja, the anti-Alaafin warrior and first surrogate ruler of Ilorin, were again at loggerheads politically with the descendants of Alimi. When the old political warhorse, Saraki, gazed at the future, he discovered that the future of his group was bleak in the ANPP. He struck a deal with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). For the first time, the rich politician who had been sponsoring other people was advised to put forth his son and daughter’s name for election. His son, Bukola, became the governorship candidate and his daughter, Gbemisola, who was in the House of Representatives, became the senatorial flag bearer.

    Bukola rode to the State House on the massive goodwill and formidable machinery of his illustrious father, the Waziri of Ilorin, in 2003. He was re-elected in 2007 for a second term. Before he became governor, he was a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Agriculture.

    Dr Bukola later disagreed with his father on succession. He issued a red card to the old man. The Leader of Northern Union also declared war on his biological son when he insisted that his sister, Senator Gbemisola Saraki-Fowora, should succeed him as governor on May 29, 2011. Bukola, who had the party in his pocket, kicked against it. In the spate of four years, the son had become the new rallying point, kingmaker and godfather. The former governor raised Abdulfatai Ahmed as the PDP governorship candidate in opposition to his father’s choice. The man who fought the likes of Adamu Attah, Akanni Oniyangi, Senator Salman, and Admiral Mohammed Lawal to a standstill was on the edge, fighting to retain his relevance in the politics of Kwara State.

    The turn of event was tragic for the political gladiator who was reputed to have saved the household of Alimi from disgrace twice when enemies rose against the dynasty. But his own political dynasty was now on edge, no thanks to the strategic move of his son.

    Dr Olusola Saraki did not prepare for the battle in advance. He had to pull his divided supporters out of the PDP. Gbemisola was also infuriated. She struggled to realise her ambition on the platform of ACPN, a relatively unknown and weak platform. In his old age, Senator Olusola Saraki was on the firing line, traversing the nooks and crannies of the state to canvass support for his daughter in a state where two issues-poverty and religion-have shaped politics for decades.

    Dr Bukola Satraki scored a goal during the National Assembly elections. When PDP won the three senatorial seats in Kwara, the strongman received the news with a heavy heart. He still waited patiently for the governorship battle, which, based on experience, he knew his daughter was likely to lose. The political rift was later settled, but the discord it generated in the family lingered till the post-election period.

    With his death, there will be a vacuum in Kwara politics. Some followers of the late Senator now concede that the Bukola Saraki challenge may have been the saving grace of the family’s hold on the power structure Analysts say this will be filled by his son, who had been heir apparent to the political dynasty. But Saraki’s political family would face onslaught from opposition parties which are not relenting to reduce or alter its influence in the state.

  • Fed Govt approves N275.82b for contracts

    Fed Govt approves N275.82b for contracts

    In a bid to beat the November 28th contract approval deadline set by President Goodluck Jonathan, the Federal Executive Council (FEC), yesterday approved contracts worth N275.82billion.

    The projects whick cover key sectors of the economy, include roads, power supply, education, health, water resources and tourism.

    The approvals were granted at yesterday’s weeklycouncil meeting presided over by President Goodluck Jonathan.

    The contract for the engineering, procurement and construction of the 700megawatts Zungeru Hydroelectric power project, has the largest chunk, gulping N162.990billion. The sum is inclusive of all taxes, project consultancy and supervision. The project has a completion period of four years and is expected to create about 10,000 jobs in the course of its implementation.

    Other projects are in the oil rich Niger Delta for which N98.59billion have been provided. The projects brought by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) cover roads construction, bridges, land reclamation, erosion, electricity supply and markets.

    The Ministry of Works also got a fair share of the contracts with various road projects spread across the three geopolitical zones.

    Also, about N2billion was approved for the purchase of 80 Image Mass Readers Scanners for the marking of examinations conducted by the National Examination Council (NECO). Each of the scanner is at a cost of N24.9million.

    Minister of Information, Labaran Maku, alongside his colleagues in Works, Mike Onolememen, Education, Rukayyat Rufa’i, Water Resources, Stella Ochekpe, Culture and Tourism, Chief Edem Duke, Minister of Health, Onyeabuchi Chukwu and Minister of State Works, Ambassador Bashir Yuguda, said the projects are crucial for the development of the Niger Delta and in line with it’s determination to create the necessary atmosphere and conducive environment for sustainable development of the Niger Delta region.

