Category: Politics

  • Fasanmi laments Lam’s death

    Fasanmi laments Lam’s death

    Afenifere Deputy Leader Senator Ayo Fasanmi yesterday described the death of Alhaji Lam Adesina as a terrible blow to the progressives in the country.

    The elder statesman said the former federal legislator and governor of Oyo State was a democrat per excellence and committed Awoist, adding that he always exhibited frankness and candour no matter whose ox is gored.

    Fasanmi, who spoke on phone with our correspondent, said: “He was a titan. I have known him as a columnist in The Tribune for over 40 years. When he was in the House of Representatives, I was a senator and the late Senator Jonathan Odebiyi was our leader. Lam was the secretary of the UPM parliamentary caucus. He was a mass mobiliser, transparent and a man of exceptional character. His son, the young commissioner, I believe, will keep the flag flying”.

  • Northern governors pay tribute

    Northern governors pay tribute

    The Northern States Governors Forum (NSGF) has paid tribute to the late former governor of Oyo State and elder statesman, Alhaji Lam Adesina, saying his death marked the end of a glorious era.

    Chairman of the forum and governor of Niger State, Dr Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu, said the late Adesina was a true nationalist who lived a purposeful life of dedication to the cause of Nigeria’s unity and development as well as commitment to the upliftment of the citizenry.

    In a statement signed by Governor Aliyu’s Chief Press Secretary, Danladi Ndayebo, the forum described the late Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) chieftain as a loyal party man and a diligent, principled person, who stood on the side of the people at all times.

    “From his days as a newspaper columnist through his election into the House of Representatives, to his elevation to the position of the Governor of Oyo State, and his life in retirement, Adeshina remained with the people,” the statement said.

    The forum said the best tribute that Nigerians can pay to the late Oyo helmsman is to re-dedicate themselves to the ethos of nationalism, nation building, democracy and love for one another.

    It called on the Oyo State government to honour the memory of the former governor to serve as an inspiration to the younger generation of Nigerians.

    The forum prayed God to grant repose to the soul of the departed and grant the ACN and the family he left behind the fortitude to bear the irreparable loss.

  • Man of vision, character, says Kalu

    Man of vision, character, says Kalu

    A former Governor of Abia State, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, has described the demise of Alhaji Lamidi Onaolapo Adesina as a huge loss to the country.

    Kalu, in a statement yesterday, said Adesina will be missed for his noble contributions to the socio-economic and political development of Oyo State and Nigeria.

    The statement, signed by Oyekunle Oyewumi, said Kalu described Adesina as a visionary leader who saw beyond his leadership of Oyo State when he was governor.

    Oyewumi quoted Kalu as saying: “When Lam, as we fondly called him, was the governor in Oyo State, the projects he undertook were not only geared towards developing a state he was passionate about, but situated within the context of developing the country as a whole.

    “In choosing the projects he undertook, especially roads, he looked at it from the context of its benefit to Oyo State and Nigeria at large, especially for itinerant traders who made use of the network of roads within his state and connecting roads to other parts of the country in moving around their goods.

    “There is no doubt that his intellectual capacity stood him out when he was in government.”

    Kalu described Adesina as a great mind and one committed to justice and fairness on both national and international issues.

    He sympathized with his family, the Oyo State Government and prayed God to grant his soul eternal rest.

  • Kwakwanso, Shekarau, others renew rivalry over governorship seat

    Kwakwanso, Shekarau, others renew rivalry over governorship seat

    For Kano State Governor, Musa Kwakwanso and his predecessor, Ibrahim Shekarau, the year 2015 presents another opportunity to test their might on the political battlefield.

    It is no longer news that the two politicians have not been the best of friends, at least politically. Their rivalry dated back to the early 2000, during Kwakwanso’s first stint as governor from 1999 to2003, after he reportedly demoted Shekarau from the position of permanent secretary in the state civil service to a school principal over alleged insubordination.

    Within a spate of three years, Shekarau, who many had thought was down and out, contested the 2003 governorship election against his former boss on the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and to the surprise of everyone, had a relatively easy victory at the polls.

    Many Kano indigenes had attributed his victory to two factors: fate and the ability to connect with the average man on the streets, who regard Shekarau as incorruptible and ‘one of our own’.

    On his part, Kwakwanso, following his loss, simply moved on. An ally of the then president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, he was appointed to the powerful portfolio of the Minister of Defense, a position he held for about four years.

    From 2003 to 2011, Shekarau held forte as governor, enjoying a near cult-like status in the state. It is also on record that he was the first Kano State governor to serve two consecutive terms in office.

    However, his desire to handover to a trusted ally, Suleiman Fakai, failed to materialize, as Kwakwanso, who had retreated from the political scene, and whom many had also written off politically, staged a comeback to win the 2011 governorship election.

    Fakai’s loss dealt a major blow to Shekarau’s rising political fortune. It was indeed two huge losses in a row, with the former governor, who had earlier been picked as the presidential candidate of the ANPP coming a distant fourth in the race.

    Presently in Kano State, one recurring topic of discussion among political stakeholders is the likely entry of Kwakwanso into the presidential race. The governor, sources disclosed, has allegedly confided in a few close aides that he may give the presidency a shot in 2015, having come to the conclusion that there is nothing more for him to prove in the state politics.

    Reports that Kwakwanso could join the race for the 2015 presidency, The Nation gathered, may have cleared the coast for top politicians in the state to begin early preparations on who takes over the Kano Government House.

    This development, according to a member of the House of Representatives who prefers to remain anonymous, will renew the intense political rivalry between the governor, who is yet to anoint any aspirant, and his predecessor. Shekarau, who, it was learnt, is still firmly in control of the structures of ANPP in Kano State and may support the candidacy of Fakai once again in 2015.

    Fakai, the Commissioner for Local Government in Shekarau’s cabinet, according to sources, has remained loyal to the former governor despite the latter being out of office.

    For some ANPP members who are not disposed to Fakai flying the ANPP ticket, they are, however, rooting for Alhaji Kabiru Gaya, a serving two-term senator and former governor of the state between 1999 and 1993.

