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Category: Special Report

  • ‘The hard work of climbing out of the hole has begun’

    ‘The hard work of climbing out of the hole has begun’

    Text of a lecture by the Senator representing Lagos Central District, Mrs. Oluremi Tinubu, as keynote speaker at the University of Lagos (UNILAG) 12th Annual Research Conference and Fair in Lagos yesterday. The senator spoke on the theme of the conference, “Governance and national development: Issues and implications” and the plenary session’s theme: “Democracy and national development”.

    I am honoured to present this paper as the keynote speaker at the 12th Annual Research Conference and Fair of this great institution. I must commend the Vice Chancellor, Prof Rahamon Ade Bello, the Deputy Vice Chancellor (Academics & Research), Prof Oluwatoyin Ogundipe; members of the Governing Board, and Members of the Committee charged with organising this conference.

    The theme of this conference: “Governance and national development: Issues and implications” and the sub-theme: “Democracy and national development” are relevant and important in the current scheme of events and the on-going conversations on the need or otherwise for restructuring. For this, I commend the organisers.

    The purpose of government is important in any discussion or attempt to analyse governance, national development, success recorded and the attendant issues and implications arising therefrom.  Thus, governance in Nigeria is premised on the ‘principles of democracy and social justice’, ensuring participation of the citizenry in government, with the Nigerian Constitution, stating the ‘security and welfare of the people’ as the primary duty of government.

    Democracy and the first electoral system was introduced to Nigeria by the Clifford Constitution of Sir Hugh Clifford, successor to Lord Lugard in 1922. Voting was by limited franchise and tied to income. It established a legislative council which was empowered to exercise jurisdiction over the Southern Protectorate only. Subsequent constitutions did not further the advancement of constitutionalism or democracy in Nigeria.

    Having been globally accepted as the best form of governance, democracy was reintroduced and Nigeria’s current democratic dispensation came into being in 1999 after several decades of military and authoritarian rule. This new era was ushered in by a new Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 amidst hopes and expectations of good governance, stronger institutions and increased representation in government. The result has been eighteen years of uninterrupted democratic governance.

    Amongst the expectations of Nigerians upon the institution of democracy was development in all spheres, infrastructural development, and implementation in its entirety of chapter two of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As amended) which provides for free education at all levels, public social safety nets, policies to ensure old age care and pensions among others.

    Development is critical and it is marked by the ability of a nation to provide qualitative life for its people. The indices for measuring development and growth are: Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Human Development Index (HDI) which include factors like life expectancy at birth, knowledge, command over the resources needed for a decent life and others.

    In spite of the accepted indices, its mammoth population, vast material and natural resources, Nigeria has defied the odds to remain a low human development country. Only recently, Nigeria was rated 152nd out of 188 countries in the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Index Report 2016. It is for this reason that social thinkers and political scientists continue to examine and evaluate societal norms, practices and agreed socio-political frameworks with a view to calling attention to the elements that require re-evaluation and re-appraisal in order to ensure reform of defaulting areas, perpetuation and continuity of prosperity, advancement, peace and development.

    Thus, today’s Nigeria is a curious tale of two worlds co-existing, each different in nature and direction and each threatened by the other. On the one hand, Nigeria (along with few other countries in Africa) has been described as the new economic and innovation frontier, with consumer spending set to rise, the middle class expanding at very competitive rates and becoming sophisticated, college education reaching more and more of Nigeria’s youth, investment in infrastructure increasing year-on-year and, importantly, democratic ideals and practices taking roots more firmly.

    On the other hand, a large section of the populace in today’s Nigeria struggles with the scourge of poverty, appalling standards of living, non-existent and decaying infrastructure, HIV and AIDS, maternal and infant mortality, terrorism, ethnic and tribal tensions and other ills symptomatic of a nation not fully at ease. The gap between our tremendous potentials as a country and our actual attainments is depressing and disheartening; for a country as endowed with human, material and natural resources as Nigeria, the level of poverty in which the vast majority of our people live is unacceptable.

    The statistics of illusory growth and progress peddled by officialdom in the past have finally caught up with us and clearly do not reflect the dire reality of millions of Nigerians. The ultimate challenge therefore, is the reconciliation of these diverse, but co-existing worlds in such a manner that ensures that the bright, progressive and prosperous Nigeria emerges dominant.

    Indeed, it is all too easy to give in to despair and despondency at the current state of Nigeria. However, despair is a luxury we cannot afford as a country and a people at this time.

    The theme of this conference calls for re-evaluation and re-appraisal of the issues and implications arising from the nexus between governance and national development in Nigeria. I believe strongly that an appraisal of the existing situation, discuss and proffering solution is important in ensuring a holistic approach to creating a system that works. Thus, it is a privilege to deliver my thoughts on this subject. In this presentation, I shall attempt from governance viewpoints, to state the issues, articulate the situation and outline the options which may be subsequently adopted as solutions that will lead to this thriving ‘Nigeria’ that I alluded to.

     

    Planks of my contribution 

     

    • Optimism in the possibility of the success of the Nigerian experiment. This is because a Nigeria where focused, visionary, accountable and competent governance vigorously tackles corruption, insecurity and poverty while promoting peace, progress and prosperity for all is possible and attainable. It is noteworthy that since the assumption of office of the present administration, the hard work of climbing out of the hole has begun. It will no doubt be a long and challenging struggle but it is important that the work has begun.

     

    • Belief in the unique and proud political, historical and cultural heritage of Nigeria. As was noted by President Muhammadu Buhari and I agree, that in “recent times, Nigerian leaders appear to have misread our mission.

    Our founding fathers – Mr. Herbert Macaulay, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Mallam Aminu Kano, Chief J.S. Tarka, Mr. Eyo Ita, Chief Denis Osadeby, Chief Ladoke Akintola and their colleagues – worked to establish certain standards of governance. They might have differed in their tactics or details, but they were united in establishing a viable and progressive country. Some of their successors have behaved like spoilt children breaking everything and bringing disorder to the house.”

    He also added that “we, as Nigerians, must remind ourselves that we are heirs to great civilisations – Shehu Othman Dan Fodio’s Caliphate, the Kanem Borno Empire, the Oyo Empire, the Benin Empire and King Jaja’s formidable domain. The blood of those great ancestors flows in our veins. What is now required is to build on these legacies, to modernise and uplift Nigeria.”

     

    • Belief in democracy as the pathway to sustainable development. Having tried military dictatorship with its attendant instability, arbitrariness of government and erosion of personal freedoms and rights, a democratic system guaranteeing protection of persons and rights, ensuring participation of citizens and a system of checks and balances is the suitable path to the creation of the Nigeria of our dreams. “Indeed, daunting as the task may be, it is by no means insurmountable. There is now a national consensus that our chosen route to national development is democracy. To achieve our objectives, we must consciously work the democratic system.”

    Indeed, Nigeria has a chequered history which is rife with the recurrent themes of ethnicity, fiscal federalism, corruption, religious bigotry, political sophistication and resource control and management. Thus, this paper discusses these themes as the fundamental issues that must be addressed to attain sustainable national development.

     

    Ethnicity and national development

     

    The multiplicity of Nigeria’s ethnic population has been well documented. Several historical occurrences illustrate the linkage between ethnicity, governance and development in Nigeria, and this part of my paper examines the different theories. Thereafter, the focus is on the examination of the solutions variously proffered to resolve or manage the problem of ethnicity and its negative effect on Nigeria’s developmental goals.

    It is not in dispute that the level of ethnic rivalry in Nigeria and the entrenchment of parochial consciousness as opposed to national consciousness has for a long time, made it impossible for her to produce leaders who exude impeccable and noble character, and who are qualified, knowledgeable and ready to spend themselves for the development of the nation. Nigeria’s division along ethnic lines can be traced as far back as the periods before independence. Notable amongst the resulting problems is the Nigerian Civil War of 1966 and some of the ethnic undertones that were listed as its causes. Akin to those who have refused to learn, the emphasis at each subsequent election has been on where the candidates come from rather than the ideas, ideologies, character and content of candidates.

    After extensive thoughts on this issue, it is doubtful whether ethnicity in itself is the problem bedeviling Nigeria or whether Nigerians choose to abuse ethnic sentiments for their own interest and interest of unseen forces militating against our collective progress.

    I agree that there is nothing wrong with ethnicity. It can make and create avenues for healthy competition in economic development as exemplified in the period after independence that witnessed healthy competition when the Southwest led in cocoa production; the North in the production of groundnuts, cotton and cereals; and the production of palm products and root crops dominated the economy of the Southeast.

    It has been said that the attachment of citizens to their ethnic groups ahead of loyalty to the country is bad for the country’s unity. It has also been posited that there will be an increase in economic and political development; and Nigeria will reclaim its rightful position in the world if citizens learn to value nationalism above ethnicity. I disagree to the extent that since ethnicity in Nigeria is based on natural affinity, it is a gift from nature and is therefore good in itself. Again, like every phenomenon, it can be gainfully employed for the wellbeing of the populace and any attempt to stamp it out will amount to an effort in futility. Indeed, there is no record of success in this regard from any country in the world.