    The Council also approved contracts on road rehabilitation in the North- West, South-South and South- East zone of the country.

    Maku said 14 road projects have been completed and awaiting commissioning.

    The projects approved for the Works Ministey include, the construction of Wudil-Utai-Achika-Darki-Jigawa road in Kano/Jigawa states, for N4.39 billion, with a completion period of 24 months.

    The construction of Section II, Phase I of Kontagora-Rijau-Tunga Magaji Road (Gulbiri Boka – Shambo village, km 49+500 – k74+000) in Niger State for N3.6 billion out of the total contract sum o N16.76 billion, for Section I and II respectively with a completion period of 48 months.

    Also approved is the Nnenwe-Uduma-Uburu road in Enugu/Ebonyi State comprising of Section I: Nnenwe-Uduma-Uburu road (26.274km) and Section II: Spur to Ishiagu-Mile 2 road (14km) for N11.6 billion with a completion period of 30 months. The road when completed, will generate jobs.

    The completion of Auchi Poly-Ekperi-Uzea-one (with Spur to Fugar) – Afuda road in Usugbenun road, Waterworks-Ivue-Ibore-Irrua road section II and the construction of Pedestrain bridge at Auchincloss Poly Main Gate in Edo at N8.9 billion.

    Council also approved the augmentation of the rehabilitation of Funtua-Gusau-Sokoto Road Section III: Sokoto-Talata Mafara, in Sokoto State in the sun of N3.12 billion to N3.431 billion.

    Speaking further on the various road contracts, Onolememen said, the sociology-economic importance of the roads and their potential to reduce vehicle operating cost, travel time and accidents on the roads made council to approve the contracts.

  • Last political struggles of a colossus

    Last political struggles of a colossus

    In 1998, Olusola Saraki became a National Leader and member of the Board of Trustees of the All People’s Party (APP), contributing to the APP success in Kwara and Kogi states. He assisted Mohammed Alabi Lawal in becoming Governor of Kwara State.

    In 2001 he was head of a team from the Arewa Consultative Forum, a Northern cultural and political group, sent to meet and discuss common goals with Northern state governors and other leaders.

    Later Saraki switched allegiance to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and in the 2003 elections supported his son Bukola Saraki as candidate for governor of Kwara state in April 2003, and his daughter Gbemisola R. Saraki as senator for Kwara State Central in April 2003.

    He was the chairman of the Societe Generale Bank (SGBN).

    He fought relentlessly to enthrone his daughter, Gbemisola to succeed her brother, Bukola as the governor of the state under the platform of PDP. He failed to achieve his dream just as his first at elective post.

    Though not a card carrying member of PDP, he announced his departure from the party for the Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN), the party that he floated and registered in 2003.

    Perhaps, the most devastating blow to Saraki’s almost 50years’ robust political career, was his inability to ensure the realization of the gubernatorial ambition of her darling daughter, Senator Gbemisola Saraki.

    The ambition of Gbemisola to succeed her brother, the governor of the state, Dr Bukola Saraki had polarized the feared Saraki’s political dynasty. While Bukola held firmly to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the elder Saraki and Gbemisola sought solace in the ACPN.

    “ACPN was born January 2nd this year, now so many states have heard I’m the brain behind have applied to join. I thank God I have been nursing the party; sending my members to attend INEC meetings,” he said.

    His words then: “The door of the PDP has been locked against me, I cannot enter and by their law. When that door is locked there is no way to enter it unless you want to break it. But I don’t want to break it as am a law-abiding person. The law of PDP is so dry and once it is applied it is very difficult to cross.

    “When I met President Goodluck Jonathan I told him I was leaving the party. PDP says congresses can only be run by delegates and delegates have been determined before the ward congresses in the state. I have left PDP and anybody that believes in me will follow me to other party. But my absence from home gave them a lot of chance to do all this, considering how the party was taken over by us and considering how we have been managing it.

    “They have locked the door that other candidate cannot get any delegates to support him. So what is the point in putting your head into it. So the best thing is to leave and that is why I left. Some people just sit somewhere to excuse others from entering the door.”