    They cite his level-headedness and broad appeal as his strong points, adding that while he has remained loyal to the party, he remains arguably, the only man in ANPP with the clout and stature to give any candidate put forward by the ruling party a run for his money.

    Other names being bandied around within the political circles as nursing governorship ambition include first term senator, Bashir Lado Garba, four-term member of the House of Representaives, Farouk Lawan, governorship candidate of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), in the 2011 elections, Lawal Ja’faru Isa and Ibrahim Abacha.

    Garba, a member of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was elected into the Senate in 2011. The young man, who is in his mid-40’s, proved with his election that he has come of age in politics, as he defeated heavyweights to clinch the PDP ticket and in the general elections.

    Though he has not declared intention to contest the governorship, there are unconfirmed speculations that quite a number of political and traditional elites are putting pressures on Garba to give the race a shot.

    One major factor believed to be working in his favour is his closeness to the power bases in the state, in addition to his non-controversial image. And according to insiders, finance will surely not be an issue for the senator if he decides to throw his hat into the ring.

    Quite wealthy in his own right, Garba, a big player in the oil and gas sector before his foray into politics, is also a nephew of the Abacha family, who sources allege, still controls huge financial wherewithal.

    Until he got embroiled in the fuel subsidy probe bribe scandal, Lawan in the opinion of not a few PDP members in Kano State was a governor-in-waiting. Reports had it that the lawmaker was prevailed upon to step down for Kwakwanso in 2011, and had actually been assured of the governorship ticket in 2015.

    But for his political associates, his alleged involvement in a bribe scandal may not negatively affect his governorship after all. “Has he been found guilty of the bribe scandal,” asked one of his loyalists. “Until that happens, Lawan remains the leading governorship aspirant in Kano PDP.”

    Also likely to join the race is Kwakwanso’s deputy, Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. An ardent loyalist of his boss, it remains unclear if the governor will throw his weight behind him when the chips are down.

    Despite his unsuccessful attempt last year, Jafaru Isa, a retired Brigadier General, The Nation gathered, still has his eyes on the coveted seat. The former military administrator secured the CPC ticket in a bitter contest with Ibrahim Abacha, a situation which left the party badly fractured culminating in its dismal showing at the polls.

    Perhaps except himself and his coterie of supporters, not many people are giving Isa any chance to spring a surprise. According to sources, apart from the fact that his party structures in the state remains weak and uncoordinated, the retired one-star army general lacks the financial war chest to prosecute a governorship campaign.

  • Oyinlola and the N18.38billion loan blame

    As the Commission of Inquiry set up by the Osun State Government to investigate a loan of N18.38 billion by the immediate past administration pronounced ex-Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola guilty of leadership failure, the question on most lips is whether the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) national secretary had no competent advisers?

    The commission, which was chaired by Prof. Femi Odekunle, had blamed the former governor for heeding the advice of the state assembly at a “non-emergency circumstance’’ and sought him to be sanctioned for “irrational application of parts of such loan and for directing certain obvious reckless disbursement of the loan”.

    It also blamed the former governor for approving an “unthinking Memorandum of Understanding that had turned out to be a fraud against the state”.

    Given these pronouncements, the puzzle Is whether Oyinlola had poor advisers or…

  • Obama, America and the rest of us

    Obama, America and the rest of us

    ALL over the world, decision makers, as well as the common but educated people, stayed glued to their television sets to monitor last Tuesday’s presidential election of the United States of America. As the sole surviving superpower, no one could ignore the development. Besides, the arrival of Barrack Obama on the scene in 2008 had alerted everyone to possibilities in the USA. He became the first black man elected to the most powerful office in the world. On November 6, he offered once again to consolidate his hold on power and prove that ascendancy in that country is transparent.

    But, he had to fight a good fight to scale the hurdles. The combination of the Republican Party and its candidate, Mitt Romney, could not be easily defeated. Romney fought hard. He ran a good race. He shook the incumbent and showed that in that country, it is not a one-way track.

    The outcome of the election was not as interesting as the run up to it. Every issue was discussed. Each candidate was weighed. Every pronouncement was verified and the national interest took precedence over all other things. It was America, after all. Besides, the rules were known to all. Almost all Americans understand the dichotomy between the popular and electoral votes. They know, as the Al Gore experience bore out in 2000, that you do not occupy the White House simply because you have more votes than your opponents. You need, by some strange and weird calculations, electoral votes that reflect the diversity of the American nation.

    In the process, it is shown that everybody matters. The youth and the aged have to speak out; the Hispanics and Blacks must be heard, while the rich and the poor must be brought on board. As such, both Obama and Romney ran huge bills canvassing support. It was obvious that traditional support areas for the Republicans and Democrats could not do the magic. Romney, a Mormon, was trying to break another barrier and free the society, just as Obama was determined to prove that the black man is not bereft of ideas.

    Interestingly, within hours, the results started pouring in. No one cried foul even when the machines chose to malfunction in some parts of the country. There was no allegation of manipulation in anyone’s favour. All through the exercise, no thought was spared any electoral commission or even the polling officials. It was not an issue whether gun-totting security men were needed to safeguard materials. No one ever speculated that some areas could be denied voting materials or others over-supplied.

    I had looked forward to the effect of Hurricane Sandy on voting in the New Jersey and New York areas. It turned out a non-issue, even with the warning that things could go awry again within 24 hours of the voting. It was a civic responsibility and the voters would not, at any cost, be denied that right.

    And the result. It was such a close race, at least by the popular votes cast. Only one per cent separated the candidates. Yet, it did not stop Romney from promptly congratulating Obama. He did not have to wait for the full votes to be in. As soon as the president crossed the magical 270 votes mark, the Republican challenger accepted that the game was over. His moving speech drew tears from some and showed how the American system works. And, in victory, Obama was gracious. He stretched forth his hands and recognised that the Romney cannot be ignored.

