Category: Politics

  • Madagali attack: Stop the shameful grandstanding, APC fires Atiku 

    Madagali attack: Stop the shameful grandstanding, APC fires Atiku 

    The Adamawa State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has criticized former Vice President Atiku Abubakar for his remarks on the recent terrorist attack in Wagga Mongoro, Madagali Local Government Area.

    Four people were confirmed dead after suspected Boko Haram insurgents struck the community last Tuesday.

    In a statement issued in Abuja on Sunday, the APC State Publicity Secretary, Hon. Mohammed Abdullahi, described Atiku’s comments as insensitive.

    “Atiku once again proved that tragedy, for him, is not a moment of sober reflection but a stage for cheap politics. Instead of standing with the grieving persons, he rushed to issue a hollow statement riddled with lies and errors,” the statement read.

    “Unfortunately, upon hearing about the tragedy, Atiku hurriedly put up the sordid and fictitious statement laced with political innuendos. From the statement, it is clear that Atiku is either ignorant of what really transpired or he was plainly mischievous or both. His statement got both the place and even the number of casualties involved wrong. It was a comedy of errors. 

    “Without mincing words, it must be stated that Atiku and the PDP government he once served laid the foundation for the insecurity we are battling today. 

    “Surprisingly, Atiku, whose tragic failure at leadership contributed immensely to the current insecurity, is now shamelessly using the very monster he helped create to further his wicked and diabolic plan to destabilize the country. The PDP government in which he was the second in command squarely puts us into this quagmire.

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    Despite his renewed rhetorics, Atiku once neglected Adamawa when he had the chance to change its fortunes, attracting no meaningful projects and abandoning even his own hometown of Jada, while concentrating on personal business ventures. 

    “When Boko Haram overran Adamawa communities, displaced families, and shut down livelihoods, Atiku was silent. Now, when peace is gradually returning under APC leadership, he suddenly finds his voice – not to unite, but to exploit.

    The APC government Atiku wants to discredit at all costs is doing a good job in cleaning the Augean stable. Competent, patriotic, and committed hands are manning the situation now actively supporting our gallant armed forces and security agents.”

    Abdullahi argued further that “this shameless politicization of grief is to say the least condescending and no leader worth his status should have embraced such scorched earth approach to make anybody or government look bad for the expediency of his personal political. Such an approach is callous, reckless, and a stark reminder of Atiku’s disconnect from the people he claims to champion.

    “The APC stands firmly with the victims of Wagga Mongoro. We commiserate with the bereaved, pray for the injured, and reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that these degraded insurgents are finally defeated.

    “The people of Adamawa are not deceived. They know the difference between genuine solidarity and empty posturing. They know who stood with them in their darkest hours – and who is now cynically dancing on fresh graves for political gain.”

  • Ten years and Mahmood Yakubu’s legacy at INEC

    Ten years and Mahmood Yakubu’s legacy at INEC

    On the 9th of December, 2025, Prof Mahmood Yakubu, a Professor of Political History and International Studies with specialisation in military and political history with emphasis on Nigeria and African political history and revolutionary movements, among others will take a bow after ten years of service to the nation as head of the biggest electoral body on the African continent. In this review, TONY AKOWE examines some of his achievements in the last ten years.

    When Prof Mahmood Yakubu was first appointed the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Nigeria had huge expectations, especially coming immediately after the 2015 general election, which marked the first time power was transitioning from a ruling party at the national level to the opposition. Atahiru Jega, a Professor of Political Science and former President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, had just stepped down as head of the electoral body, leaving Amina Bala Zakari, the most senior National Commissioner at that time, to lead in acting capacity. Yakubu, who had served as Executive Secretary of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund, was found worthy of the large shoes left behind by Jega. Following his screening and eventual clearance by the Senate as provided for in the establishment act of the commission, Yakubu was sworn in by the late former President Muhammadu Buhari on the 9th of November, 2015, to begin his first five years as Chairman of the Commission. Not many thought he would go on to make history as the first Nigerian to oversee two general elections. Even fewer people thought he would be remembered for steering Nigeria’s electoral system into the digital age.

    On completion of his first five years, he was reappointed for a second term of five years by the President, cleared by the Senate and sworn in on the 9th December 2020 for another term of five years.

    He became the first INEC Chairman to be appointed for a second term in the history of the commission. Today, across the country, there is a debate over his tenure. But one achievement stands out above all, and that is the introduction of technology into the heart of Nigeria’s voting process.

    For the record, aside from Attahiru Jega (2011 and 2015), Yakubu is the only INEC Chairman who has conducted two Presidential elections (2019 and 2023). He also conducted about 19 end of tenure and off cycle governorship elections in Edo (3), Ondo (3), Anambra (3 including the November 11, 2025 elections), Kogi (2), Ekiti (2), Osun (2), Imo (1) and Bayelsa (3) as well as over 300 supplementary elections into legislative houses at both the state and national level.

    One of Prof Yakubu’s achievements in his ten years in charge of the nation’s electoral system is bringing stability to the conduct of elections in the country. Before his appointment, the dates for the general election were not regular. Nigerians were not always certain that elections would take place on the appointed date. But this changed as he regularised the dates of general elections and FCT Area Council Elections, with the general election now holding on the third Saturday in February of the election year for the Presidential and National Assembly Elections, and two weeks later for the Governorship and State Assembly Elections.

    This has made it possible for all stakeholders to plan well ahead of time and ensure better coordination and readiness by the Commission, Improved Voting Procedure and Expansion of Voter Access to Polling Units. Interestingly, following this pattern, the commission has already fixed the dates for the conduct of the next ten general elections spanning from 2027 to 2063 and introduced the Continuous Accreditation and Voting System (CAVS), which replaced the cumbersome practice where accredited voters had to wait for a longer time before casting their votes, which was used in previous elections. This simplified the voting procedure and addressed the potential disenfranchisement of voters, while also expanding access to voting by creating additional polling units across the country.

    While 84 million Nigerians had access to a polling unit and voting in 2019, the figure rose to about 93 million during the 2023 general election. In the same vein, the 119,973 polling units created in 1996 remained in force until Yakubu carried out the delineation of fresh constituencies, increasing them to 176,846 polling units, which were used in the 2023 elections. The Commission holds the largest database of Nigerians.

    In 2021, during the Anambra governorship election, Nigerians first encountered the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS). Designed to replace the Smart Card Reader, which had been in use and generated several controversies, the BVAS combined fingerprint and facial recognition to confirm voters’ identities. Executive Director of the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, described the BVAS as a game-changer, saying, “It has drastically reduced multiple voting and ballot stuffing. For the first time, we saw technology limiting what politicians could do with raw power.”