    “My son Bukola spent a lot of time in Abuja helping late President Umaru Yar’Adua stabilize his government leaving the PDP to be run by others at home. Those people have wreaked a lot of damage to his government. Please join me to pray to God to bring my son back home for me.”

    Shortly before the 2011 polls, the late politician popularly called Olooye announced to quit active politics after the 2011 general polls.

    He added that “by now I should be resting. I don’t want to continue in politics. How many of my colleagues of my age are in the forefront of politics?”

    He said “after the election and ACPN forms the next government I will hands off from the party.”

    He frowned at party primaries.

    He said: “I don’t believe in party primaries. They cause a lot of frictions and bad blood. I believe in negotiations as there are many offices that can be shared among party members. I don’t also base occupation of political offices on ethnicity and religion. When I gave the governor to Cornelius Adebayo it never occurred to me he was an Igbomina man, but Bukola says he has zoned the governorship seat to Kwara south.”

    He said ACPN did not have a presidential candidate in the forthcoming polls because “we don’t want to get ourselves involved in that. Any body that needs our votes during the presidential elections should come and talk to us. We are ready. When I met President Jonathan I told him that I’m not a member of PDP but a supporter as two of my children are members.”

    But shortly after Bukola and his party recorded a major victory in the last general election, winning all the available elective seats, except two House of Assembly seats in the state, the former governor initiated reconciliatory move between himself and his father.

    The result of Bukola’s initiative came to fruition months after the election when a special prayer was held at the Saraki’s Ilofa, GRA residence to mark the end of “hostility” between the warring factions of the Saraki’s political family.

    The elder Saraki did not only confirm the resolution of the crisis, he also openly blessed the election of the new governor, Alhaji AbdulFatah Ahmed, assuring him of his support and that of his followers.

    And Baba Oloye did not make any stringent demand from the new governor for the new found ‘love’ to flourish. He only requested that “I must be informed before hand about your programmes, policies and activities.”

    He emphasized that “I have never taken any contract from those that I had helped into power, including Bukola Saraki. All I have always demanded for is to be informed about programmes, policies and activities of such people. This will afford me the opportunity to counsel you and provide the right answers to those who may have come to report you to me.”

    The late Saraki said “I succumbed to pressure from Bukola for peace and unity to reign supreme in the state.

    “I urge the new governor to be broadminded and work with everybody. Secondly, here in Kwara anybody who is in position of authority needs to consult before taking any action. Bukola in the first six years was consulting. I cannot run their government for them. I can only make suggestions. It is the crack that happened in the past that brought other parties to the state.”

    Political observers in the state have contended his demise will change the political configuration and calculus of the over 40 years old state.

  • A family and its three Senators

    A family and its three Senators

    IF the late Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki was not a Muslim who had to be buried within 24 hours of his death, the Senate would have held a special session to mark his contributions to the evolution of the legislature. He was not only a Second Republic Senator, indeed Leader of the Senate, he died the Patriarch of perhaps the only family that has produced three Senators.

    As Senate Leader between 1979 and 1983, his image loomed very large. He was very visible and wielded so much influence on the national political plane. He held his turf in Ilorin and Kwara State and went on to make his impact felt in the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and the federal government. Initially, his strength was his money. At the time of return of governance baton to the civilians after 13 years of military rule, very few people who were part of the First Republic were in position to play prominent roles. Only titans like Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Alhaji Aminu Kano and Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim had the clout to come up with political parties. They had their natural followers.

    The NPN offered opportunity for those who were not neck-deep in the politics of the First Republic . True, Saraki had been introduced to politicking in 1964 when he sought a place in the legislature on the platform of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). Then a neophyte in Ilorin politics where the Ilorin Talaka Parapo held sway, the young medical doctor vowed to contribute meaningfully to governance in his locality.

    He thereafter built himself up as a formidable businessman and was already an established businessman in the period of transition to civil rule. He was a prominent member of the 1978/79 Constituent Assembly where he joined people of like mind to found the Nationalist Movement. His wealth stood him in good stead as he made a bid for the presidential ticket of the NPN against Mallam Adamu Ciroma, Alhaji Maitama Sule, Professor Iya Abubakar, the late Chief Joseph Tarka and the eventual winner, Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Although he lost, it marked the beginning of his effective sojourn in politics.

    Since 1977, he has been a major player on the political field.