    In any case, the fact that the Republicans retain control of the House of Representatives is an indication that it is not total victory for Obama and his party. There have to be bipartisan cooperation if the society is to move forward. The figures, the intrigues, the sweat and the speeches all indicate that the celebration would have to stop in days and Obama must role up his sleeves if he is to go down in history as a great president who rose to meet the challenges that the election has brought forth.

    Just immediately after the American election, China also made a bid to change leadership, but the choreography showed the difference. As it is in the Catholic Church where the cardinals decide for all, the Central Committee of the Communist Party had the only say in the matter. All that others had to do was salute and clap like happy spectators at a soccer match.

    In our country, 2015 is just around the corner. Simple issues like producing a credible voter register,  logistics, where to keep sensitive materials, the roles of security forces, honesty of poll officials, vote counting, tally and announcement are still serious challenges. There is, the truth be told, nothing transparent about the Nigerian electoral system despite last year’s constitution amendment.

    Some of our leaders (or rulers), who would be attending the Obama inauguration in January, are already planning how to pervert the process next time. In the USA, the people spoke, their voice was heard, the system responded and the future is thus bright. Can the same be said of Nigeria? When would our elections reflect the General Will? Until we get the electoral process fixed, there can be no meaningful development. We can only keep dreaming of our place in the world by 2020. Or even 2090.

  • Inside the Bayelsa, Rivers oil war

    Inside the Bayelsa, Rivers oil war

    In the last two weeks, Nigerians have been treated to the bitter public war of words between Rivers and Bayelsa States over the Soku oil wells. In this piece, Managing Editor, Northern Operation, Yusuf Alli and Assistant Editor, Akin Orimolade examine the issues tearing the brother states apart.

    After about 66 years of mutual suspicion, the bubble has finally burst between Rivers and Bayelsa States over the Soku oil fields in Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of Rivers. The lingering but suppressed anger between the two brother states, which had heightened since 2002, is now a street fight with President Goodluck Jonathan not spared the mudslinging by the parties.

    The raging dispute is the first ‘open’ confrontation by the two states which used to be one entity. Since fate joined the people of the two states together by Decree 14 of 1967, signed into law by ex-Military Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon on May 27, 1967, the parties had peacefully cohabited as Rivers State even though their ethnic groups, tongues, and boundaries differed.

    In spite of their age-long cold war, they became the political brides whose ‘wild votes’ from the creeks determined the fate of presidential candidates in the Second, Third and Fourth Republics. For quite a while, Rivers State boasted that it churned out the highest number of votes at the 2011 election for Jonathan (a Bayelsan) to win the presidential poll. The votes from this axis very often tip the balance for the ultimate direction of political power in Nigeria.

    In their topsy-turvy history, the people of the two states have quietly tolerated each other to the extent that the founders of what is known as Rivers State (Commander Alfred Diete-Spiff and Chief Melford Okilo) came from Bayelsa State. Despite this history of cohabitation, the gulf between the ethnic groups in the Old Rivers State is as deep as the oil basins they are fighting over.

    Their initial pre-occupation was to liberate themselves from the Government of Eastern Nigeria where they were notable minorities and whose voice never counted. But after 19 years of existence, the differences among the people of Old Rivers State became obvious to the extent that the military regime of former Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha had to create Bayelsa State out of this old Rivers State by Decree 36 of October 1, 19996.

    It was a case of liberating a tiny minority from a major minority group. The creation of Bayelsa State has rekindled age-long rivalry among the ethnic groups in the two oil producing states. The battle for oil revenue from the Federation Account has compounded the boundary war which might transcend the present political actors in office with the prospect of a long-drawn legal battle ahead.

    HOW DID THE CRISIS START?

    According to findings, the border crisis actually started during the colonial era in 1946, about a decade before oil was discovered in Oloibiri in Bayelsa State. Investigations confirm that it was a nasty hostility which unsettled the colonial masters on the future of the Niger Delta. When the animosity became intense, the Governor of the then Nigeria (Protectorate and Cameroons) issued an Order in Council in 1946 which was later made a Public Notice No.71 of May 1, 1951 when the crisis did not abate among the ethnic groups. The order (made public in 1951), now in the National Archives, was signed by the colonial Acting Chief Secretary to the Government, H. F. Marshall. The order, which provides insight into the cold war, reads in part:

    “In exercise of the powers conferred upon him by Sub-section (2) of Section 5 of the Nigeria (Protectorate and Cameroons) Order in Council 1946, His Excellency, the Governor has been pleased to direct that the boundaries of the Degema Division of the Rivers Province shall be those described in the Schedule hereto.”North- The Southern boundary of Ahoada Division from the point of junction with Eastern boundary of the Brass Division to the point of junction with the Western boundary of the Ogoni Division to the point of junction with the Western boundary of the Calabar Province.

    “East – The Western boundary of the Calabar Province from the junction with the Southern boundary of the Ogoni Division to the sea at the mouth of the Andoni River.

    “South- The sea from the Western boundary of the Calabar Province at the mouth of the Andoni River to the Eastern boundary of the Brass Division at the mouth of the Owangatoro or Santa Barbara River.

    “West – The Eastern boundary of the Brass Division from the sea at the mouth of Owangatoro or Santa Barbara River to the junction with the Southern boundary of the Ahoada Division. “Note -The boundaries of the Brass and Ogoni divisions of the Rivers Province are described in Public Notice No. 146 of 1948 and the boundaries of the Ahoada and Port Harcourt Divisions of the Rivers Province are described in Government Notice No. 1577 of 1949.”

    By 1954, it was apparent to the colonial administration in the Rivers-Bayelsa axis of the Niger Delta that it might not be able to resolve the boundary disputes among ethnic groups. In a 1954 document, titled “Nembe-Kula Administrative Settlement”, the colonial masters foresaw the present crisis between Rivers and Bayelsa when it advised any aggrieved group to go up to the Supreme Court to clarify any boundary issue in order not to have a breach of the peace in the area.