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    Two years earlier, Yakubu’s INEC had unveiled another innovation: the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV), which allowed Nigerians to see polling unit results uploaded in real time, long before they were collated at state or national centres. This was used in the governorship elections in Edo and Ondo states. With the IReV, people across the globe could follow the election results on their phones. Analysts believe that a singular act boosted confidence in the system, even if later challenges slowed the momentum.

    In spite of his achievements, Yakubu’s tenure has not been without controversy. The 2023 general elections, though relatively peaceful, have come under serious criticism for delays in uploading the results of the Presidential election to the IReV portal. Despite the explanation of technical hitches during the elections, many accuse the commission of deliberately frustrating the system. Others have raised allegations of manipulation during collation. Those who accused the commission consistently said that the commission refused to adopt electronic transmission of results, even when the commission tried to make them understand that transmission and collation mean two different things.

    Senator Dino Melaye, who was the PDP agent during the coalition of the 2023 Presidential election results, led this group of people. One opposition party official who would not want to be named told The Nation that “the technology (IReV) was sound, but the human element failed.”

    While critics accused INEC of betraying public trust, defenders argued that Yakubu’s reforms had set the stage for deeper institutional change. However, we cannot run away from the fact that Prof Yakubu changed the narratives of how elections are conducted in Nigeria. With the Electoral Act 2022 enshrining electronic accreditation and result transmission into law, the reforms are now bigger than any one individual. An INEC official said, “Prof. Yakubu may not have delivered perfection, but he ensured Nigeria can never fully return to the old ways of writing results in hotel rooms.”

     The Yakubu Commission built a more efficient, comprehensive and predictive EMSC dashboard that reports over 1,000 election monitoring indicators and integrates all the Commission’s election monitoring tools, comprising the Election Management System (EMS), the Election Operation Support Centre (EOSC), the Electoral Risk Management Tool (ERM) and the INEC Security Alert and Notification System. Interestingly, he will be leaving behind a large stock of institutional memory for future Commissions. These include several reports, position and policy papers. Most importantly, he will establish the first Election Museum in the country to preserve the rich, but checkered history of electoral management in Nigeria. Under his leadership, the Commission enforced the constitutional requirements for registration and deregistration of political parties based on their compliance with extant rules and regulations. On 6th February 2021, INEC, acting under its powers as contained in Section 225A of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), deregistered 74 political parties, reducing the number of political parties in Nigeria to 18. However, the Youth Party was restored by Court Order in July 2019, bringing the number of political parties in Nigeria to 19

    Rafsanjani said the INEC chairman came into the saddle at a very critical time in Nigeria’s electoral landscape and has inspired many Nigerians to believe in the commission, particularly before 2023. He said, “Under his leadership, he inspired many Nigerians to believe in INEC, particularly before the 2023 elections. He actually put in place a system that will guarantee electoral transparency by introducing technology in the electoral process. The BVAS and IREV are two of the initiatives aimed at ensuring electoral transparency and to also make Nigerians believe in the electoral system in the country.”

     Rafsanjani told The Nation that Yakubu had put in place a system that would guarantee more electoral transparency by introducing technology in elections. The BVAS introduced by the Yakubu-led commission is one of the new initiatives aimed at ensuring electoral transparency and to also make Nigerians believe in the electoral system in the country.

    He said, “He has done all that, but he has also met with so many challenges, the usual challenges of logistics and the usual suspicion that many Nigerians are having, especially after the 2023 elections. Now, we need to build on the success that he has built in terms of ensuring that the National Assembly legislates to ensure that the use of technology is part of our law and not at the discretion of INEC. You see what the Supreme Court has done, almost trying to say that technology is not really necessary because it is not in the law. But if you have them embedded in the law, it would be difficult for anybody to give an excuse. We need to invest more in Nigerians to believe in our electoral process because, under democracy, that is the only option we have to organize free, fair and credible elections. If elections are not free, fair and credible, many Nigerians will run away and will not be happy to participate in the electoral process. You will record more apathy if the process is not transparent and if people have no confidence in it, and if rigging and use of dirty money continues”.

    While agreeing with the fact that the Yakubu-led leadership has contributed largely to deepening the electoral landscape, Rafsanjani believes that the commission and the electoral system in the country would be better if there is political party reform. This is, however, one of the areas that the Commission has continued to seek the support of Nigerians and the parliament. For example, the Mahmood Yakubu-led commission has been advocating for the establishment of an electoral offences commission and tribunal to handle electoral infractions. Though many Nigerians have joined in this agitation, the bill seeking to establish the commission failed to sail through the 9th Assembly, though it was passed by the Senate. Consideration of the bill was stepped down by the House for identified errors, which were never corrected, and the bill, which was reintroduced in the 10th Assembly, has remained largely unattended.

    Also, the commission under the outgoing Chairman has advocated the establishment of the Political Party Registration and Regulatory Commission to handle affairs of the political parties, so that INEC can concentrate on electoral matters.

    Rafsanjani said, “We need to have political party reforms in this country because if the political parties are not really meeting the aspirations of Nigerians, then it becomes difficult for Nigerians to participate in the process because under our constitution, there is no provision for independent candidates. Therefore, we need to make sure that political parties work. We cannot continue to run a political party like a personal property. We need to make sure that there is participation of members, there is ownership by the members and that there is an opportunity for the members to freely express their interest, participate and be part of whatever the political party is doing. That’s the only way you can actually have political parties that respect internal democracy and respect the wishes of the people. You cannot come and contest elections under a particular political party and then, without consulting the members, you just walk away. We need to reform political parties to make them more accountable, to make them more participatory and to make the Nigerian people own those parties.

    He recalled the practice in the first and second republics when Nigerians owned the parties by paying membership dues, saying, “When you pay membership dues, it makes you feel that you are actually a member and you have every right to know what is going on. As it is now, the political party has been hijacked by people with dirty money, by people in power and by people who are just merchants of intimidation. We have seen politicians bringing thugs to party primaries. This is not how to run a political party. And this can only work if we really improve our political party system and functioning. Then you can have a better election. When you have bad political parties, you have no option then to choose the candidate from one of the bad political parties. So Nigerians should have an option, should have the opportunity to have a party. And this idea of trying to coerce Nigerians to have a one-party system in the country is not helping democracy and is not helping our constitutional democracy. Therefore, we need to make sure that we carry out those reforms”.