    Senator Gbemisola Saraki

    Prior to the inception of the Fourth Republic , no one in political circles knew anything about the lady who was later to bid for power in Ilorin . But, riding on the back of the father, and running along the track laid by the late Senator, she contested for the Ilorin federal constituency seat and was active in the House of Representatives from 1999 to 2003.

    After four years of effective representation, she moved up the ladder to the Senate and even moved, on reelection in 2007 to become the Senate President. She lost to General David Mark. Last year, backed by the father, she attempted to succeed her brother, former Governor Bukola Saraki on the expiration of his term of office. However, she was stoutly resisted by the outgoing governor who refused the father’s plea on the ground that such a move could destroy the family’s legacy. The Wazirin Ilorin lost the battle. Bukola won. He succeeded Gbemisola Saraki as Senator representing Kwara Central.

    Dr. Bukola Saraki

    Like his father, Bukola Saraki is a medical doctor. He also got introduced to the world of business as a director of Societe Generale Bank. Later, he followed the footsteps of the father into politics. At 50, he has been a Special assistant to the President, was, for eight years, governor of Kwara State and chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum. Today, he sits in the Senate as chairman of the Committee on the Environment.

    When he contested the governorship in 2003, it was a tough battle against an incumbent Rear Admiral Mohammed Alabi Lawal, a former protégé of the late Senator. Dr. Bukola Saraki owed his triumph at the poll to the support of the father.

    But, by the time he had to quit the stage last year, he had become his own man, with an independent network and platform. Realiisng that the locus of power had shifted somewhat, Oloye, as the late Senator was known and addressed by his teeming supporters, had to move out of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). To prove his total control of the political scene, Oloye founded the Allied Congress party of Nigeria (ACPN) to push the candidacy of Senator Gbemisola Saraki. She lost to her brother, but the family retained control of the political territory. What would have torn the family apart was controlled as the former governor resisted all temptation to publicly denounce his father and the new party.

    Now that the patriarch is gone, what happens to the political edifice he left behind? Could Senator Gbemi who could not overcome his brother’s preference even with the support of his father now take on the ex-governor? Is Dr. Bukola Saraki now the undisputed king of Kwara politics.

    The days ahead will show. But, Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki played his part, established a legacy, was a phenomenon and succeeded in building a political dynasty.

  • Nigeria migrates from analogue to automated flight planning

    The House began consideration of the general principle of the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) yesterday on a contentious note, with lawmakers taking opposing sides over certain aspects of the bill.

    Already, from the first day of the debate It seemed apparent that there would be serious contention during the deliberation on the PIB.

    Leader of the House, Mulikat Akande-Adeola, gave a background of the bill before the House.

    She said: “This bill, as most of us are aware, was first introduced to the 6th National Assembly in 2010. Unfortunately, due to a number of factors, it was not passed into law.

    “From 1959 to date, there have been about 16 laws in our statutes regulating the petroleum industry. Some of these are the Petroleum Profits Tax Act, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Act, the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Act among others.

    “The Petroleum Industry Bill 2012 is seeking to harmonise and consolidate all these laws in order to better regulate, coordinate and manage the operations of the industry.”

    The House leader further noted that the sector currently accounts for 98 percent of our export earnings, 95 per cent of our foreign exchange earnings, 88 per cent of Federal Government Revenue and 40 per cent of Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product.”

    She observed that the sector has been plagued by secrecy, corruption and inefficiency, leading to poor economic and social returns from the industry for the Nigerian government and people.

    One of the most contentious issues that came up yesterday on the floor of the House was that of the 10 percent Petroleum Host Community Fund which dovetailed into who really owns the oil- Federal Government or the host community in which the Oil is prospected?

    The tone of the debate started with the presentation of the first contributor, Aishat Ahmed Dahiru (PDP Adamawa) who criticized various aspects of the bill.

    According to her the immense powers of the Minister in the PIB was what killed the first PIB. She said the powers conferred on the Minister in the current PIB would negate the efforts to overhaul the oil and gas sector, adding that the Minister should be prevented from acting as chairman of various Boards as indicated in the PIB.

    She however stirred the hornets’ nest when she criticized section 118 (6) of the proposed legislation while stipulates a 10 percent after tax profit as Petroleum Host Community Fund.