    The settlement document, which was signed by L. Barrow (District Officer, Degema) and J.B. Craig (District Officer, Brass) reads: “The Administrative boundary between the Brass and Degema and between the Nembe and Kalabari Native Authorities is the Santa Barbara River. “To the West of Santa Barbara River, Kulas shall not introduce strangers nor collect rents but shall have right to continue in occupation of the following places without payment of rents: Kuroghaliri (alias Konyeboko); Pukokiri; Owukubu; Adlamuama; Ikriko-Idei-Kiri; Nyounkiri (aliasOwinkiri); Charlie-Kiri; and Tweniboko (alias Toni).

    “To the East of the Santa Barbara River, Nembe shall not introduce strangers nor collect rents but shall have right to continue in occupation of the following places without payment of rents: Darapagamo and Goldsmith-Kiri. “Nothing in this order shall preclude either party from taking action in the court to establish any right or title which it may claim. “Such actions must, however, be taken in the first instance in the Nembe Native Court if it concerns anywhere in the West side of the Santa Barbara River and in the Kalabari Native Court if it concerns the East side of that River. Either party may then apply to the Supreme Court. “Unless and until it is supervised by any court judgment, this order must be obeyed by both parties and contraventions will be treated as conduct likely to provoke a breach of the peace.”

    ORIGIN OF THE SCRAMBLE

    Before the discovery of oil, it was gathered that the scramble for boundaries was informed by craze for collection of land rents, control of some areas to attract favour from colonial masters, coastal access to white traders and fishing right, which is the economic mainstay of the Niger Delta.

    Now with abundant oil, the boundary war has shifted from the right for polluted fish to royalties from sweet crude and accruing jumbo revenue from the Federation Account. The more oil wells a state has, the more it smiles to the bank even if the masses will not benefit from the oil wealth.

    In an interview with our correspondents, former Security Adviser to the Rivers State Government, Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe, said: “When you talk of the border problem between Nembe, Kula and Kalabari, that has taken over 100 years. It was there before the colonial masters came. The colonial masters did some interventions.

    “What were they fighting for at that time? They were fighting for fishing right and they killed themselves over fishing right but the administrators at that time were wise. They took several decisions from time to time which aided the communities, which brought peace within the communities. Between 1926 and 1929, there was a big problem between the Nembe people and the Kula and, to an extent, the Kalabari people.

    “The district officer at that time decided to demarcate the boundaries for them and the boundaries were put at the West of Santa Barbara River for the Brass Division and degrees were issued, documents were written and that led to the demarcation of various divisions in the area. Then, callboard map came out 1945. The callboard map was the first mark that covers the different district or area and this took care of the various local areas in Nigeria including the Brass Division and the Degema Division.”

    GENESIS OF THE PRESENT CRISIS

    Although the seed of the present crisis was sown on October 25, 1999, it could be traced to the release of the 11th edition of the Administrative Map of Nigeria in 2002, and the printing of the map by the Federal Surveys of Nigeria.

    As soon as the map came out, Rivers State suspected foul play leaving the administration of ex-Governor Peter Odili to protest to ex- Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, who was the Chairman of the National Boundary Commission (NBC) during the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo. The Government of Bayelsa State under ex-Governor DSP Alamieyeseigha, in a letter dated October 25, 1999 petitioned the Director-General/Secretary of the NBC requesting the demarcation of the inter-state boundary between Bayelsa and Rivers states.

    Bayelsa also made its petition available to the NBC with delineation documents showing that the boundary between the Brass (Nembe) people of Bayelsa and New Calabar (Kalabari) people of Rivers should be San Bartholomew and not Santa Barbara River. The Rivers State Government, however, fought back through it State Boundary Commission by submitting memoranda Volumes I and II to the NBC on March 20 and 30, 2000.

    To resolve the matter, the Obasanjo administration directed that a meeting be held by Rivers and Bayelsa with officials of the NBC and Federal Surveys. A Joint Field Team (JFT), headed by the Surveyor-General of the Federation, was set up to “carry out the field tracing and provisional demarcation of the boundary.” But it was learnt that in defiance of the JFT, the Surveyor-General went ahead in 2000 to produce the 11th Map while investigation into the boundary dispute between the two states was still in progress.

    The same map became effective in 2002. In a June 20, 2002 letter to Atiku by the then chairman of the Rivers State Boundary Commission, Sir Gabriel Toby, the state said the 11th map was unacceptable because it fundamentally altered the boundary of the state. He also explained what transpired between the two states and the NBC and Federal Surveys.

    The letter said in part: “The boundary between Rivers State and Bayelsa State at the Southern sector had been fundamentally altered by shifting the boundary from its being west of the Santa Barbara River to the San Bartholomew River.

    “The Surveyor-General of Rivers State was directed to immediately bring this anomaly and material distortion to the attention of the Surveyor-General of the Federation requesting for immediate withdrawal of the said Administrative Map 11th edition from circulation.

    “The Joint Field Team met at Abuja on 4th and 5th May 2000 and studied the delineation documents to be used on the field. “Officials of the National Boundary Commission, Federal Surveys and officials from Bayelsa and Rivers again met in Port Harcourt on 16th October 2001 and constituted a Screening Committee to screen all delineation documents submitted by the two states at Abuja on 29th and 30th November 2001.

    “The screening exercise, attended by all the parties, took place at Abuja on 3rd and 4th of December 2001 and all the submitted documents were categorised as primary documents, secondary documents or accepted for information only for purposes of field exercise.

    “The Joint Field Team, headed by the Federal Surveys, was formally inaugurated by the National Boundary Commission at Yenagoa, Bayelsa State on the 11th of December 20111 and it was agreed that the field work should commence on the 21st of January 20o2. A technical sub-committee headed by the Chief Project Survey (a staff of Federal Surveys) was also set up to work out the modalities and requirements for the field exercise with Surveyors-General of both states.

    “The foregoing succinctly establishes that there is a dispute between Rivers and Bayelsa as to the boundary in the Southern sector between Nembe and Kalabari axis.