    In an attempt to explain why Nigerians exploit ethnicity for their interests, Associate Director of Engineering Leadership, Meg Handley, posited that “the real reason for the violence isn’t ethnic or religious differences but the scramble for land, scarce resources and political clout. Poverty, joblessness and corrupt politics drive extremists from both sides to commit horrendous atrocities. Although the nation rakes in billions of dollars in oil revenue annually, the majority of Nigerians scrape by on less than a dollar a day…”

    Therefore, in order to address ethnicity as a factor militating against national development, efforts should be geared towards maintaining a continuing honest, and open discussion of an acceptable framework for determining who gets what, when and how in Nigeria. To this end, states should be allowed to generate their funds, control their resources and determine their developmental goals. In the same vein, ethnic communities within each state should be constituted in local government areas with sufficient powers to control resources within defined boundaries, generate funds and determine developmental pace and goals.

    All these can be achieved in a federal system where the central government is powerful and rich enough to protect the federation and represent in the comity of nations, but it is not responsible for the basic and day-to-day affairs and issues that affect the ordinary man and are capable of inciting ethnic rivalries. Without a doubt, federalism can only adequately cater to the aspirations in a multi-ethnic society if it is practiced in its purest form as envisioned by KC Wheare. According to him, the basic tenets of a federal structure are: at least two levels of government with powers constitutionally divided among them; each level of government must be co-ordinate and independent; financial independence of each of the levels of government; existence of a Supreme Court of an independent judiciary; the inability of any level of government to unduly influence an amendment of the constitution.

     

     Political and fiscal federalism

    All policies of government must ultimately be judged by whether they deliver on the promise of the government to the people under the ‘social contract’. The promisor under this contract, the government, undertakes to deliver good governance, efficient and effective delivery of quality public services and the protection of life, properties and dignity to the promise, the people.  These deliverables are popularly referred to as the ‘dividends of democracy’.

    Along with many political scientists, I agree that for a country as diverse and large as Nigeria, only the practice of true and fiscal federalism can deliver effective administrative and political governance and the afore-mentioned deliverables.

    It will be noted that I have taken the liberty to use the expression, ‘true federalism’ and ‘true fiscal federalism’ above.  This is because, in the peculiar case of Nigeria, while our laws and constitution expressly declare the country to be a Federal State, the practical application of most of the applicable constitutional provisions and laws effectively makes Nigeria a country governed under a quasi-unitary system of government thus necessitating and justifying the clamour for ‘true federalism’ in Nigeria.

    Attempts to trace the political history of Nigeria from the period before the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914 to the promulgation of the 1999 Constitution clearly show that the different ethnic tribes were independent and relatively politically sophisticated before the advent of the colonialists. Studies have also shown that these differences accounted for the decision of the founding fathers to adopt a federal system of government that assures each federating unit of well-defined areas of exclusive influence and sufficient control over their resources.

    Furthermore, it is beyond dispute that the incursion of the military into politics in 1966 upended the near-perfect fiscal arrangements agreed to by the founding fathers at independence in 1960 and subsequent constitutions have tended to perpetuate this anomaly.

    Again, countless academic efforts have demonstrated that there are glaring inconsistencies in the extant arrangements regarding fiscal relations in our federal arrangement. To this end, I recommend as follows:

    (a) All the functions listed in Part II of the Second Schedule to the Constitution i.e. the concurrent legislative list (antiquities and monuments, archives and public records, university, technological and post primary education etc.) and some of the items in the exclusive list should be exclusively vested in the states of the federation. This will bring development closer to the people, ensure that policies formulated for the execution of these functions are those that are relevant to the local conditions of the people and significantly reduce the cost of delivery of services.

    (b) Following from the recommendation above, states and local government areas should be entitled to adequate resources to execute their functions in Part II of the Second Schedule. Thus, states should be entitled to much more than they get under the present arrangement.

    (C) The principle of derivation should also be applied to Customs and Excise Duties and Value Added Tax (VAT) derived from each state and the state from where the revenue is derived should be entitled to 50 per cent of such revenue. On a lighter note, my attempt to set this in motion through the Lagos State Economic Assistance Bill was vehemently resisted by fellow legislators. The Bill, if passed, would have ensured that the goose that lays the golden egg is cared for.

     

    Governance philosophy: The need for people-focused and innovative policies

    In Nigeria’s Third Republic, there has been a number of sordid corruption-related episodes in the states of the federation and at the federal level that could justifiably lead to citizens’ loss of faith and confidence in the democratic process. Many citizens believe that democracy as practised in our presidential system is lavishly expensive and over-burdening the nation’s resources.

    However, one state in Nigeria – Lagos State – has unarguably led in exemplary management of resources and people-directed policies.

    The success story of Lagos State is traceable to the ascension to office of widely travelled professionals who are experienced in the scientific and systematic approach to governance. Lagos State has benefitted this from the administration of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) and Governor Akinwumi Ambode. Also remarkable is the continuity of leadership, vision and purpose which has ensured continuity of policies and projects in the state

    Following from the work done by the various committees set up prior to the inauguration of the civilian administration in 1999, Lagos State adopted the ‘10-Point Agenda’ which has served to guide the policy initiatives for the state.

     

     

    The 10-Point Agenda is reproduced below:

    (i)         Roads: Aggressive road rehabilitation in all local government areas, construction of new roads, including the Fourth Mainland Bridge.

    (ii)       Transportation: Integrated Mass Transit Programme with road, rail and water transport Services (LAMATA & LAGBUS), Traffic Management (LASTMA).

    (iii)      Power & water supply: Island Power Project, Alausa Power, Akute Power, Odomola and Adiyan expansion.

    (iv)      Environment & Physical Planning: Beautification, community-based and integrated solid and liquid waste management

    (v)        Health: Emergency medical services, expansion of primary, secondary and tertiary healthcare services, personnel capacity building

    (vi)      Education: Curriculum review, infrastructure renewal, scholarship

    (vii)     Employment: Graduate Empowerment Programmes, job creation, skills acquisition

    (viii)    Food security: Empowerment of farmers, support for strategic food preservation and farm settlements

    (ix)       Shelter: Provision of affordable mass housing scheme, new/ satellite town developments etc.

    (x)        Revenue enhancement: Diversification of revenue sources; widening tax net; effective revenue collection mechanism; and database development.

    In a publication titled: “The changing face of Lagos: From vision to reform and transformation”, Prof. Michael O. Filani, extensively reviewed and documented the reforms in Lagos State while crediting the success of the Tinubu administration to 11 strategies identified as the catalysts for the reform process.  In opening chapter three of that work, Prof. Filani observed as follows: “Indian sociologist, Dr. Surendra Munshi, has aptly described good governance as ‘a participative manner of governing that functions in a responsible, accountable and transparent manner based on the principles of efficiency, legitimacy and consensus for the purpose of promoting the rights of individual citizens and the public interest’. This description underscores ‘the exercise of political will for ensuring the material welfare of society and sustainable development with social justice.’”

    Drawing from the work of Dr. Munshi, Prof Filani then posited as follows: “It is such good governance that has brought about the current transformation of Lagos. The actual catalysts of this reform process are the following:

    • Consistent political will and leadership
    • Strategic visioning of development
    • Knowledge-based approach to planning
    • Budget reform and its linkage with activities of government institutions
    • Institutional reform for efficient service delivery
    • Partnership building with popular participation
    • Policy, legislative, and institutional reforms
    • Resource mobilisation, transparency, and accountability
    • Application of information and communication technology and data in governance
    • Programmatic interventions; and
    • Sustainable urban planning.”

    As a means to achieving national development in the form of better quality of life for the people, peaceful co-existence and sustainable economic prosperity, I recommend the governing philosophy articulated above to the rest of the Nigerian federation.

    Corruption: The recurring vicious decimal

    Corruption is no doubt, a global phenomenon. Incidences of corruption have been severally reported in the United States of America (U.S.A.), the United Kingdom (UK) and many other advanced nations of the world. International institutions such as the United Nations (UN) have also been tainted with corruption.

    However, the case of Nigeria is notoriously egregious. While the endemic nature of corruption has never been in doubt (as studies conducted over several decades have shown), it took three recent events in the late 1990s to force the issue onto the global agenda. The first was the revelation of massive plunder of state resources under the late Gen. Sani Abacha dictatorship era; the second is the on-going global fight against money laundering, connected with international terrorism; and the third is the soaring rate of poverty in many developing countries in spite of billions of dollars in overseas aid due to mismanagement and failure to account for such.