    Available records revealed that since his first appointment in 2015, Yakubu has put in place many measures to ensure party supremacy and internal party democracy.

    Also, Ezenwa Nwagwu, Executive Director of the Peers Advocacy and Advancement Centre in Africa (PAACA), believes that the contribution of Yakubu and his team to the Nigerian electoral process has been phenomenal. He said, “They consolidated on the gains made by their predecessor, Prof Jega, by infusing some aspects of our electoral process with technology. Indeed, the most enduring for the Mahmood Yakubu commission will be the introduction of over 20 new technological innovations, most notably, which will be the Bimodal Verification and Authentication System (BVAS) machine, and the INEC Result Viewing (IREV) Portal.”

    Nwagwu, who also heads the Civil Society Situation Room on elections believes that the BVAS has substantially reduced voter identification theft, adding that “today, Nigeria’s election results are available for researchers and interested parties in the cloud. Subsequently, the Mahmood Commission gave the country the most politically diverse legislature since the return to democracy in 1999, with close to 40% opposition political parties in the House of Representatives and 20% in the Senate in the 2023 General elections.  Also, in the same election, 7 (seven) incumbent governors lost elections to come to the national assembly. It can’t be lost on anyone that the incumbent president during the 2023 elections, who appointed Professor Mahmood Yakubu, lost his state of origin, residence and workplace to the opposition in 2023. As his tenure comes to a close, he could have done better with public issues management and political communication”.

  • Tambuwal: Will 2027 beend of his political career?

    Tambuwal: Will 2027 beend of his political career?

    • By Emmanuel Ado

    Senator Aminu Tambuwal, once hailed as a rising star in Nigerian politics, may be approaching the end of his political career, judging by the renewed determination of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Sokoto State Chapter to permanently retire him in the 2027 general elections. At the forefront of this mission are Isa Sadiq Achida, the APC State Chairman, and other key stakeholders who have convinced Senator Aliyu Wamakko and Governor Ahmed Aliyu to allow them lead the campaign to politically retire Tambuwal, whom they accuse of “biting the hand that fed him”, a pointed reference to his betrayal of Senator Wamakko, his erstwhile political godfather who played a decisive role in his emergence as governor in 2015.

     Speaking recently, Isa Achida didn’t mince words about the party’s position: “The APC is determined to retire Aminu Tambuwal politically. We have allowed him a free pass for too long. His time of using Sokoto State as a stepping stone for his selfish national ambitions is over.”

     He has equally been unequivocal that Senator Wamakko can’t be equated to Aminu Tambuwal, whom he made governor.

     If the young Turks succeed in their quest, Aminu Tambuwal who has had a remarkable political career  from Speaker of the House of Representatives to two-term Governor of Sokoto State, and a key figure in the coalition against the APC would suffer his first political defeat. Tambuwal, is notorious for boasting that he has never suffered defeat in any election. But his marginal victory in the 2019 general elections and in the 2023 senatorial elections indicates a waning influence and confirms that indeed Tambuwal might have finally reached the twilight of his once-promising political career.

     After their falling out, Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), openly mocked Tambuwal over his narrow re-election victory as an incumbent governor in 2019, calling it a political embarrassment and clear evidence of his unpopularity.

     There is no doubt that Aminu Tambuwal has stepped on powerful forces, and the determination to ensure his defeat is no longer a matter under consideration, but one on which a conclusion has already been reached. It’s only a question of time.

     Aminu Tambuwal’s political decline is not occurring in a vacuum; rather, it is the culmination of years of strained relationships, political miscalculations and betrayals that have come back to haunt him. His political fallout with Senator Wamakko, once his political benefactor, has proven to be particularly damaging. Once allies under the same political banner, their relationship soured over time especially after Tambuwal’s defection, which many supporters see as an act of disloyalty, and most especially Tambuwal’s failure to lead Sokoto State to prosperity. Wamakko remains pained that Aminu Tambuwal failed to provide leadership in his eight years.

     A critical examination of Aminu Tambuwal’s record as governor and Speaker reveals a poor result in all sectors. His legacy at the state level was a disaster. Tambuwal squandered opportunities and failed to consolidate the developmental foundation laid by his predecessor, Senator Wamakko. Several key infrastructure projects, including road networks, housing estates, and water supply schemes, were all abandoned. The lack of continuity stalled the state’s progress.

     Moreover, Tambuwal’s frequent absence from the state while pursuing national ambitions created a leadership vacuum. He was more focused on Abuja than on Sokoto State. The people of Sokoto State joked that only the COVID-19 lockdowns kept him grounded in the state, a jab at his constant travels. While political ambition is not inherently negative, the problem was that he prioritized his personal advancement over public service and this severely damaged his standing among the people of Sokoto State.

     In contrast, Governor Ahmed Aliyu has been praised for taking steps to address the backlog of challenges Aminu Tambuwal left behind without complaining. He has completed several of the projects abandoned under Tambuwal and has begun paying off the ₦14 billion gratuity debt owed to retirees, an issue that created untold hardship for many families. These actions have helped rebuild trust and re-energize governance in the state.

    Aminu Tambuwal’s democratic credentials have also been questioned. Despite projecting the image of a democrat, he failed to conduct a formal handover to Governor Ahmed Aliyu, his successor a symbolic yet important act of political maturity and institutional respect. Many see this as evidence of arrogance or his disdain for democracy. How can a democrat refuse to hand over to his successor who won fair and square?

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    But more troubling for Aminu Tambuwal and his political career are the allegations of financial mismanagement that continue to shadow his administration. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) recently arrested him over an alleged ₦189 billion fraud following investigations into the finances of the state during his tenure. The EFCC accused him of alleged cash withdrawals, which constitute a flagrant violation of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act of 2022. He has since been released on bail.

     As expected, Tambuwal and his allies have dismissed these inquiries as politically motivated, but the seriousness of the allegations has sparked public interest.

     Like they say, when it rains, it pours. The Sokoto State Government is expected to soon release the report of the Justice Muazu Abdulkadir Judicial Commission of Inquiry that investigated Aminu Tambuwal’s administration. The commission which was tasked with probing Tambuwal’s alleged financial irregularities, abandoned contracts, and misuse of public funds, has completed its public sittings and is expected to submit its report soon. When this happens Aminu Tambuwal will certainly be busy fighting for his life. For many in Sokoto State the inquiry represents a long-awaited effort to hold him accountable.