    “It is important to place on record that the Administrative Map of Nigeria, First and Ninth editions, also prepared by Office of the Federal Surveys 1977 showed the boundary between Nembe and Degema (Kalabari) as being the West of Santa Barbara River.

    “It is very disturbing that the Office of the Surveyor-General of the Federation which has fully participated at every meeting organised by the National Boundary Commission for the demarcation of the boundary between the two states and which is well aware of the dispute between the two states in this axis and which is in fact the Team Leader of the Joint Field Team can unilaterally produce an Administrative Map of Nigeria totally at variance with its last edition(or in fact any previous edition ever) during the pendency of the dispute.

    “The 11th edition which on the face of it is stated to have been published in the year 2000 only recently came into circulation. “The Government and people of Rivers Sate seriously doubt that the Office of the Surveyor-General of the Federation of which Federal Surveys is a part can carry put the grave responsibility of an unbiased arbiter in demarcating the boundary between the two states working in conjunction with the National Boundary Commission.”

    HOW THE 11TH MAP WAS ARRIVED AT AND NATIONAL BOUNDARY COMMISSION INITIAL INTERVENTION

    Following the petition of Rivers State, the National Boundary Commission, in a letter of July 3, 2002 (NBC.SEC. 4/S.75) signed by its then Director-General, Dahiru Bobbo, admitted inadvertent misrepresentation of Bayelsa/Rivers Interstate Boundary in the 11th Map due to pressure and asked the two states to maintain the status quo pending corrections in the 12th Edition.

    The letter, addressed to ex-Governor Peter Odili, said: “With reference to the letter Ref, No RSRC/002/37 dated 20th June 2002 addressed to His Excellency, the Vice-President. Chairman, National Boundary Commission, I wish to inform Your Excellency that I have discussed the issue with the Surveyor-General and wish to state as follows:

    “That the National Boundary Commission has taken note of the state’s observation on the inadvertent misrepresentation of the Bayelsa/Rivers interstate boundary at the San Bartholomew River as shown on the map.

    “The error was as a result of the delay in inputs from Rivers State during the production of the Edition and the pressure to quickly publish the long overdue 11th Edition of the Administrative Map of Nigeria.

    “I am to assure Your Excellency that your observations have been noted and that necessary corrections shall be reflected on the 13th Edition currently under production. I am to further assure you that the boundary line as reflected on the said Edition of the Administrative Map shall in no way have any bearings on the current efforts of the National Boundary Commission to determine the correct boundary between Bayelsa and Rivers states.

    “It is our hope that the current effort at the demarcation of the Bayelsa/ Rivers interstate boundary shall be concluded as soon as possible to enable its reflection on the 12th Edition of the Administrative Map of Nigeria currently under production.

    “Let me reiterate that as agreed at our previous meetings, the status quo on the boundary shall be maintained until the correct boundary is determined after the completion of the current demarcation exercise. This letter is endorsed to your Bayelsa State counterpart for his information.”

    ISSUES AT STAKE BETWEEN THE TWO STATES

    After waiting for 10 years without any redress on alleged misrepresentations of its interstate boundary on the 11th Map, the battle has shifted to the Supreme Court which ruled that the status quo should be maintained. The question is: Which status quo? Is it the 11th Map officially adopted by the Federal Government in 2002 and which is in favour of Bayelsa State or the 10th Map as inferred in the NBC letter to Odili? This is the crux of the matter between the two states and they may have to run in and out of the court to get the correct interpretation.

    But in line with the 11th Map in use by the Federal Government, Bayelsa State has had interstate boundary ceded to it with the accruing Soku oil wells and high revenue yield. During a protest march to the Government House in Port Harcourt by Kalabari monarchs, Rivers State Deputy Governor, Tele Ikuru said the problem started when the National Boundary Commission and Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) technically ceded about 80 percent of the oil and gas bearing communities and settlements in Akuku Toru Local Government area to the old Brass Division in Nembe, Bayelsa State by shifting the boundary demarcating Degema Division from the old Brass Division to River Sombreiro, in the 12th provisional edition of the Administrative map of Nigeria.

    The Deputy Governor said money in the escrow account, pending the resolution of the dispute, is now being paid Bayelsa State. He said so far, N17 billion proceeds from the Soku fields in the escrow account had been paid to Bayelsa State.

    On his part, His Royal Highness, Disreal Gbobo Bob-Manuel II, Owukori IX, Amanyanabo of Abonnema, who spoke on behalf of others, said they were in Government House to protest against the sudden shift in the boundary between the two states. He said the boundary that divided the two areas had been there for over 100 years, adding that the colonial masters recognised it. The monarch said with the sudden shift, they had moved over 90 per cent of AkukuToru Local Government Area to Nembe.

    CLAIMS AND COUNTER-CLAIMS

    Not even an emergency ceasefire session called by President Jonathan has been able to douse the tension between the states. Allegations put in the public domain border on alleged plans to annex some parts of Rivers State to secure more oil wells for Bayelsa. The claims and counter-claims are bringing out more revelations. According to the Governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, besides the currently disputed Soku oil fields in Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of the state, Bayelsa State had initiated a plot to adjust more boundaries that would rob Rivers State of about 71 oil wells in its favour.

    Amaechi, who dissociated himself from any ongoing political campaign towards the 2015 election, however, commended President Goodluck Jonathan for the statesmanly role he had played so far in the oil well/boundary row between the two states.

    “As we are talking now, they have given 46 oil wells belonging to Rivers State to Abia State. At the same time, apart from claiming that Soku belongs to them, the Bayelsa State government is fighting hard to extend the boundary to somewhere near Abonnema in order to take over another 71 oil wells belonging to us.

    “The president advised us not to talk to the press on the Soku issue and he wants the right thing to be done and we will support him. Since Rivers people are happy with the way President Jonathan is handling the issue, we have to obey him by not talking to the press. But since you asked, I have to say it out. As a state and as a people, we have one common destiny; we will fight for our right.”

    He said Rivers State, which used to be the number one oil producing state before is now third following the ceding of its oil wells to neighbouring states in the Niger Delta.