    Indeed, the problem with corruption in Nigeria and Africa is well-documented.  “For the most part, corruption has bedeviled Nigeria’s political scene, encompassing abuses by government officials such as embezzlement and nepotism, as well as abuses linking public and private actors such as bribery, extortion, influence peddling and fraud. As the award winning U.S. scientist and social critic, David Brin, put it: “It is said that power corrupts, but actually it’s truer that power attracts the corruptible. The sane are usually attracted by other things than power.”

    On the link between corruption and poverty, Prof Olu Aina noted that: “Instances of corrupt practices have been extensively reported in the local media. Others can be found in reports of dozens of official inquiries established by governments at all levels. Likewise, over the last 10-15 years Nigeria’s anti-corruption agencies- the EFCC, ICPC, NDLEA, NPF, among others – have also investigated and successfully prosecuted several corruption cases shedding further light on the nature of corruption in contemporary Nigeria. Thus Nigerians have much reason to worry about the level of corruption and its effect on their society. Yet, contrary to widespread perception, not all of these forms of corruption have contributed to the poverty situation in Nigeria.

    For example, petty corruption, such as the extortion of petit sums by police men may have several implications for law and order, or legitimacy of government, but is hardly linked to the material situations of the poor in Nigeria. On the other hand, many other forms of corruption, especially grand corruption involving the diversion of hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars of public funds, can perpetuate poverty in many ways…”

    The question now is how can we effectively tackle this menace that has robbed us of development for so long? First, let us note that corruption is not a Nigerian problem.  It is a universal human problem. Admittedly, it is a tough struggle because, even if thousands of laws are enacted to tackle corruption, the eternal question will be ‘Quis custodiet ipsos custodes’ (‘who will guard the guards’)?

    In seeking a solution, let us all accept the truism that laws are limited while transparency and accountability is all-powerful. This is why I am persuaded to agree that “Corruption is the consequence of the problems we have and not the cause of our problem as a nation.  The causes of desperation and vulnerability lie in the very lack of infrastructure’ and transparency.  In my opinion, the success of developed nations to effectively manage corruption is dependent on the realisation that the mere existence of prohibitory laws will not do.  It is the entrenchment of transparency in all facets of public life that will deter corrupt practices.  “The light shines in the darkness and the darkness cannot comprehend it”.

    My proposal is for the citizens of Nigeria and Africa to shift focus from rancorous arguments on whether the laws are being applied fairly or used to punish political opponents but instead to work slowly, patiently but assiduously to put in place legislations, structures, processes and practices that promote transparency in governance. Once the people have unfettered access to information, it will be difficult, if not impossible for corruption to thrive.

    Concluding thoughts: Fresh perspectives on leadership

    Given my experiences and first-hand knowledge of the developmental challenges facing Nigeria, and considerable time spent reflecting on the areas in which the leaders and the people of Nigeria must necessarily co-operate in order to attain desired levels of development, I have come to realise that the mere identification of these areas of co-operation is not sufficient.  The manner of co-operation is much more important.  I am therefore pleased to share my thoughts on this significant issue with this distinguished audience.

    The first is education. In the words of Ella Baker, American human rights activist, ‘Show the light and the people will find the way’. It is no wonder then that even the most developed of nations place high premium on education and on the constant review and refinement of their educational systems and curriculum.  The former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, famously said, “Ask me my three main priorities for government, and I tell you: education, education, education”.  Further describing the role and value of good and quality education, he is quoted to have said, “At a good school, children gain the basic tools for life and work.  But they ought also to learn the joy of life: the exhilaration of music, the excitement of sport, the beauty of art, the magic of science.  And they learn the value of life: what it is to be responsible citizens who give something back to their community?”

    Sadly, no such premium is placed on education in Nigeria and most African countries.  Granted, there are schools and universities – many of them.  But what is the state of infrastructure there?  What is the quality of the minds and brains produced there?  How often is the curriculum revised and reviewed to reflect modern realities?  How many of the citizens do not regret their inability to send their children to study in places other than Nigeria?

    In his passionate and well-thought out piece entitled: “Failed leadership and jaundiced education in Nigeria”, Nigerian theologian, teacher and poet, Father George Ehusani, painted a picture of the state of education in Nigeria today. He rightly observed that: “Our institutions too are a reflection of the type and quality of education that we pursue. It cannot be overstated that over the years, our institutions have suffered widespread criminal neglect of infrastructure, content and administration.

    Once highly regarded and respected internationally, our institutions have plummeted in reputation and self-esteem. …Everywhere one turns, the decay in structures and facilities and the fall in morale are palpable. Institutional corruption began to erode discipline badly in virtually all the processes of teaching and learning. Education in such climes became a reflection of the life of the nation where the leadership at all levels dumped much needed development in preference for self-serving governance. …Our institutional and public libraries are generally antiquated, under-stocked and under-utilised. And without a good reading culture, there is no incentive to attract public support for improvements in our libraries. Likewise, very few writers turn out good books, and others who strive to be authors end up filling the void with substandard works.”

    I therefore propose the declaration of a state of emergency in the educational sector.  I agree with the thoughts views expressed by former President Olusegun Obasanjo at a lecture delivered at the 2012 graduation of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, that Nigeria “cannot continue to wobble along like a stalked and wounded lion, walking to its death.  We have immense resources” but these will only become real assets “if we start now to work seriously and assiduously on how this large population will be the quality, united and purposeful workforce associated with such countries as Ghana, the U.S. and South Korea. UN projections show that we are on course to be the fourth largest country, in population, by the turn of the next century. Without commensurate growth in educational access, quality, purpose and relevance, we will be ill-prepared to take advantage of this demographic opportunity which can easily turn catastrophic indeed, in the absence of real leadership”

    Therefore, the leadership in Nigeria must provide a conducive environment for real and quality education.  We must also realise that government alone cannot provide all the solutions. The examples of developed economies where education is an engine for development shows that individuals, religious groups, communities and businesses must contribute towards providing education that leverage development.

    My second recommendation is to celebrate diversity and welcome differences. It has been rightly observed that ethnic allegiances run deep in Africa such that from South Africa to Kenya to Nigeria and to the world’s newest nation, South Sudan, tribalism and appeals to ethnic sentiments and loyalties are “used to climb the political ladder and to create wealth”.

    The U.S. State Department acknowledges that the most diverse nations in Africa are the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia and Chad.  Nigeria had its civil war, Kenya recently experienced huge, bloody and widespread violence resulting from election disputes fuelled by ethnic sentiments and “with a population of 72 million people and more than 250 ethnic groups, the DRC has perpetually been engulfed in ethnic clashes”.  Thus, William Boscom, a professor of anthropology at the University of California has been quoted as saying that while tribalism is no longer an obstacle to self-government in Africa, it “is still an obstacle to national unity”.

    Thus, there must be an acknowledgement of our differences but with a view to putting in place structures and institutions that will accommodate and protect the interests and values of the co-existing ethnic nationalities.  Post-war Rwanda seems to be leading the way in this regard and it has been said that “if Africa can mimic what President Paul Kagame has done for Rwanda in appreciating tribal disparities, then our democracy and economy will be among the best in the world”

    In conclusion, African leaders must reevaluate their concept of leadership. Real leadership, as Dean Williams of the Harvard Kennedy School has explained, is “not about having convictions and imposing them on the group. Nor is it about amassing followers and showing the way forward.” He further opines that it involves “mobilising people to confront their predicament and solve their most pressing problems. The focus is not on getting people to follow but on getting people to face reality and think and act responsibly, thereby enabling their organisations and communities to address their toughest challenges and make meaningful progress.”

    Today, more than ever before, Nigeria needs real leadership in all spheres of our corporate existence. However, this need is particularly pressing in the education sector where skills, attitudes, and performance abilities are acquired. No development is possible without these. And talk of transformation will only be sloganeering. Leadership by example reinforces Real Leadership.”

    The journey to national development has been a tough and herculean one for us and the opening verse of William Ernest Henley’s poem, Invictus, seems to apply so well:

    “Out of the night that covers me

    Black as the Pit from pole to pole

    I thank whatever gods may be

    For my unconquerable soul.”

    However, the Nigerian soul is unconquered. But Nigeria must seize the moment and build its own future.  Nigeria must have as its watchword, William Ernest Henley’s closing verse:

    “It matters not how strait the gate,

    How charged with punishments the scroll,

    I am the master of my fate:

    I am the captain of my soul.”

     

     

    Thank you for your kind attention.

     

     

     

  • Can the National Policy on Justice ensure efficient justice delivery?

    Can the National Policy on Justice ensure efficient justice delivery?

    The Federal Ministry of Justice, in collaboration with stakeholders in the justice delivery sector, adopted a National Policy on Justice (NPJ) in Abuja on August 10. The adoption is to address the age-long inefficiency in the sector. Eric Ikhilae examines the policy and its chances of success.

    The judiciary is the last hope of the common man. But there is a cloud of doubt on this claim in Nigeria. The justice delivery system has, over the years, been plagued with many challenges. Its ability to effectively serve the people has resulted in dwindled public confidence in the system’s capacity to deliver justice to the deprived.