     Many people believe that the state resources might have been diverted to fund Tambuwal’s presidential campaign. While concrete evidence has not been publicly disclosed, the pattern of financial strain during his tenure, combined with the scale of his presidential campaign activities, has fueled public suspicion. As the findings from the judicial inquiry and EFCC investigations unfold, clarity on these matters is expected. Will it add to the legal complications of his already embattled political profile?

     Beyond these personal setbacks, Tambuwal also faces an uphill task electorally. The APC in Sokoto State is currently in a much stronger position than the battered PDP. With the combined strength of Senator Wamakko’s grassroots network and Governor Aliyu’s growing popularity due to his sterling performance, the APC is well-positioned to dominate the 2027 elections. In contrast, the fractured PDP is expected to suffer severe electoral losses. To worsen matters, several former loyalists of Tambuwal have defected, and the party is struggling to offer a compelling alternative to the APC’s governance narrative. Tambuwal has nobody to blame because he squandered his chance.

     Though Tambuwal is no stranger to political survival, his staunchest backers admit that this time is different, because his political capital has been fully depleted. Only time will tell whether the “master strategist” will be able  to navigate and survive the plot against him.

     In the end, Tambuwal’s legacy is not likely to be deeply contested because of his failure in governance. Between 1999 and 2023, he managed to position himself as a central figure in Nigerian politics but failed to deliver. And with the mounting opposition, legal inquiries, and dwindling influence, the road ahead appears increasingly uncertain, especially with the APC determination to clip his wings. Clearly the former governor may finally have reached his political end.

     Postscript: Will the real Aminu Tambuwal stand up for recognition?

  • 50 years after 1975 public service purge: What have we learned?

    50 years after 1975 public service purge: What have we learned?

    At independence, Nigeria, in the midst of the euphoria amongst Nigerians and the huge expectations locally and internationally, was confronted with a series of possibilities and challenges that made the prospect of political independence a daunting one. On the one hand, Nigeria had just gained the independence it required to start taking charge of its own political affairs. On the other hand, the new nation must put all its resources together to be able to articulate an ideology of nation-building that will make the nation responsible for its citizens. One of the most immediate challenges Nigeria faced was determining the direction of the Nigerianization Policy, especially in terms of placing Nigerians into the civil and public services. Since Nigeria emerged from the colonial amalgamation policy, it became extremely important that employment in government business must be done with care. The dilemma that faced the nationalists was to decide between meritocracy and representativeness. Should civil servants be recruited based on merit, stricto sensu, or based on their ethno-religious affiliation, in equal measure?

     Understandably, the pendulum of the policy decision swung towards representativeness. This was partly because of the fact that Nigeria had already become a deeply divided nation, fragmented along multiethnic paths. And partly because of the urgency of constituting a civil service that would be saddled with the task of overseeing the implementation of development policies. One significant consequence of the adoption of the principle of representativeness as the yardstick for recruitment into the administrative cadre of the civil service was the bit of unguarded multiplication and redundancies that came with it, one which assaulted the size, growth and trajectory of the evolving administrative system. Many of the regional leaders, therefore, saw civil and public servants as the representatives of regional rather than national interests. There was thus created within the system a clash of interests: civil servants often faced the pressure to be loyal to their ethnic, regional and even personal interests, which they are expected to use public resources to serve. Furthermore, this divided interest led increasingly to a measure of de-professionalisation as the civil service became inevitably somewhat bloated by reason of the balancing art embedded in the principle of representativeness.

     What the foregoing suggests is that the civil service, even in its glorious days of the 1960s, had its high and low points. Modelled after Whitehall, the British civil service, it was nonetheless celebrated at the time for its effectiveness and efficiency in maintaining law and order; in delivering high professional service; and in generating revenue for the colonial authority. Indeed, despite the challenges of transitioning from colonial rule to independence, the challenge of filling in for the capacity gaps created by the exit of colonial expatriates and the heated polity, the service maintained stability and continuity, ensuring that the government machinery functioned effectively. As per the low point, the heated political climate that eventually culminated in military incursion into governance was not the most enabling, but it did not distract the service. As the implementation of the Nigerianisation policy was still ongoing, the service indeed had shortages of skilled professionals and senior-level graduate specialised personnel in many cadres, thus limited in its overall capability readiness in a very significant sense. According to M. O. Onajide  (1979:31), “there has been little and inconsistent training resulting in glorified amateurism” at this period in time. Nonetheless, the service earned for itself a reputation within the Commonwealth of Nations for being a beacon of integrity in a significant sense, and for serving as a model for effectiveness and a testament to a well-functioning public service during crucial periods of national emergencies and development.

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    Lars Kolind (2006) in his book The Second Cycle: Winning the War Against Bureaucracy, identifies three factors that inject a downward spiral and gradual decay in the lifecycle of an organisation before such an organisation achieves maturity and commences the process of reformulating its original vision. These factors are size, age and success. These factors turn a life cycle into a death cycle for any organisation in spite of whatever success the organisation has made. The second factor and the age factor. As the service grows older, it develops traditions, for example, the tradition for dealing with ideas. Decay sets in if age gives tradition preference over innovation. And the older the service gets, the more deeply rooted the preference for tradition becomes. The most dangerous factor, however,  is success, because it inevitably leads to self-satisfaction and an unreflective defence of the status quo even where the once successful system is not necessarily as successful any more. In other words, it could happen that long after the unique selling point and strength of an organisation have been lost, it continues to live in the illusion that it possesses the secret key to success. Public administration systems behave similarly. Administrative leadership think they know what the problem is and simply stop listening and do more of the things they know best. The resulting organisation’s deafness leads to a tendency to react slowly to both weaknesses and opportunities, responding by doing more of the same rather than doing something different from that which perpetuates the status quo.

    This was how I interpreted one of the elements of the symptoms of the decay that set into the civil service in Nigeria in my 2018 inaugural lecture at Ibadan. By 1971, the Chief Simeon Adebo Second and Final Commission on Wages and Remuneration concluded its work by calling for a more fundamental review of the organisation, structure and operations of the public service in view of the expanding role of the state and the need to manage the effect of a devastating civil war. It argued that the wages and salary issues that it was called to address were just symptoms of a deeper systemic challenge that Nigeria needed to address. It therefore recommended the setting up of another commission, which came to be known as the Public Service Review Commission, led by Chief Jerome Udoji. The Udoji Report saw the problem of the civil service as that of administrative inflexibility in the idolization of the status quo, making it therefore hard for the system to internalise and adapt global best practices as a measure of response to positive changes. The non-implementation of the report and evident deafness in receiving the new thinking and the more fundamental idea offered by the report, beyond the wage bonanza, was a missed opportunity for administrative renewal and rebirth, one that would have set the nation on the path to transform a colonial heritage into a postcolonial engine room of a developmental state.