    But Bayelsa State Governor, Seriake Dickson, denies plans to annex any part of Rivers State because of oil wells. He said Bayelsa was only demanding its share of derivation based on the 11th Map of Nigeria. The governor in a statement said: “The attention of the Bayelsa State Government has been drawn to media reports credited to chiefs and elders of some Ijaw clans of Kalabari extraction in Rivers State, alleging attempts by some persons to forcefully annex communities and ancestral lands as well as oil facilities and installations in Kalabari land to Bayelsa State for the purpose of claiming derivation entitlements.

    “The government of Bayelsa State wishes to react as follows: Firstly, we assure our Ijaw kith and kin in the Kalabari clan of Rivers State that there is no such move to forcefully annex any territory or people into Bayelsa State. We further wish to state that the Ijaw strategic interest demands that Ijaws wherever they are should be supported and strengthened and not to be forced into Bayelsa State.

    “That the purported claim is an attempt by detractors of the Ijaw nation to create unnecessary strife and hostility within the Ijaw ethnic family to our collective disadvantage.

    “The true state of affairs is as follows: That by the 11th edition of the administrative map of Nigeria published in 2000, Bayelsa State as a state was entitled to derivation and other claims from crude oil production in respect of oil exploration carried out within its territory as stated in the said map.

    “It is important to note that the claim of a state to derivation on account of oil production within its territory is different from ownership of land by families, communities and even clans. Whereas the claim of a state is based on territorial boundaries contained in the administrative map, that of a clan, family and community is based on traditional history, possession and other forms of ownership.

    “Therefore, it is very common in the Niger Delta, owing to the way and manner states were created, for communities or clans to be in one state while part of the ancestral land is in another. The family, clan or community does not cease to be traditional owners of such lands, while the state in which the land forms a part exercise administrative control over such land and therefore, entitled to derivation.

    “By the said 11th edition of the administrative map of the Federal Republic of Nigeria dated 2000; Bayelsa State is entitled to derivation in respect of all the oil wells within the state territory.

    “The government of Rivers State has been receiving derivation revenue over several oil facilities and installations which are clearly within Bayelsa territory from 1999 till date in spite of the clear boundary delineation in the said map.

    “We acknowledge the long standing dispute between the Ijaws in Bayelsa in Nembe clan and the Ijaws in Kalabari clan in Rivers State over traditional land boundaries. The claims predate the creation of Bayelsa State. However, the present issue is not about Nembe people laying claim to Kalabari land or of people trying to annex Kalabari land and communities as part of Bayelsa State.”

    THE BACKLASH ON JONATHAN

    Bearing the brunt of the missiles being thrown by the two states is President Goodluck Jonathan on whose roof at the Presidential Villa the rockets are falling. The crisis has deteriorated to the extent that it is being linked to the jostle for the presidency in 2015.

    Some are suggesting that Jonathan, who many suspect is interested in a second in 2015, will not be too pleased by any political complications to his ambition arising from his own backyard. Rumours of Amaechi running as Vice President with Jigawa Governor Sule Lamido have been floating around for a while. But Amaechi says he was not privy to any campaign or agreement with anybody to be Vice President.

    He said: “I heard that there are vehicles moving round the country with my poster as running mate to Governor Lamido. I have no plans for 2015. I don’t know who those sponsors are. I have no ambition because, I am exhausted. Can’t you see?

    “Those carrying those vehicles campaigning for Amaechi for vice-president are on their own. They should stop because I have no ambition. I have not attended any political meeting or gathering that has to do with 2015 presidential election.”

    While Amaechi might be circumspect and strategic in unfolding his 2015 ambition, he cannot deny that there is a cat and mouse relationship between him and the President. As the Chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) and defacto chairperson of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Governors Forum, Amaechi and his colleagues in the PDP held the President by the jugular before Jonathan could get the party’s presidential ticket in January 2011.

    It was a negotiated ticket which earned the governors automatic second term tickets. Without the deal with the governors, it would have been difficult for Jonathan to defeat erstwhile presidential aspirant, Atiku Abubakar, who had a hurricane-like campaign machinery.

    The governors, led by Amaechi, pushed their luck further to checkmate Jonathan when the PDP wanted to elect its national officers. Although they later bowed to his choice of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur as the National Chairman of the party, it is obvious today that the governors are in control of the party machinery as they have put enough checks in the party executive to keep Jonathan at bay anytime.

    Amaechi later emerged as a kingmaker in the party when his candidate, Sam Jaja emerged as the Deputy National Chairman of PDP contrary to the preferred candidate of the President, Uche Secondus. The game plan manifested itself when in the heat of the fuel crisis in January; Sam Jaja made scathing remarks which hurt the government. The same Amaechi had also clashed with First Lady, Mrs. Patience Jonathan, over the demolition of Okrika Waterfront in Port Harcourt.

    Up till today, Amaechi has not shown enough ‘remorse’ to be in the good book of the presidency. The boiling point in Jonathan-Amaechi frosty relationship was the loss of second term ticket by ex-Governor Timipreye Sylva, who is a close ally of the Governor of Rivers State. It was an open secret that Amaechi gave backing to Sylva despite the fact that the Presidency did not want the ex-governor of Bayelsa back.

    Some people, including close aides of Amaechi, are alleging that the presidency may be paying back the Rivers State governor in his own coin. But Jonathan, who has lived mostly in Rivers State and got a beautiful Dame, has denied having any ulterior motive in the crisis between Bayelsa. Though he was the Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State when the petition to the NBC was written against Rivers, the President insists he has no vested interest in the boundary dispute.

    Although he has offered to play the role of honest and impartial peace broker, his skills in this area will be sorely tested given the high stakes involved in the oil wells dispute. With the added flavor of 2015 presidential politics in the mix, the whole dispute is shaping up to be very combustible if not properly handled.

  • Boko Haram: Is the end in sight?

    Boko Haram: Is the end in sight?