    Undue delay in justice administration; lack of accountability and transparency; paucity of skilled manpower; weak institutional capacity; poor work ethics and application of outmoded laws,  among others, have been identified as core of the challenges bedevilling the institution.

     

    The road to a National Policy Justice

    On assumption of office as the Minister of Justice & Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami (SAN), realised the danger posed to democracy and good governance by the then prevailing state of affairs in the justice system. He immediately initiated moves to turn around the unenviable state.

    One of the early steps taken was the constitution of a technical committee, made up of law experts from the private and public sectors.

    The committee had the mandate to suggest ways the nation could ensure a wholesome reform of the various components of its justice sector for efficiency.

    At the conclusion of its assignment, the committee came up with what became the first draft of the National Policy on Justice (NPJ).

    The draft was subsequently scrutinised by the various stakeholders at the federal and state levels, with activities facilitated by the Federal Justice Sector Reform Coordinating Committee (FJSRCC).

    To further fine-tune the policy, an improved draft copy was distributed to participants during the technical sessions held for stakeholders at a three-day National Summit on Justice in Abuja, last week.

    The sessions, attended by major players in the justice sector, afforded participants the opportunity to engage in a final assessment of the draft policy and make further inputs.

    Participants at the session included: the Solicitor-General of the Federation, the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) of the Federation, states’ Attorneys-General, Solicitors-General and DPPs from the states and experts from the academia and Civil Society organisations (CSOs).

    The final copy of the policy was presented to stakeholders for adoption by the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, who chaired the last day of the summit on August 10.

     

    The policy

    The 37-page document, a copy of which was sighted by The Nation, is divided into four parts. It addressed 17 themes, under which the various identified challenges of the sector were treated.

    The first part explains the need for the policy, which it said was driven by the need to ensure a uniformity of purpose among all institutions and players in the justice sector to address identified challenges and allow for efficiency.

    Part two identified the policy’s goal and objectives.

    According to proponents of this policy, its main goal is to ensure “a justice system that inspires confidence, keeps society secure and safe, and provides a conducive environment for smooth social interactions and a flourishing economy.”

    Its objectives include: to engender synergy and cooperation across the justice sector nationally – both at the national and state levels; promote independence and impartiality of the judiciary and ensure fair and speedy dispensation of justice and effective enforcement of court decisions.

    The policy also seeks to ensure openness, transparency and accountability in the justice sector and its capacity to curb corrupt practices and abuse of office; promote human rights and access to justice for all, particularly the poor, weak and vulnerable, and to promote correctional and restorative justice and alternative dispute resolution.

    It also seeks to maintain the role of the justice sector in enhancing national security, supporting fair, credible and violence-free elections and facilitating economic growth.

    The third part examines the identified challenges plaguing the sector and suggested ways of addressing the problems, which it addressed under 17 different themes.

    Part four spells out strategies for implementation, monitoring and evaluation.

    The policy clarified that it has no intention to supplant existing policies relating to specific institutions and justice administration process, like the National Judicial Policy, the National Policy on Prosecution and the National Security Policy, but to support and promote their objectives.

    Theme One, for instance, deals with “fair and expeditious dispensation of justice”, with the policy identifying prolonged delay, outmoded legislation, inadequate infrastructure and facilities shortage of skills and poor work ethics and major challenges.

    As a way out, the policy suggested a number of strategic interventions, including review of existing procedural laws, review of judgments enforcement procedures, enhanced monitoring of lawyers’ professional conduct and adoption of training plans by justice sector institutions.

    Under Theme Two, which treats the issue of “human rights protection” identified weakness in the implementation of the mandate of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), absence of mechanisms for the realisation of economic, social and cultural rights and the seeming general acceptance of impunity in the land as major hindrances to citizens’ rights protection in the country.

    As way of addressing this, the policy tasks the NHRC to, within the next three years, design and implement “a suitable review mechanism for encouraging and assessing compliance by the federal and state governments with the economic, social and cultural rights enshrined in the Constitution and international treaties.”

    It also suggested an enhanced funding and implementation of the National Action Plan for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights with the establishment of Human Rights Fund by the NHRC, to be funded by both the federal and state governments.

    To further enhance citizens’ rights protection, the policy tasked the Attorneys-General at federal and state levels to ensure enhanced enforcement of court’s judgment, particularly where it affect government agencies.

    Theme Eight examines ways of strengthening judicial independence and suggested the need for a mechanism by stakeholders, including representatives of the CSOs, for effective monitoring of the implementation of guideline for judicial appointment enacted by the National Judicial Council (NJC) in 2016.

    The policy saddles the NJC with the responsibility of leading the reform of the oversight system of the judiciary. The policy requires the NJC to, within the next six months, “set up a committee, with broad representation from the wider justice sector and civil society, to review the oversight mechanisms of the judiciary at all levels and recommend reform to ensure greater effectiveness, independence and transparency, including establishing and strengthening of regular inspection and reporting systems for all the lower courts.”

    To further strengthen judicial independence, the policy suggested an enhance security provisions for judicial officers.

    In this regard, it directs the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) to, within six months, “conduct an assessment of the security needs of the judiciary and in collaboration with other security and law enforcement agencies, take action to close the gaps.”

    Theme Nine identified the absence of joint leadership and common vision for progress, weak and outmoded framework of collaboration, and inadequate coordination among justice sector institutions as being responsible for the lack of synergy and cooperation across the justice sector.

    To enhance collaboration among these institutions, the policy requires that federal and state governments support their justice sector reform and coordination groups to meet periodically at the national level to encourage mutual support, dissemination of knowledge and sharing of lessons and best practices.

    It adds that “an annual national justice sector summit of all justice actors, institutions and stakeholders across the nation and at the federal and state levels will be organised and institutionalised to provide strategic leadership and direction to the sector and promote joint planning, monitoring and evaluation of its (the sector’s) development.”

    Theme 10 stresses the need for enhanced openness, transparency and accountability in the workings of judicial sector institutions.

    As part of measures to ensure this, the policy suggests the need for improved compliance with the Freedom of Information Act (FoIA), and the enactment of more anti-corruption legislation like the laws on whistle-blower protection, witness protection and proceeds of crime, among others.

    To allow for cooperation in the investigation and prosecution of corruption cases, the policy recommends collaboration at “leadership, management and operational levels” among the various investigating and prosecuting agencies.

    It also recommends the creation of specialised anti-corruption sub-division, to be manned by “competent judges of repute, “to expeditiously and impartially treat cases of corruption and abuse of office and promote efficiency and specialisation.”

    The policy equally suggests the establishment of anti-corruption agencies by states “to complement the work of the federal anti-corruption agencies and work with them in synergy and cooperation.”

    Theme 13 identified the importance of information and communication technology (ICT) in enhancing the speed of operations within the justice system. It advocates the need for enhanced deployment of ICT in the sector and improvement in the ICT skills of operators in the sector.

    Theme 14 draws a parallel between an efficient justice sector and national security. It recommends that the AGF and states’ AGs work jointly to evolve ways of ensuring a synergy between the security and justice sectors.

    This, it suggests, could be achieved where operators in the security sectors take into account the demands of the justice sector in the formulation of security policies and taking of security decisions.

    Theme 16 identified the strategic role of the justice sector in ensuring, growing and sustaining a fair, credible and violence free electoral process and suggested necessary strategic interventions required to ensure that the justice sector effectively plays this role.

    The policy recommends, among others, the implementation of some key innovative recommendations contained in the reports by Mohammed Uwais-led Electoral Committee of 2011 and Ken Nnamani-led Constitution and Electoral Reform Committee of 2017.

    Some of these recommendations include the suggestion for the unbundling of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), reform of the process of appointing INEC Chairman, reforming the electoral process to further accommodate the disabled and Diaspora Nigerians and need for improvement in the quality of trial in electoral cases.

    On implementation, the policy recommends the implementation of action plans, where each implementing institution and the federal and state Justice Sector Reform Teams (JSRTs) is required to, within the first six months of adoption of the policy, prepare an implementation plan of action relating to the interventions for which they are responsible.

    The policy stipulates that such plans should include baselines, periodic targets, timelines, budgets, allocation of specific responsibilities and other elements of good action plans, which should form a component of the overall justice sector plan of the federal and state governments.

    The NPJ places on the JSRT, with leadership from the federal and state Attorneys-General, the burden of disseminating the various provisions of the policy among all stakeholders, including relevant institutions of government, academic institutions, the civil society and the citizenry.

    The policy stipulates that the overall responsibility for the monitoring and periodic evaluation of its implementation lies with the Annual National Summit on Administration of Justice (ANSAJ).

    The summit is expected to be held every year to receive reports from the JSRTs and other implementing institutions, review progress and give leadership and direction. The NPJ stipulates that the FJSRCC, under the Federal Ministry of Justice, will serve as ANSAJ’s Secretariat.

     

    Assessment of the policy

    Presenting the final copy of the policy for adoption, Onnoghen described it as an initiative, whose time has come.