    Fast forward, by the time the Muhammed-Obasanjo military regime got underway in 1975, the rot and corruption in the civil service system, which may not have been so significant in the yesteryears, had multiplied abysmally in the regime’s estimation. With the impact that representativeness and quota system, to attend to ethno-religious balancing created, the decision to critically and massively downsize became almost inevitable in the reading of the new helmsmen, within the general framework of development and governance imperatives. In other words, the regime must have reasoned that if Nigeria was to make developmental progress, the civil service system must be brought into a significant level of professionalism and capability readiness. And hence the purge of the civil service was carried out “with immediate effect”!

    The objective of the purge was to ‘sanitise the civil service’ system by eliminating corrupt, inefficient and redundant officials and public servants. The administration was both methodical and severe in its objective through the constitution of panels of inquiries to investigate all allegations of misconduct and corruption, as well as divided loyalty, perceived decline in productivity (through old age), and so on. The investigation led to the compilation of more than 11,000 names including not only rank-and-file public servants but also the top echelon of the civil service, including the famous and notorious super permanent secretaries. The super permanent secretaries indeed have a place in the annals of administrative history in Nigeria. They emerged at a most critical time when the Nigerian state was witnessing a fragmentary civil war that threatened the unity of the country. And their exceptional administrative credo and credentials went beyond the bounds of the traditional status of the civil servant. It was due to their administrative ingenuity that Decree 31 of 1967 (Public Security decree that outlawed the possession of firearms and ammunition), and Decree 4 of 1968 (the military courts’ special powers to enforce discipline among the Nigerian troops). Indeed, the history of the Nigerian civil war and its administrative dynamics would be incomplete without their extremely competent and committed administrative and developmental policy inputs.

    The emergence, unbridled presence and dominance of the super permanent secretary demonstrated two significant facts about the civil service that Nigeria inherited from Britain. It reveals one that the system was elitist, class-based, professional and meritocratic. Two, the bureaucracy became in the hands of the military an ideological instrument for political intervention in the economy. This was especially given the fact that the colonialists deliberately prevented the emergence of indigenous private enterprises while allowing foreign enterprises—Leventis, Cadbury, Lever Brothers, UAC, PZ, Kingsway, etc.—to flourish. Three, this elitist and professional status of the civil service overexposed it, especially during the General Gowon regime, to political intrigues which possibly brought the super permanent secretaries on a collision course with the political class and the army generals.     

    And so, it is not surprising that the super permanent secretaries—Allison Ayida, Philip Asiodu, Ime Ebong, Ibrahim Damcida, Ahmed Joda, and many others—were brutally axed by the Muhammed-Obasanjo regime. Other key bureaucrats retired included Alhaji Sule Katagum (Chairman of the then Federal Public Service Commission), Alhaji Abubakar Tatari Alli, Mr F.M.C. Obi, Chief J.A. Adeyeye, and many more. The case of Sir Samuel Layinka Ayodeji Manuwa—surgeon extraordinaire, Inspector General of Medical Services, and former Chief Medical Director to the Federal Government of Nigeria—was too tragic to be narrated here. The short side of the story is that on September 27, 1975, he was unceremoniously booted from office and given only two weeks to make his way out of his Ikoyi government apartment. He died six months later. Judges were not left out of the severe purge: Dr Taslim Olawale Elias (Chief Justice of the Federation), Justice Adewale Thompson, Justice Ebenezer Ayoola, Justice O. Odumosu, Justice F.A. Abina, and others. Other civil and public servants included: Alhaji Adamu Atta (Secretary to NEPA), Dr Clement Isong (Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria), etc. In academia, Professor Horatio Oritsejolomi Thomas, Nigeria’s first indigenous professor of surgery, was unceremoniously booted from office as the vice chancellor of the University of Ibadan. His dismissal came over national radio while he was hosting the luncheon for guests, including some global figures who had attended the convocation ceremony at UI.

     The downsizing of the civil service created a paradoxical effect. On the one hand, civil and public servants were served the critical notice that they would be brought to account, and that inefficiency and administrative sloth would no longer be condoned. However, on the other hand, the purge crucially undermined institutional morale, performance and productivity. There are several intended and unintended consequences of this arbitrary purge. The first and fundamental one was the loss of experienced officials and officers, and the subsequent destruction of institutional memory across the civil and public services. The names of Asiodu, Elias, Manuwa, Katagum, Thomas, Isong, Attah, etc. represent some of the best institutional and structural resources that the civil and public service has produced. These people embody what ought to have been a generational capital that the civil and public service could deploy in regenerating, consolidating and sustaining the vitality of the system for the continuing possibility of developmental and governance transformation.

    The unintended consequence of the 1975 purging of the system is even more debilitating—the institutionalization of bureaucratic decay and corruption. Civil servants who witnessed the terrible trauma of the downsizing immediately read in between the lines and came to the uncomfortable conclusion that the system cannot be trusted. A culture of fear, silence and insecurity emerged that set the civil servants against the system that could traumatise those who have given their lives to serving the public diligently and with commitment. The tenure that used to be trusted has become a source of pragmatic thinking that engendered an ethical problem, which undermines the basis of the very concept of public service. In other words, rather than deferring gratification, civil and public servants are now compelled to seek instant gratification that enables them to secure their future at the expense of the public they are meant to serve. 

    The civil service purge was a unique one in the annals of Nigerian administrative history. There has never been anything like it after, even when it sadly has ever since become a culture of governance. This statement is not complimentary. It also implies that the Nigerian civil service system has not recovered from the massive erosion of the integrity of the system. Several predicaments of the system can be traced back to this singular moment of a badly implemented policy. One, the ethical framework guiding the operation of public service values was terribly eroded in ways that enthrone bureaucratic corruption arising from the vice of instant gratification. Two, the purge destabilised the internal management control mechanisms around which civil and public servants circumscribe to be more effective and efficient in the performance of their responsibilities. Thus, there was a virtual abandonment of the rule of law, the rules and procedures on which the system itself rests. And this is all the more, until today, in spite of the extensive framework of modernisation through digitisation and computdigitisationerization of the system.