    Boko Haram’s recent call for peaceful negotiation with the Federal Government has raised several issues in the polity. In this report, Dare Odufowokan looks at the implications of the proposed peace initiative

    Insecurity, no doubt, has been a major challenge to the leadership of Nigeria since the outbreak of the Nigerian civil war in 1967. Administration after administration, both military and civilian, have had to adopt several methods and strategies aimed at ridding various parts of the country of one banditry or the other at various times in our history as a people.

    For President Goodluck Jonathan, it has been particularly tasking as he had to confront three near insurgencies in one reign aside from the many communal clashes his administration had to cope with.

    First it was the senseless killings unleashed on the Plateau by rampaging ethno-religious adversaries slugging it out in what became known as the indigene-settler dispute. The killings are yet to stop till now even after claiming a serving senator, a state legislator, several eminent personalities and thousands of helpless citizens of the state.

    The Jonathan administration also inherited the crisis in the Niger Delta where militants were up in arms against both the government and multinational oil companies over what they called the abandonment of the people and lands of the area to suffer untold hardship inflicted upon them by the exploration activities in the area. It took the lauded amnesty programme of the administration to stem the tide of insurgency in the creeks.

    The emergence of the militant Islamist sect, Boko Haram, on the scene took many Nigerians by surprise because the group’s violent activities blossomed just as the bombings in the Niger Delta were receding.

    The sect, which claimed to be out to islamise the entire northern part of the country has continued to wreck havoc in many states in the north ever since, while several efforts by the government have failed to bring about the much needed peace in the region.

    Rather than abate, following the killing of its leader, Muhammed Yussuf, in 2010, the sect’s activities assumed an alarming dimension when it introduced suicide bombings in its agitation across the northern part of the country.

    But in what appears to many as a surprise move, the violent Islamic sect, Boko Haram, on Thursday November 1, 2012, announced its readiness to end its  campaign and allow peace to reign in the region on some conditions though.

    The conditions include the arrest and prosecution of ex-Borno State Governor, Modu Sheriff; the proposed peace talks holding in Saudi Arabia; compensation for families of its members killed in the course of its terrorist acts; the rebuilding of its mosques and the release of all its members in the custody of security agencies.

    The sect also named a former Head of State, Muhammadu Buhari, Dr. Shettima   Monguno, a former Yobe State Governor, Bukar Ibrahim; Ambassador Gaji Galtimari, Aisha Alkali Wakil and her husband, Alkali  as “trusted” Nigerians it would be ready to negotiate with in Saudi Arabia.

    “We are not actually challenging the state, as people are saying, but the security (forces) that are killing our members, children and wives.

    “We are highly offended but if this government is sincere, everything (the attacks) will come to an end. We want to dialogue but government must show sincerity in its handling of the situation,” the sect annouced in its first ever conciliatory gesture since hostilities broke out fully, two years ago.

    The Presidency on its part said the proposed ceasefire by Boko Haram was a welcome development, if it was intended to achieve the objectives of peace and security. Presidential spokesman, Reuben Abati, said the position of President Goodluck Jonathan had been that he was ready for dialogue if members of the sect could come forward.

    “Yes, I have seen the story in which the Boko Haram is reportedly declaring a ceasefire and the opening of dialogue. I think it is important to restate the position of government in this matter. The Federal Government is committed to peace and security for the benefit of all Nigerians. If what the proposed ceasefire is intended to achieve are the objectives of peace and security, then it is a welcome development,” Abatti responded.

    At that point, the stage appeared set for a return to peace and not a few Nigerians rejoiced accordingly. But the joy was to be shortlived as barely 24 hours after Boko Haram’s peace offering, unknown gunment killed Major General Muhammad Shuwa (rtd), a civil war hero, as he was preparing for Jummat prayer that fateful Friday, in Maiduguri.

    Reports have it that four youngsters, acting in the manners of Boko Haram gunmen, posed as “visitors” to the General and gunned him down along with a guest.

    Military spokesperson, Lt. Col. Sagir Musa, did not mince words when he alleged that it was the handiwork of Boko Haram insurgents. But Mohammed Ibn Abdulaziz, a spokesman for the terrorist group, said, “We have no hands in the killing of Gen. Shuwa. We didn’t have problem with the man; we could not have killed the late general for no reason.”

    But coming just hours after the sect said it was ready to start talks with the federal government, there are new concerns over the sincerity of the group in pursuit of its plannned peaceful negotiation.

    A serious question is now begging for an urgent answer as the federal government prepares to either accept or reject the olive branch extended by Boko Haram. The haunting question is, “Who killed General Shuwa?”

    Various schools of thought have been coming up with answers to this question. While some analysts point to the possibility of factionalisation within the ranks of the Boko Haram sect, others are of the opinion that some oblique forces are capitalising on the situation in the north to settle political, economic and even private scores?

    “The group cannot deny having a hand in the death of the General. I think they are out to just buy some more time to regroup after the several encounters they had with the JTF left them scattered and unarmed. The federal government should know better than to trust criminals.” This was the view of one of the schools, which recalled that few weeks before he was killed, Shuwa exposed some of the activities of this sect and even said he may be killed by the group. “Just like he predicted, he was gunned down,” they point out, alleging that they killed him to stop him from spilling more information.

    Another explanation is that there now exist two Boko Haram groups. While one is cornered and ready to seek negotiation, the other is still very much interested in bloodshed.

    “Take a good look at the way the announcement came and you will agree with this theory. It was not the usual Boko Haram spokesman who made the announcement, rather it was the second in command to Shekau, the new leader.

    “Also, Muhammed Ibn Abdulazeez spoke to journalists in English as against the usual Arabic language used by spokespersons of the sect. Shekau is yet to confirm what his deputy said and the known spokesmen of the group are yet to come out and say something. There may be a split in the house of Boko Haram.

    “The denial was also made by Abdulazeez. Where are the known spokepersons of the sect? Are they for or against Abdulazeez’s announcement? These are questions we must get answers to before we take the peace offer serious lest we allow the sect to buy time and return to wreck more havoc,” a leader of the Arewa Consultative Forum and former minister said.