    Represented by Justice Mary Odili, a Supreme Court Justice, the CJN said the perennial delay in the judicial process could be effectively eliminated by streamlining rules of procedure in courts.

    The CJN noted that although it may be difficult to achieve uniformity of court procedure nationwide in view of existing differences in religion, culture and legal procedures, efforts should be directed at ensuring a system that guarantees fair play and equity.

    He said: “The common man should see the justice system as impartial. There should be improved justice dispensation, elimination of delays and reduction in cost of litigation.

    “It is hoped that the policy will achieve this goal of building consensus among justice sector institutions and practitioners for the purpose of addressing collectively, the major challenges facing the justice delivery system in the country.”

    Senate President Bukola Saraki pitched tent with Nigerians on their agitation that the justice administration system must be urgently reformed to enable it cope with current day challenges.

    Represented by Senator David Umoru, the Senate President observed: “Cciminals have become smarter with technology, there is an upsurge in terrorism and crimes, hitherto unimagined like the senseless and brutal kidnapping of Nigerians, was a crime never envisaged in the past.

    “It is my clear belief that in order to restore confidence amongst Nigerians in our justice system, judicial reforms need to be institutionalised. It must be constantly reviewed to reflect the constant dynamics of the society.

    “It should not be treated like a one off project or a talk show, but a workable template must be adhered to. The success of an effective judicial system is measured not only by the number of cases that it manages to dispose of, but also, and more importantly, by the amount of litigation which is avoided because the rights and obligations of parties are ascertainable in advance.

    “Ensuring effective access to justice is one of the most important issues facing our justice system today”, Saraki said.

    Malami, whose speech was read by the Solicitor -General of the Federation (SGF), Taiwo Abidogun, explained that the national justice policy is intended to provide a blueprint that outlines the various reforms desirable in the justice sector to engender smooth, fair, just and transparent administration of justice in the country.

    He added:  “The policy will provide the needed professional guidance for all justice sector institutions in the discharge of their duties and the attainment of an effective and efficient administration of justice.”

    The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President, Abubakar Mahmoud (SAN), hailed the initiative, describing it as a necessary policy.

    He said his association was currently working on ways to ensure necessary reforms within the legal profession for the benefit of all.

     

    Doubt over NPJ’s success

    Some lawyers have however expressed scepticism about the success of the policy.  Dr. Timothy Ugajah and Abdulazeez Mumuni said that much as the policy was welcomed, the problem lies with the implementation as has been the tradition with past governments.

    Ugajah noted that most of the policy’s provisions, though commendable, appear vague and not implementable.

    He wondered how the Federal Government that was yet to fully implement the Child Rights Act, enacted many years ago, can compel the states to adopt the law and implement it in full, as recommended under Theme Four.

    Mumuni, who noted that time, was of the essence, expressed doubt if the present administration will commit itself to the provisions of the policy within its remaining term of office. His reservations were drawn from the fact that successive governments hardly adopt continuity.

    He said: “For example, the policy talks about the setting up of a central fund, to be managed by the ANSAJ Secretariat, to take care of the expenses connected with the annual summit, monitoring and evaluation of the policy’s implementation, and other management functions of the secretariat.

    “It also stipulates that the policy will be fully reviewed after five years from the date of adoption. But, I ask, will these lofty dreams not die with this administration, where it fails to earn a re-election?”

  • Re-establishing Nigeria’s leadership position in the world

    Re-establishing Nigeria’s leadership position in the world

    Text of a lecture delivered by former Commonwealth Secretary-General Chief Emeka Anyaoku at the Annual Akintola Williams distinguished lecture series in commemoration of the doyen of accountancy’s 98th birthday in Lagos.

    I was the Chairman of the first annual lecture in 2015 which was very ably delivered by the former Governor of Ekiti State and now Minister of Solid Minerals, Dr. Kayode Fayemi. I am glad to be speaking under the chairmanship of my friend and one of our country’s most outstanding and cerebral diplomats, Prof Ibrahim Gambari.

    It is a testimony to how seriously Mr. Akintola Williams has dedicated his life to public policy issues in the economy and politics that the organisers of the Akintola Williams Distinguished lectures have never failed to be eclectic in their choice of topics.

    I would like to begin by commending the Akintola Williams Foundation for instituting this lecture series in honour of a true Nigerian iconic son, Williams, a man of many parts. One of the briefest summations of him is aptly captured in his description as the doyen of Nigerian, nay, African Accountancy; a respected elder statesman and philanthropist one of whose most cherished legacies is this venue, the Musical Society of Nigeria (MUSON) center.

    The fact that he was the first African to qualify as a chartered accountant cannot be a surprise, given that he is a scion of an eminent and industrious family. His grandfather was a successful merchant, while his father had a thriving legal firm way back in colonial Nigeria. So, it is no surprise that Mr. Akintola Williams has continued in his family tradition of professionalism and industry by being the first indigenous chartered accountant in Africa, carrying on with such a professional integrity that enabled him to have a commanding influence in accountancy on Nigeria’s private and public companies hitherto dominated by foreign firms.

    He had also built a conglomerate of accounting firms which as I recalled at the 2015 edition of this lecture series had fanned out to many other African countries, including Cameroun, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Swaziland, Kenya and Egypt confirming the man as a colossal accountant that straddled the entire African landscape, mentoring and encouraging the development and growth of other indigenous chartered accountancy firms. There is no doubt that Mr. Williams has served humanity in many profound ways, both in the private and public sector.

    Apart from being one of the leading figures in the establishment of accounting organisations like the Association of Accountants in Nigeria (AAN) and the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), Mr Williams also played a leading role in the establishment of the Nigeria Stock Exchange (NSE). His mark was also made in the public sphere when he was chairman of the Federal Income Tax Appeal Commissioners and member of the Coker Commission of Inquiry.

    He has also served as a member of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the Commonwealth Foundation; as Chairman of the Public Service Review Panel on the Udoji Salary Review Commission; as  President of the Metropolitan Club and of course, as  Founder and Chairman of the Board of Trustee of the MUSON Center. It was for these and many other accomplishments that our honouree here has garnered many local and international awards, including the Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR) and Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (CBE). But, even in retirement, and at the glorious age of 98 which he attained only yesterday, Mr. Williams is still availing himself for consultation in the great task of the Nigerian nation-building project. Let me now come to the subject of today’s lecture.

    It is common knowledge that is evident in our daily media which are read by, among others, all foreign diplomatic representatives in Abuja, that currently all is not well with Nigeria both at home and in its standing in the comity of nations, hence the theme of this lecture: how to re-establish Nigeria’s leadership position in the world.

     

    The golden age of Nigeria’s foreign policy

    Those of us who were of discerning age in the early years of Nigeria’s independence would, I am sure, readily agree that our country experienced what can truly be described as the golden age of Nigeria’s leadership role in Africa and in the wider world. I would like, briefly, to reminisce on the string of foreign policy successes that underscored the country’s leadership position in the international community during that period.

    As John Campbell, a former American Ambassador to Nigeria reminded us in his book: “Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink”, the vision of Nigeria at independence by both the departing colonial authorities and Nigeria’s emergent political elites, was a great one. It was the vision “of a huge nation of numerous ethnic groups and religions united by democracy, pursuit of economic development, governance according to the rule of law, and the occupation of an important place on the world stage; … a friendly Nigeria to provide Africans with a seat at the table with other great powers”.

    Flowing from this great vision, Nigeria was at its independence in 1960, rapturously welcomed in the comity of nations in a manner that was consistent with the confidence and hope of its founding fathers. On October 7, 1960 when the country was admitted into the United Nations (UN), the event elicited widespread jubilation in Africa, in Africa’s Diaspora, and generally among the black race in the wider international community. This enthusiasm was clearly animated by the fact that Nigeria’s demographics, its human and abundant natural resources were adequate indices of national power that would enable it to be an asset, not just for Africa, but also for the international community represented at the UN.

    On that occasion of its admission to the UN, Nigeria’s Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in his speech to the General Assembly, pledged the country’s commitment to multilateralism and as such, to making its due contribution to the promotion of peace and development of the international community through the auspices of the UN.

    Inspired by awareness of the fact that Nigeria is the only country with the largest population of black people in the world, its governments, following independence, actively sought to champion Africa’s and black peoples’ causes. This was why for example, just weeks after independence, the Nigerian government notwithstanding the predictable potential economic and other costs, pitted itself in opposition to the French government’s atomic tests in the Sahara Desert which had occurred in February 1960 and seemed likely to be repeated.

    Nigeria’s Africa activism was the kernel of the evolution of the doctrines of its foreign policy for many years after independence, namely: Afro-centrism and Concentricism. Under these doctrines, Nigeria prioritised the pursuit of its national interest in a concentric circle, beginning with her immediate neighbours in the first inner circle, through the rest of Africa in the second circle, to the rest of the world in the outer circle. It was these doctrines that critically fostered the country’s leadership position in the world for years and enabled it to ride the crest of very favourable international opinion and reckoning.