    Three, the pay and compensation system had become increasingly disarticulated from institutional performance, especially from the 1980s. Wages, in other words, have remained stagnant even in the face of extreme economic downturns and recessions. This deficiency undermined the human resources management dynamics of the civil service. First, there was a massive draining of talents and expertise away from the public to the private sector. Second, those remaining in the system began to look for coping mechanisms that directly undermines institutional structures and processes: the manipulation of travel allowances and per diems, connivance with contractors, outright theft of public assets, and alteration of date of birth to guarantee prolonged tenure. All these constitute a symptom of the fear of the unknown that sudden and unplanned retirement seem to imply for civil servants.

    The fourth predicament of the civil service system derives from the non-professionalization of the MDAs’ departments of planning, research and statistics as the hub of planning and policy analysis. This systemic failure was reinforced by the absence of a culture of town-and-gown policy-research synergy which has the potential of institutionalizing and facilitating the development of policy intelligence and strategic thinking in development management. Lastly, the purge disrupted the key element of esprit de corps which is necessary as a fundamental factor in the emergence of a community of service and practice which sustains the civil service profession.

    The most fundamental lesson to learn in all is simple: what institutional reform initiatives are required to extricate the civil service system from the albatross of the 1975 purge? In other words, how does a commitment to administrative reforms transform the civil service beyond the limitations of 1975? There are several reform options and frameworks that have to come into play in the urgent need to redeem the institutional integrity and functionality of the system. The obvious starting point for such a reform is the need for a fundamental reassessment of the role of the state and governments, and the implications that this reassessment has for the structure, functions and operations of MDAs. This makes it imperative to articulate a more development-oriented federation through the restructuring of the Nigerian federalism as a framework for macro-institutional governance reform. Such a restructuring challenges us to deeply rethink the politics-administration and policy-implementation powerplay to be able to achieve a more development-friendly partnership between politicians and policymakers in the best tradition of performance management that is grounded on a re-professionalised civil service as the foundation for a developmental state in Nigeria.  

    The system also has to rethink the urgency of radically improving its own organizational intelligence quotient through (a) a re-professionalization and reskilling program that increases the capacity of the system for policy intelligence, and (b) the creation of a senior executive service (SES) that embodies the best that the system can offer in terms of the core competence the civil service requires to match Nigeria through the VUCA—vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—policy environment of the twenty-first century. Here, we must defer to Bob Garratt’s thesis that in administration, the fish always gets rotten from the head first. Thus, if the head is reconstituted to become healthy, then the administrative body becomes optimally efficient. This theory enables us to compensate for Nigeria’s overreliance on external policy experts and consultants for technical support as a means of undermining the system’s capacity deficit.  Here, I am compelled to suggest the reinvention of the tradition of the super permanent secretary. This is solely from the perspective of the policy intelligence and managerial acumen that the tradition brought to bear on Nigeria’s administrative and governance context.

    The next significant reform direction demands the restoration of a competency-based human resource management that is aligned with strong performance management and a talent management system. This requires that the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) undergo a serious institutional reform itself to be able to serve as the gatekeeping mechanism that prevents the wrong people from gaining entry into the service, while putting critical matrices in place for scouting, recruiting, incentivising, retaining and promoting the best talents. This also requires a serious commitment to a vision of industrial relations that ensures that the government and labour unions are connected not by adversarial but developmental industrial relations.   

    The Nigerian civil service system has to leave behind the terrible systemic trauma of the 1975 purge and reinvent itself through a thoroughgoing institutional rehabilitation that restores the capacity and readiness of the bureaucracy as the fundamental pathway to national development.

     •Olaopa is the Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration,  sent the piece from Abuja.

  • Oyebamiji: Beyond his professional resume

    Oyebamiji: Beyond his professional resume

    • By Ayo Ayoade

    Simply put, leadership is about taking care of those in your charge. It is about guiding people with influence and embodying a set of virtues, not holding a position of power. In the same vein, a true leader’s ‘look’ is defined by his or her inner qualities, such as integrity and wisdom. A leader must possess a strong moral compass, the vision to articulate a clear purpose, and the humility to be self-aware and listen to others. This includes a servant-oriented approach where a leader prioritizes the well-being and growth of their followers above their own.

    When leadership fails to deliver, the consequences are profound and go beyond missed goals. The breakdown of trust between the leader and the group erodes the social fabric, causing the collective purpose to dissolve and leading to conflict. This failure also causes a loss of meaning for the followers, resulting in demotivation and disillusionment. Most of all, failed leadership creates a moral and ethical vacuum where corruption and dishonesty can thrive, causing long-term systemic damage.

    Leaders who fail often do so by neglecting the very principles that define good leadership. Their failures are typically rooted in a lack of integrity and a focus on self-interest over the collective good. A leader who lacks humility and self-awareness, a leader who can’t admit when he or she is wrong or who refuses to listen to feedback not only creates an environment of fear and stagnation but more often than not clings to a flawed vision. This inability to adapt or pivot demonstrates a lack of wisdom and ultimately leads to the ethical and moral decay of the entire organization, as no one feels safe to challenge the status quo or offer new ideas. 

    Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji (AMBO) is now more than a name, it has become a rising force driven by purpose, built on integrity, and powered by the people. It is a movement born from the desire for a better Osun. It is a mission to restore dignity, progress, and true leadership. It is a mandate handed down by the people who believe it’s time for something different and better in Osun state.

    Oyebamiji began his education at A.D.C Primary School, Oke-Ada, Ikire, from 1971 to 1977 and continued at Ayedaade Grammar School, Ikire, from 1978 to 1982, where he obtained his Secondary School Leaving Certificate. He earned his Ordinary National Diploma (OND) and Higher National Diploma (HND) in Banking and Finance from The Polytechnic, Ibadan, Oyo State.

    He later obtained a Master’s degree in Public Administration from Lagos State University in 1997 and another Master’s degree in Business Administration from the University of Ado-Ekiti in 2004. He is a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Bankers.

    Beyond his professional resume, Oyebamiji, currently serving as CEO of the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), is a man of the people. Hailed from Ikire in Osun State, he has a deep understanding of the hopes and aspirations of every citizen. His governance style favours economic growth and development that directly benefits the public. AMBO leads with humility, respect, and a genuine willingness to listen, qualities that have earned him a reputation as a true servant leader.

    The Yoruba proverb teaches us that you don’t crown a king without first testing his mettle. By that measure, Oyebamiji’s worth has been thoroughly proven. His track record speaks for itself, and his broad appeal is evident in the wide-ranging support he commands from social groups, political allies, and traditional rulers. He maintains strong relationships with leaders at every level, from religious and traditional figures to youth groups, trade associations, and civil servants, both locally and nationally.