    Raising fears that fifth columnist may be the ones working to prevent a peaceful resolution of the Boko Haram crisis in the country, the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Police, Senator George Akume, declared that the agitation by Boko Haram has been hijacked by some elements outside the membership of the sect.

    The foremr Benue State governor recalled that the agitation by some Boko Haram elements was a mere protest before it was hijacked by some enemies of the government which has turned the agitation into an insurgency.

    He also decried President Goodluck Jonathan’s inability to tackle security challenges in the North. Addressing journalists in Abuja, Akume disagreed that the on-going insurgency staged by Boko Haram is political.

    “It is more of a protest by a few disgruntled elements in the North which has been exploited by some people who have grudges with the government,” Akume said.

    The call for the arrest of former Governor Sherrif is another pointer to the fact that answers must be provided to the questions raised above if peace is to follow the planned negotiation between Boko Haram and the federal delegation.

    Three weeks before the olive branch, JTF announced the arrest of Shuaibu Moammed Bama, a high profile Boko Haram commander in the house of Alhaji Ahmed Zannah, a serving senator representing Borno Central .

    Reacting, the embattled Senator said Bama was arrested in Senator Sheriff’s House and that the case was a deliberate frame-up. Senator Sheriff in turn accused Zanna of being a terrorist who is involved with Boko Haram.

    One thing that is clear from the accusations and counter accusations is that the  Boko Haram agitation may indeed be more political than Nigerians know right now.

    Given the precarious scenario we are in as the dreaded sect dangles an olive branch, what is left to be seen is how fast and how far the planned negotiation will go in bringing peace to the troubled region, considering the complexity of the issues at hand.

  • Between Bianca and Okorocha

    Between Bianca and Okorocha

    Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu, whose utterances and activities since the demise of her husband have been subjects of

    intense controversy within some various caucuses of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), stepped into another hot fire recently, when she allegedly claimed that the Imo State Governor, Owelle Rochas Okorocha, was installed the Chief Executive of the state by the leader of Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB).

    As is expected, Okorocha, through his aides, had fired back, advising the ambassador to concentrate on her job and stop meddling with the Imo State government. That is not all, Ripples gathered that Bianca may also have been warned by some APGA leaders over her utterances and activities, some of which some members alleged were anti- party.

  • Jonathan, Lamido’s new bond

    Jonathan, Lamido’s new bond

    For the people of Jigawa State, the visit of President Goodluck Jonathan raises hope for better things to come. Between November 5 and 6, the President left the rigours of work in Aso Rock for Jigawa to celebrate the achievements of Governor Sule Lamido, who has been making outstanding efforts to lift Jigawa up to envisaged status of the “New World.”

    It was, indeed, a warm reception for the President as the people of Jigawa came out en masse, with joy to receive Jonathan who Lamido described as a dynamic and exceptional leader.

    The President’s first point of call was Hadejia Emirate where a colourful Durba was organised for him by the Emir of Hadejia, Alhaji Adamu Abubakar Maje, who expressed joy over the president’s visit to his emirate and thanked him for all the federal government’s  projects cited in the state. The Emir who presented a white horse to the President, called on the Federal Government of Nigeria to rehabilitate the Kano-Jahun- Hadejia Road for easy vehicular movement.

    The President also had meetings with Jigawa stakeholders at the Government House where he assured them that his administration will always partner with the state government to ensure that Jigawa get the desired development. Among the requests made by the people of Jigawa State include facilities for flood control, erosion and the need for Green Belt along Jigawa borders. The Jigawa stakeholders urged the Federal Government to pursue the Green Belt project for northern borders with vigour, noting that Jigawa should be given special attention since it has proved to be the most exposed state in this regard. They are of the opinion that the Green Belt policy, if adequately realised, will complement the Jigawa State government’s afforestation programme.

    They also reminded the President of the need for improved water supply in Dutse and to order the rehabilitation of federal roads in Gaya-Kafin Hausa-Katagun-Ganawa, Kwanar Dumawa-Kanya Babba-Babura-Niger border and Kano-Gumel-Maigatari-Niger Border. The stakeholders also stressed the need for the completion of Hadejia Valley Irrigation project and the establishment of a Federal College of Education in Jigawa.

    The President was full of excitement when he saw the newly constructed National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) orientation camp in Fanisau, named after former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, whose government established the NYSC scheme. In his address before commissioning the camp, Jonathan dramatically called two corps members and asked them their feelings about the new camp—and their remarks which was full of praises for Governor Sule Lamido stimulated the crowd. According to the President, the Jigawa NYSC Camp ranks among the best out of the 15 permanent camps in the country so far. He used the opportunity to urge state governments, which have not been able to build permanent camps for the NYSC programme, to do so.

    The camp, which cost about N800 million, was built with state-of-the-art facilities. It has an administrative block with fully furnished offices, 31 staff quarters, asphalt-paved access roads with street lights, standard athletic ground, two hostels for male and female corps members consisting of 16 blocks each, class rooms, boreholes, lock-up shops, eatery halls, 200KVA standby generator, standard athletic track, football pitch, basket and volley ball fields.

    From the NYSC Camp, Jonathan proceeded to lay the foundation for the Dutse International Airport in Gidan Bawa, estimated to cost N5 billion. Another gigantic project commissioned by the President is the newly built Ahmadu Bello state secretariat at the cost of N9.5 billion.

    Mr. President described the secretariat as a monumental structure, adding that it showed the zeal of Governor Sule Lamido to ensure smooth running of government activities. According to him, Lamido is among the governors who have made significant performance, noting that the Federal Government will continue to do what is expected, so that Sule Lamido can accomplish his ambition of taking Jigawa State to greater heights.

    Jonathan who also spoke on the need for peace and order in the country, described the rampant killings in the country as primitive, saying that some people take as a hobby killing innocent citizens and destroying properties, pointing out that those who indulge in such dastardly acts and their sponsors are uncivilized.