    Some of the highlights of this golden age in Nigeria’s foreign policy, included the fact that the country soon after its admission into the UN became  the backbone of the organisation’s Africanisation of solutions to African problems as evidenced by Dag Hammarskjold, the then UN Secretary-General, requesting Nigeria to send a peace-keeping military contingent to the Congo. And it was because of Nigeria’s pre-eminent position at the time that one of its own military officers, Brig.-Gen. J. T. U Aguiyi Ironsi, was appointed by the UN Secretary-General as the first African to command the UN peacekeeping force in the Congo.

    For over two decades, Nigeria chaired the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid. The country was also active in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) where it played veritable roles in asserting the sovereignty of the developing countries as well as giving them voice while using the neutrality of the NAM to steer the world away from the possibility of an armed confrontation between the Western countries led by United States (U.S.) and the Eastern countries led by the defunct Soviet Union.

    It was as a NAM leader that Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United Nations, Chief Simeon Adebo, played a leading role in resolving the crisis that paralysed the UN General Assembly in 1964, when the Western countries, invoking Article 19 of the UN Charter, sought to deny the Soviet Union voting rights in the controversy that arose from the Soviet Union’s refusal to contribute to the budget for the cost of UN operations in the Congo.

    Nigeria also played a leading role in the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which has now metamorphosed into the African Union (AU). Nigeria had led the Monrovian Group of 22 African countries to merge with the Casablanca Group of five to successfully form the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in May 1963.

    And in the Commonwealth, Nigeria was a prominent member and became the first member country to host the meeting of Commonwealth Heads of State and Governments outside of London in Lagos in January 1966. Also in 1986, Nigeria’s Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo co-chaired the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group that went to South Africa in an unsuccessful attempt to promote negotiations for the ending of apartheid. And three years later in 1989, a Nigerian, my humble self, was appointed by Commonwealth Heads of Government at their meeting in Kualalumpur the first (and so far only) African Secretary-General of the Commonwealth.

    Nigeria was also a critical mass in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa and in the liberation of the Southern African nations of Angola, Mozambique, Namibia and Zimbabwe from the clutches of colonialism and white racist minority regimes. It was in recognition of Nigeria’s role and commitment to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa and the de-colonisation of Southern Africa that it was designated a “frontline state” in the struggle, even though it was geographically far apart from the region.

    Other indications of Nigeria’s leadership role in international affairs during this period include the leading role it played in the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Beyond the founding of ECOWAS, Nigeria was to remain critical in the financial sustenance of the organisation and for ECOWAS’s ability to function as one of the most viable African regional blocs.

    There were also the successful negotiation of relief from the Paris Club of Nigeria’s debilitating foreign debt burden by President Obasanjo and his Finance Minister, Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, and the creation of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) by President Obasanjo and his South African colleague, President Thabo Mbeki.

     

    Signs of decline in Nigeria’s leadership position

    Unfortunately, Nigeria’s leadership role in the world began to decline initially in the wake of the successive military intervention in the country’s governance beginning in January 1966. I would like to mention some of the signs of the decline.

    Nigeria does not have a seat in the leadership organ of the AU, the 10-member Commission. It was a matter of national embarrassment that the Nigerian candidate lost out in the election of the AU Commissioners during the AU summit meeting in February 2017.

    Secondly, a growing number of Nigerian citizens are now commonly badly treated and deported from many countries of the world including even African countries such as Libya and South Africa. And only last week, Nigerian athletes who were due to participate in a Commonwealth Youth Games in Bahamas could not attend because they were denied transit visas by the governments of the United Kingdom (UK) and the U.S.

    The decline in Nigeria’s standing in the world prompted another former American Ambassador to Nigeria, who, many believe to be a good friend of Nigeria, at a colloquium in Brown University, USA, to lament the de-industrialisation of the country and to warn that “Nigeria was fast becoming irrelevant in continental and global affairs, owing to its unfocussed leadership and wrong choice of assessment parameters” (Vanguard, January 18, 2017). Ambassador Lyman went on to say that Nigeria’s habit of predicating its geopolitical relevance on its oil wealth and population is fast fading away, not just because oil is losing its strategic relevance, but also because many countries in the West African sub-region have struck oil in commercial quantity.

    The plight of Nigerians in the waves of Afrophobia in South Africa is particularly regrettable because, as observed earlier, Nigeria had played a very active and prominent role in the struggle that led to the dismantling of apartheid in that country.

    Another regrettable sign is Nigeria’s declining grip on its immediate West African sub-region, particularly in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional organisation it helped to found and which it has nourished for the past 42 years, diplomatically, economically, financially and militarily, when it led at huge financial and human cost to itself the ECOMOG military forces that were involved in peace making in the Mano River Basin countries of Liberia and Sierra Leone during their internecine civil wars.

    Although the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is hugely bankrolled by Nigeria, the organisation’s bureaucracy seems to have been virtually taken over by the Francophone countries who have gone ahead to establish a parallel French version of the ECOWAS – the Communate Economique d’Afrique de L’Ouest  – that now confronts and constrains the ECOWAS.

    Nigeria’s loss of grip in ECOWAS was dramatised by its inability to veto the ECOWAS’s decision in principle to admit into its fold Morocco, a North African nation and member of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU).

    With the prospect of Morocco joining the ECOWAS, Nigeria would be risking a diminished influence in the sub-region; it would also be opening itself up to Morocco’s inevitable determination to get its pound of flesh following Nigeria’s role in the admission of Western Sahara into the OAU/Africa Union (AU). And this is not to talk about the adverse economic consequences for Nigeria from Morocco’s membership of ECOWAS.

    I believe that for its effectiveness and the benefits of the future integration of its members, ECOWAS must remain a strictly geopolitical regional organization whose membership should be limited to only countries in the West Africa geographic space. Besides, extending ECOWAS membership to the Mediterranean Sea will inevitably dilute the organization’s integration movement.

    Measures for re-establishing Nigeria’s leadership position

    I now turn to my recommendations of what should be done if Nigeria is to return to a leadership position in international affairs especially now that we live in an increasingly globalising world.

    For every country, there is a nexus between foreign policy and domestic politics. Thus, no country can maintain a credible leadership position regionally, continentally or globally without a politically stable and sound socio-economic domestic background. And so, for any country to be able to exert a credible influence and maintain a leadership position to be reckoned with in world affairs, it must achieve a reasonable balance between its domestic and foreign policies.

    In his book: “Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America’s House in Order”, Richard N. Haass, President of the U.S’. Council on Foreign Relations, reiterated this symbiotic relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy when he wrote that the U.S. needed a new approach to both domestic and foreign policy because “the two are intimately intertwined: Americans will not enjoy the standard of living or quality of life they aspire to at home amid chaos abroad; and the U.S will not be in a position to limit chaos abroad unless it rebuilds the foundations of its strength at home”.

    Accordingly, every country’s standing in the world is to a large extent determined by its domestic situation. If Nigeria is to return to the golden age of the country’s foreign policy achievements and high global standing, its domestic situation must be fixed. Fixing Nigeria’s domestic situation requires that the challenge of political stability as well as its economy and the socio-economic welfare of its citizens must be tackled.

    Ensuring the welfare of Nigerian citizens will, I believe, fundamentally lessen their temptation to migrate abroad and subject themselves to death in the Mediterranean Sea as well as to unacceptable treatment in the countries of their destination.

    I have consistently expressed the view that to achieve greater political stability and deserving socio-economic development in the country, thereby tackling the worsening challenges it currently faces in many sectors, Nigeria must restructure its present “unitarist” governance architecture by returning to the true federalism which our founding fathers negotiated and wisely agreed in the 1960/63 Constitution to be the most suitable structure for the stability and development of our multi-ethnic and multi-religious country.

    With the number and nature of the ongoing agitations in several parts of the country, our present leadership, including, especially the Senate which two weeks ago rejected a motion for devolution of powers, seem to be indifferent to the fact that Nigeria is currently sleep-walking to a national disaster.

    Restructuring will enable us create fewer and more viable federating units for planning and pursuit of economic development and, with more powers devolved to them, deal with the issue of “do-or-die” political competition for the control of the all-powerful center which by exacerbating the inherent divisive tendencies in our citizenry is largely responsible for the country’s political instability and many of its socio-economic ills including the evil of massive corruption.

    And we can only fix our economy by diversifying it and making it less dependent on revenue from the export of crude oil. This is especially so, now that more and more crude oil importing countries are announcing plans for facing out their reliance on fossil fuel. We must industrialise the country by embarking more vigorously on policies that support the local manufacturing of our needs. The diversification of the Nigerian economy must also entail focusing much more actively on the development of the agricultural and solid mineral sectors.

    Besides, fixing the home front must include the leaders in our government, in our corporate sector, and in all our governmental and non-governmental institutions becoming more concerned with tackling the factors that have earned for Nigeria abroad such adverse national reputation as being on the list of the most corrupt countries and the list of fragile states i.e. potential failed states.