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    There is a saying that goes, “A good leader inspires people to have confidence in the leader, a great leader inspires people to have confidence in themselves.” Oyebamiji, a man of peace and unity, embodies this principle. His integrity, kindness, and leadership have earned him widespread love and respect. In a world where titles are abundant but trust is scarce, the true mark of exceptional leadership isn’t authority, but authenticity. People may comply with those in power, but they only truly follow those whose hearts they trust and whose character they admire – a leader who shows genuine concern for others and lives with integrity.

    At a time like this, we must confess that all the individuals who have shown interest in flying the flag of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in next year’s Osun governorship election bring valuable experience and credentials to the table. This speaks to a vibrant and competitive political landscape. However, among this array of contenders, one name continues to dominate the conversation: Bola Oyebamiji. The pace and scale at which both APC members and the wider public are rallying round his aspiration is not only remarkable but unprecedented in the political history of Osun State.

    From Osogbo to Ile-Ife, Ede to Ikirun, Ijebu-Jesa to Ila-Oragun, Oyebamiji has secured numerous endorsements from various groups. These endorsements are more than symbolic, reflecting trust, belief, and a readiness for a new kind of leadership in Osun State. His message of unity, change, and people-driven development is resonating powerfully across all demographics, from the elite to the grassroots, and among market women and youth. With such widespread backing and a clear vision for Osun’s future, AMBO continues to emerge, not just as a candidate, but as a unifying force and a beacon of hope for many.

    Oyebamiji’s antecedents are rich with service, results, and integrity. As a seasoned financial expert and former commissioner with a solid banking background, he possesses the capacity to manage state resources with vision. His track record of effective administration and strategic decision-making positions him as someone more than capable of navigating the complex responsibilities of governance. Whether in private business, public finance, or administration, his involvement consistently yields outstanding results. 

    His tenure in public service has consistently reflected transparency, progress, and people-focused impact. His impact has never been a subject of chance, but a product of strategic insight, disciplined execution, and a clear vision for growth. This exceptional ability to turn challenges into opportunities has earned him widespread recognition as a solution-driven leader – one whose record is marked by progress, productivity, and purpose. With a golden track record across multiple sectors, he stands tall as a beacon of capable and transformational leadership.

    The former commissioner’s humility stands out as one of his most powerful assets in the race to clinch the governorship ticket of the APC and ultimately win the 2026 Osun guber election. His ability to lead without arrogance, listen without judgment, and serve without seeking applause continues to draw people to his vision and values. This humility remains a strength under control, and it is playing a vital role in the growing wave of support behind his candidacy.

    The upcoming 2026 gubernatorial election in Osun promises to be intense, making this a critical period with no room for error. The political leadership of the APC, along with the electorate and the general populace, must be vigilant. The people of Osun are urged to be cautious about what they believe, as a wrong choice at this stage could be costly and set the state back for decades.

    •Ayoade wrote from Ila-Orangun, Osun State.

  • PDP aspirant Aborisade hails Makinde, ex-Minister, others for smooth LG Congress

    PDP aspirant Aborisade hails Makinde, ex-Minister, others for smooth LG Congress

    The 2027 People’s Democratic Party (PDP) governorship aspirant in Oyo State, Chief Niyi Aborisade, has hailed leadership of the party, Governor Seyi Makinde, former Minister, Elder Wole Oyelese, Hon. Busari Olayemi and Chairman of Egbeda Local Government, Hon. Sikiru Sanda for seamless conduct of local government congresses in Oyo State, particularly at Egbeda Local Government Area.

    Aborisade, a United Kingdom-based lawyer and human rights advocate, while delivering his remarks during the congress at the Egbeda council commended the leaders for their dedication to the ideals of the party.

    Read Also: Ibadan North Bye-Election: Aborisade hails PDP’s victory, congratulates Oyekunle

    He singled out the PDP State Secretary, Wasiu Adeleke, and Hon. Sikiru Sanda, Chairman of Egbeda Local Government, alongside other party leaders from Abuja who were present at the event.

    He also praised other key party officials for their dedication and effective management of the process.

    He said: “I commend the efforts of Governor Seyi Makinde, Elder Wole Oyelese, Hon. Wasiu Adeleke, Hon. Sikiru Sanda, and the leadership from Abuja for their commitment to this historic occasion.”

    He expressed appreciation to the party officials at both the state and federal levels, welcoming them warmly to the congress.

    The election was conducted in a hitch-free manner, with candidates, from the chairman to the ex-officio positions, emerging by consensus.

  • Radda welcomes opposition members to APC in Katsina

    Radda welcomes opposition members to APC in Katsina

    Katsina Governor Dikko Umaru Radda has welcomed card-carrying members of the opposition parties who stormed Government House in to join the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). 

    The new entrants drawn from the PDP, Action Alliance, PRP, PDM and other political parties, cut across three local government areas Funtua, Bakori and Dandume.

    The list of defectors to APC also include former governorship candidates, members of the House of Representatives, past local government chairmen, former party leaders, ex-councillors and some members of their former party executives.

    Addressing the gathering, Governor Radda emphasised that political unity was essential for consolidating democratic gains and driving meaningful development. 

    He also noted that Katsina had not experienced the level of political harmony recorded in the Funtua zone for many years.

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    The Governor further directed APC leaders to fully integrate the new members into party activities and allow influential figures among the defectors to assume leadership roles.

    He further appealed to stakeholders to strengthen inclusiveness at all levels.

    Radda particularly commended Senator Muntari Dandutse, Commissioner for Health Dr. Musa Adamu Funtua and other notable personalities whose efforts and consultations influenced the wave of defections. 

    He urged other APC stakeholders across the state to emulate their examples. 

  • Tinubu’s re-election: APC group applauds Bichi for rallying Kano stakeholders 

    Tinubu’s re-election: APC group applauds Bichi for rallying Kano stakeholders 

    A support group of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC)  under the aegis of the Progressive Foundation Movement (PFM) has commended the Chairman, House Committee on Appropriation, Hon. Abubakar Kabiru Abubakar Bichi, for rallying stakeholders of the party in Kano State behind the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

    The Movement, which has prominent members of legacy parties that formed the APC, affirmed and described Bichi as a trusted and reliable ally of President Tinubu ahead of 2027 general elections. 

    The Kano State APC stakeholders on Thursday in Abuja to declare their unalloyed support for the President’s re-election. 