    Against the continuing changes in African and global circumstances, Nigeria must from time to time review the strategic objectives and operation of its foreign policy.

    The strategic objectives should, in my view, be: first, to raise Nigeria’s international position and influence by becoming in the global reckoning an acknowledged Middle Power and member of the groups of G20 and BRICS; secondly, to pursue its external economic relations especially, with the view of promoting its exports and importation of foreign direct investments; thirdly, to render whenever necessary appropriate care to Nigerian citizens abroad; and, of course, fourthly, to maintain cordial relations with all our diplomatic partner countries.

    To achieve these objectives, it is important that the government should pay greater attention to the adequate maintenance of the two principal machineries for the formulation and execution of the country’s foreign policy namely, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Nigerian diplomatic missions abroad.

    It is regrettable that our diplomatic missions abroad have continued to be inadequately funded with results that undermine the image of the country and the efficiency of the missions themselves. The conduct of foreign policy is never cheap in any country and so, I urge the government to ensure adequate budgeting for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and all the diplomatic missions that it decides to sustain abroad after a careful review.

    There is also the need for Nigeria to always articulate an effective campaign strategy whenever its candidates are vying for positions in international organisations. This is what is done by every country that is successful in winning desired international positions for its citizens.

    Nigeria should also endeavour to reclaim its place and influence in the West Africa sub-region. ECOWAS is critical to Nigeria for economic and security reasons, and also because it is the country’s primary sphere of influence. And Nigeria must work to ensure that ECOWAS dwells more actively on inter-state infrastructural development, especially in the areas of transport and power in order to promote greater cohesion and integration of the sub-region.

    So also should Nigeria similarly, for security and economic reasons, pay greater attention to promoting cooperation in its other sub-regional associations namely, the Gulf of Guinea Commission and the River Niger and Lake Chad Basin Commissions.

    Finally, to this list of recommendations, I should add that our three past presidents (Obasanjo, the late Umaru Yar’Adua and Dr. Goodluck Jonathan) respectively acknowledged that the existence of the Presidential Advisory Council (PAC) on International Affairs which I chaired for 14 years was helpful to their administrations. There is therefore an inherent benefit in having a council of a small team (there were only six of us) of suitable retired senior ambassadors and academics in the field of international relations, being available to meet periodically and advise the president on the strategic objectives and execution of Nigeria’s foreign policy.

    I would say from my experience, that it is important that such a council should offer its advice directly and in non-public ways to the president since it must not be seen to be interfering in the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is rightly the public agent for expressing and conducting Nigeria’s foreign policy. This was why in all my 14 years as chairman of the PAC, I, very seldom spoke to the press about the issues covered in the Council’s advice to the President.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, I want to say that if truth be told, there is now a growing number of sceptics of the description of Nigeria as the giant of Africa, a description that was universally considered credible for a long time since the country’s independence. The scepticism is largely because of the existence of unresolved serious challenges in Nigeria’s domestic affairs.

    However, I am confident that endowed as it is with such rich human and material resources, provided its leaders acknowledge the seriousness of the internal challenges currently confronting the country and proceed to successfully tackle them, Nigeria  will surely not only achieve political stability and development at home, but also will return to playing a leadership role in the sub-region, in Africa, and in the wider international community.

     

     

     

  • Recession: Hope rises as economic indicators improve

    Recession: Hope rises as economic indicators improve

    The economy may be on its way out of recession. Besides the International Monetary Fund (IMF) prediction of 0.8 per cent growth by the end of the year, the feedback from critical sectors of the economy shows that the boom time is near. Improved access to foreign exchange, rising crude oil production and upbeat in the manufacturing sector are signs that the recession may not last beyond the third quarter as predicted by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), writes COLLINS NWEZE. 

    If the latest International Monetary Fund (IMF) Report on Nigeria is anything to go by, the country may be on the way out its first recession in three decades. The IMF report, which is positive, has given hope of economuic recovery.

    The IMF is not the only institution that is upbeat about the Nigerian economy in the months ahead, the performance of key sectors within the economy and the improvement in foreign exchange (forex) access to both retail and wholesale users are also pointers that better days lay ahead.

    In the Purchasing Manager’s Index (PMI) for July released last Wednesday by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the statistics showed an expansion in manufacturing activities for the fourth consecutive month. The non-manufacturing sector growth also entered the third month.

    The sustained development in PMI readings since the turn of the second quarter coincides with the period the economy recorded improvements in forex liquidity and fiscal spending. That was as a result of rebound in oil earnings and external reserves, which are attributable to largely stable oil prices and increase in production volumes as well as increased flexibility in the CBN’s forex policy.

    The July manufacturing PMI grew from 52.9 points in June 2017 to 54.1 points in July – the highest level since the CBN started the data series in 2014. The major drivers of the expansion were: production level (59.3 points), new orders (52.7 points), supply delivery time (51.3 points), employment level (51.8 points) and raw materials inventory (53.6 points), sub-indices which grew 1.1 percentage points, 1.7ppts, 1.0ppt, 0.7ppt and 1.3ppts.

    The outcome of the enhancement in business sentiment was evident in 10 of 16 sub-sectors, which recorded growth in the period. They are: Appliances/components, computer/electronic products, cement, primary metal, chemical/pharmaceutical products, food, beverage & tobacco products, textile, apparel, leather/footwear, printing & related support activities, paper products, electrical equipment and transportation equipment all expanded.

    However, petroleum/coal products, fabricated metal product, furniture/ related products, non-metallic mineral products and plastics/rubber products declined.

    Likewise, the non-manufacturing PMI rose to 54.4 points (compared to 54.2 points in the previous month – June 2017) after two consecutive months of progress. The composite index was buoyed by increases in business activity (56.8 points), new orders (55.1 points), employment level (54.0 points) and inventory (51.9 points).

    Accordingly, of the 18 non-manufacturing subsectors, 16 recorded growth.

    Explaining the results, Managing Director of Afrinvest West Africa Limited, Ike Chioke, said a composite PMI above 50 points indicates that the manufacturing/non-manufacturing economy is generally expanding, 50 points indicates no change and below 50 points indicates that it is generally contracting.

    He said in an emailed report: “The positive trend reveals optimistic perception of manufacturers and business owners for the second half of the year on account of forex market flexibility and stability in cyclical anchors of the business cycle – oil production and prices – as well as economic development plans of the federal government; thus, further reaffirming our positive outlook for growth in 2017 (+0.8 per cent for 2017 fiscal year growth forecast).”

    Nonetheless, he said that the Gross Domestic Product (GDP)  growth below three per cent will have little impact on quality of life in the country as per capital income growth is likely to remain negative; hence, the need for more constructive policymaking to address structural constraints to high and sustainable growth – high interest rate, forex market distortion and low investment spending.

     

    Equities

    The equities market has equally benefitted from increased foreign exchange inflows into the economy. The All Share Index advanced on the last four trading days of last week, gaining 1.5 per cent week-on-week to settle at 37,425.56 points on Friday while year-to-date gain expanded to 39.3 per cent.

    Investors also accumulated N194 billion as market capitalisation advanced to N12.9 trillion, while the activity level improved as average volume and value traded rose 26.5 per cent and 319.3 per cent  to N502.6 million units and N22.8 billion respectively.

    Chioke said: “Although valuation multiples have increased since the macro-themed rally started in April, that does not imply the market is overvalued and we remain convinced there are opportunities for investors to key into.

    “Thus, even as the earnings season draws to a close, we expect the broader index to sustain the current momentum to deliver a positive return in the last five months of the year, albeit moderate in the single digit range.”

     

    Forex market

    Last week, the CBN conducted its weekly SMIS sales of $100 million in order to buoy forex liquidity whilst activities in other segments of the forex market recorded marginal improvements. At the official market, the CBN continued to keep rate steady, as the Naira maintained the penultimate Friday’s close of N305.65/$1 on the first session and appreciating slightly to N305.55/$1 at the weekend.

    Meanwhile, at the parallel market, the Naira touched another 2017-high of N363.00/$1.00, both on Tuesday and Wednesday, but depreciated to N365.04/$1.00 on Thursday, eventually closing the week at that level, indicating a flat week-on-week close.

    During the week, activities at the Investors & Exporters window remained robust, with $994 million recorded (as at Thursday) compared to $1 billion the previous week.

     

    IMF on Nigeria

    Between July 20 and 31, the IMF team, led by Amine Mati, was in the country to discuss recent economic and financial developments, update macroeconomic projections and review reform implementation.

    At the end of the visit, Mati, who is the Senior Resident Representative and Mission Chief for Nigeria at the IMF, issued the following statement: “The economic backdrop remains challenging, despite some signs of relief in the first half of 2017. Economic activity contracted in the first quarter of the year by 0.6 per cent, mainly as maintenance stoppages reduced oil production. However, following four quarters of negative growth, the non-oil economy grew by 0.6 per cent (year-on-year), on the back of a rebound in manufacturing and continued strong performance in agriculture.