    At the meeting was former Kano state governor and immidiate-past APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and the Deputy Senate President, Senator Barau Jibrin. 

    Other prominent personalities at the event include: the Minister of State for Housing, Alhaji Abdullahi Atta; Senator Kawu Sumaila, Chairman, House Committee on Appropriation; Hon. Abubakar Kabir Abubakar, former Kano Governor Senator Kabiru Gaya; Sulaiman Bichi, Hon. Mohammed Garba and dozens of serving and former national and states Assemblies members and Commissioners. 

    Read Also: What Kwankwaso must do before joining APC, by Ganduje

    A statement in Abuja on Friday by the National Coordinator of the Movement,  Hon. Olaniyi Olawale atrributed Bichi’s commendation to his passion, commitment and investment at ensuring that Kano state APC stakeholders and the people of the state are united behind President Tinubu’s second term bid.

    Quoting Hon. Bichi, during the meeting, Olawale noted that the House Appropriation Committee Chairman passionately and eloquently highlighted all the key projects of the current administration in the North-West and in Kano in particular. 

    According to the lawmaker, in the next few months, President Tinubu will be in Kano to lay the foundation for the Light Rail project in the state.

    “In 2023 election, we came up with 600,000 votes for Mr. President. We may also note that the President has done extremely well in Kano state in terms of critical projects such as roads, among others. 

    “The Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano road is almost completed. Kano-Maiduguri sections 1, 2, 3, and 4 almost completed. Kano-Katsina project almost completed. And in the next one to two months Mr. President will come to Kano to lay the foundation for the Light Rail project in Kano State. That project will cost more than one billion US dollars and, of course, is going to be one of the most important projects in Northern Nigeria. 

    “So for someone to say, Mr. President is not interested in the North or in Kano State is all politics. And Kano State in 2027 will come all out and vote the President and APC Governor Isha Allah as well as our three central districts and members of the House of Representatives of the states,” the lawmaker stated at the meeting.”

    The movement also acknowledged Hon. Bichi’s grassroot mobilisation in Kano, which has continued to endear President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to the heart of the people of Nigeria’s most populous state.

    “We are highly impressed by the impact, Hon. Abubakar Kabiru Abubakar Bichi’s grassroots mobilization has continued to have on the people of his constituency and Kano State at large. No wonder, he was able to convince critical stakeholders at the just concluded meeting in Abuja, where the entire leaders of APC in Kano State declared their continued support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s second term aspiration.

    “We acknowledge and commend your unflinching passion and commitment at promoting and rallying support for Mr. President ahead of the 2027 general elections.”

  • What Kwankwaso must do before joining APC -Ganduje

    What Kwankwaso must do before joining APC -Ganduje

    Immediate past National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, insisted that the presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) in the 2023 elections, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, must follow due process if he wishes to return to the ruling party.

    Speaking in an interview with BBC Hausa on Friday, Ganduje made it clear that the party has no objection to the reported move by Kwankwaso to join APC.

    The immediate past Kano Governor was responding to Kwankwaso’s reported moves and demands on a possible return and NNPP’s merger with the APC.

    Ganduje was Kwankwaso’s Deputy before winning gubernatorial election in 2015 and reelection in 2019, bowing out in May 2023.

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    However, Ganduje, emphasised that his predecessor and former benefactor (Kwankwaso), who later had frosty ties with him and left the APC, must accept certain conditions before rejoining the party.

    Fielding questions from BBC Hausa on Friday, Ganduje stated that the APC operates by rules and guidelines, and Kwankwaso must comply with them before being admitted.

    Kwankwaso recently told Hon. Buhari Bakwana, a former Adviser on Political Affairs to Dr. Ganduje and APC grassroots members from the 44 local government areas of Kano State that “We are ready to join APC under strong conditions and promises. We will not allow anyone to use us and later dump us.”

    Kwankwaso added: “Discussions about a merger or return to APC must spell out tangible benefits for my party (NNPP).”

    In his interview with BBC, Ganduje further stated: “We’ve heard about Kwankwaso’s return plans. In democracy, the vote of a thief and that of a cleric carry equal weight. So, we won’t shut our doors to anyone.

    “Anyone who wants to join is welcome, but they must follow due process. We have rules and a constitution. If they return, we’ll welcome them, but we will name it for what it is: they’ve vomited and now they’re licking it back.”

  •  Aiyedatiwa raises the alarm over probe into ex-SDP candidate Akingboye’s death

     Aiyedatiwa raises the alarm over probe into ex-SDP candidate Akingboye’s death

    Ondo Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa has expressed grave concerns over the ongoing investigation into the gruesome death of Mr. Bamide Akingboye, the former governorship candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the November 16, 2024 election.

    Akingboye, who contested against Aiyedatiwa of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Agboola Ajayi of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and 12 others, was found dead in early September at his residence in Victoria Garden City (VGC), Lagos.

    Following his death, the Lagos Commissioner of Police, Olohundare Jimoh, ordered a forensic investigation after disturbing images of the deceased, purportedly showing head bruises, surfaced on social media – raising suspicions about the real cause of death.

    In a statement on Friday in Akure by the Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Kayode Ajulo (SAN), Governor Aiyedatiwa said he had written to the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, demanding a thorough, impartial, and uncompromised probe into the matter.

    The Governor described Akingboye as a “prominent indigene of Ondo State and respected political figure” whose death raised troubling questions that must not be ignored. 

    He expressed dissatisfaction with the level of transparency, urgency, and seriousness so far demonstrated by the police in handling the case.

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    “Every Ondo citizen’s life is valuable. The circumstances surrounding Otunba Akingboye’s death must be thoroughly investigated, and justice must be upheld.

    “We owe it to our people to ensure that justice is not only done but is seen to be done. No influence, status, or circumstance should be allowed to obstruct the truth,” Aiyedatiwa said. 

    The Governor further warned that the people of the state must be reassured that “neither status, influence, nor manipulation can subvert justice in our communities,” urging the IGP to pursue the case with renewed vigour, diligence, and transparency.

    Citing Section 214 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), Sections 4 and 6 of the Police Act Cap. P19 LFN 2004, and Sections 115–116 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015, Aiyedatiwa underscored the statutory responsibility of the police to conduct thorough investigations, particularly in suspected murder cases.

    He added that his administration would not hesitate to engage private forensic and investigative experts, if necessary, to complement the police in unravelling the truth.

    “Our paramount duty is to uphold justice, protect our people, and secure their trust in the system,” he affirmed.