    The various indicators suggest an uptick in activity in the second quarter of the year. Helped by favorable base effects, headline inflation decreased to 16.1 per cent in June 2017, but remains high despite tight liquidity conditions.

    The IMF said that preliminary data for the first half of the year indicate significant revenue shortfalls, with the interest-payments to revenue ratio remaining high (40 per cent at the end of June) and projected to increase further under current policies.

    The high domestic bond yields and tight liquidity continue to crowd out private sector credit. Given Nigeria’s low growth environment and the banking system’s exposure to the oil and gas sector, non-performing loans increased from six per cent in 2015 to 15 per cent in March 2017 (eight per cent after excluding the four undercapitalised banks).

    The government has started implementing a number of important measures to steer the economy out of the challenges. The Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) is driving the diversification strategy and the security in the Niger Delta improved through strengthened engagement.

    The new Investor and Exporter FX Window has provided impetus to portfolio inflows, increased reserves above $30 billion, and contributed to reducing the parallel market premium.

    The IMF said the important steps have also been taken in implementing the power sector recovery plan, introducing a voluntary income and asset declaration programme and moving forward the 60-day national action plan to improve the business environment. Progress is also ongoing within the oil and energy sector through implementation of a new funding mechanism for cash calls.

    It said: “However, the near-term vulnerabilities and risks to economic recovery and macroeconomic and financial stability remain elevated. At 0.8 per cent, growth in 2017 will not be sufficient to make a dent in reducing unemployment and poverty.

    “Concerns about delays in policy implementation, a reversal of favorable external market conditions, possible shortfalls in agricultural and oil production, additional fiscal pressures, continued market segmentation in a foreign exchange market that remains dependent on central bank interventions, and banking system fragilities represent the main risks to the outlook.

    “Acting on an appropriate and coherent set of policies to enhance an economic recovery remains urgent. This includes the immediate implementation of specific priorities that will help achieve the ERGP goals.

    “In the near term, a stronger push for front-loaded fiscal consolidation through a sustainable increase in non-oil revenues would be needed to create space for infrastructure spending, social protection, and private sector credit.

    “This should be simultaneously accompanied by a monetary policy that avoids direct financing of the government and is kept sufficiently tight, a unified and market-based exchange rate, and rapid implementation of structural reforms.

    “Pursuing these policies would help reduce macroeconomic vulnerabilities and create an environment for a diversified private-sector led economy.

    “The team held productive discussions with senior government and central bank officials. It also met with members of parliament, representatives of the banking system, private sectors, civil society, and international development partners. The team wishes to thank the authorities and all those with whom they met for the productive discussions, excellent cooperation, and warm hospitality.”

     

    Inflation figures drop

    The nation’s inflation rate fell for a fifth consecutive month in June even as food-price growth surged. Inflation eased to 16.1 per cent from 16.3 per cent in May, the NBS said. The median of 15 economists’ estimates compiled by Bloomberg was for 16 per cent. Prices rose 1.6 per cent in the month.

    Inflation has been above the upper end of the central bank’s target band of six percent to nine per cent for two years. The CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele, kept the main policy rate at a record high of 14 per cent since last July to fight price growth and support the Naira even as the economy has contracted for five consecutive quarters.

     

    Forex restriction on 41 items

    The CBN restriction of 41 items from accessing forex from official windows has also helped to resuscitate domestic industries and improve employment generation.

    More than two years after the policy shift, its objectives, such as encouraging local production of the affected items and boosting local industries, suffocated by the importation of competing products are being realised.

    The policy implementation was part of the homegrown solution, introduced by Emefiele, to sustain forex market stability and ensure the efficient utilisation of available forex to grow critical segment of the economy.

    This policy implies that, those who import these items can no access foreign currency through the official window to pay their overseas’ suppliers. Rather, they will have to source forex from the parallel market or Bureaux de Change (BDCs) to pay for their imports.

    The CBN chief said the bank has been developing home-grown policies to surmount challenges that confronted the economy in recent times.

    For instance, over the last 10 years, the CBN had invested over N2 trillion in funding agriculture, Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and other manufacturers in the agriculture value-chain.

    The regulator said the apex bank would continue to support operators in the agriculture, SMEs and manufacturing enterprises through its development finance initiatives, with a view to complementing the federal government’s efforts at diversifying the economy and ensuring that the nation is self-sufficient in food production.

    Speaking on the 41 items on Arise Television, Emefiele said: “The issue of those 41 items, unfortunately, is one that has been on my table. But, I think it is important that in the life of an economy, there is a need for us to take a look and ask ourselves: what really are we importing into this country?

    “When this thing started, we said: why should we import rice? Why should we import toothpick? Why should we import palm oil? At a point in this country, Nigeria was the largest producer and exporter of palm oil and we were controlling 40 per cent of the market share.

    “So, there is the need for us to say at this time when there is a scarcity of forex, it should be set aside for the import of items we cannot produce in this country.”

    Emefiele’s logic is that when items, such as palm oil, are imported, the local producers are made poorer.

    He said: “When we import rice, we impoverish the rice producers in Abakaliki, Kebbi, Sokoto, Katsina and other parts of the country. We need to look at that very seriously because God has blessed this country, with good climate, good weather, which should be taken advantage of.

    “Since we can produce these things, let’s use them to feed our people so that we can save foreign exchange for the country.”

  • How religious, ethnic interests marred review of Constitution

    How religious, ethnic interests marred review of Constitution

    Proponents of devolution of power, Land Use Act, state creation, boundary adjustment, indigenship and affirmative action in the ongoing constitution review have to wait for another opportunity. Assistant Editor ONYEDI OJIABOR, who followed the process from the outset, writes on what informed the senators’ voting pattern on core issues during the amendment.

    It is no longer news that core proposals slated for amendment in the ongoing constitution review were rejected by the National Assembly. What baffled many was the motive behind the lawmakers’ action.

    The lawmakers have come under scathing criticism for being selective with the amendment, which stakeholders described as self-serving and not in the general interest.

    The Nation learnt that overarching regional interest guided the amendments.

    Right from the conception of the idea for the fourth alteration of the 1999 Constitution, primordial interest wrapped around suspicion, mistrust and even pessimism about the whole process ran riot.

    It was a battle of wits from the outset. It was also obvious that some senators merely played along and waited for the auspicious time to frustrate the process.

    The voting pattern, especially on vital proposals poignantly depicted the true character of the National Assembly.

    All the items northern senators, led by senators Adamu Aliero and Danjuma Goje, kicked against during the clause by clause debate of the proposals, failed to pass the amendment tests.

    Aliero, a one-time governor of Kebbi State, did not hide his disdain for the proposed devolution of power to the states.

    The Kebbi Central Zone senator bellied his disapproval for the devolution of power in his insistence that devolution of power without first tinkering with the revenue allocation in favour of the states would be meaningless.

    Underneath his argument for allocation of more resources to the states was the fear of the unknown.

    The former Kebbi governor, it was discovered, was actually anxious not to endorse restructuring of the country under any other guise. It was ploy to buy time since reworking the revenue allocation formula was not on the card.

    Also, the northern senators opposed the removal of Land Use Act from the Constitution to free land for massive development including agriculture. The proposal crashed because the senators (from the north) felt that delisting Land Use Act from the constitution could be another way of endorsing resource control.

    The proposal for the devolution of power to the states that would have paved the way to rework the country for greater efficiency was opposed by the senators.

    State creation and boundary adjustments proposed to make for equity, equality and give a sense of belonging to the federating units also failed to scale the amendment hurdle as the clause was shot down by the northern senators.

    The indigeneship proposal to allow married women to choose either their state of birth or state of marriage for the purpose of appointment or election was rejected by the senators.

    They also opposed the proposal to institutionalise 35 per cent affirmative action for women aimed at creating more opportunities for women in appointments and elective positions.

    But less than a week after the contentious amendments, details of who did what have started unfolding.

    The leadership of the Senate and House of Representatives have invested a lot of hope in the nearly-aborted amendment.  Both chambers had promised to deliver a clean copy of the constitution long before the commencement of electioneering activities for the 2019 general elections.

    That promise informed why the constitution amendment formed a key issue in the legislative agenda of the Eight National Assembly.

    To achieve this, the leadership of Senate and House of Representatives were periodically briefing by Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu and Deputy House of Representatives Speaker Yussuff Lasun on the progress made.

    An insider gave an account of how northern senators perfected their plot to ambush the process.

    The account said: “Last Monday, when all seemed set for the debate and voting for the 33 items on the agenda, a meeting of the joint leadership of the federal legislature held in the Maitama home of the chairman of the National Assembly, Abubakar Bukola Saraki.

    “The meeting, which went on till past midnight was for the purpose of dotting the i’s and crossing the t’s. At the meeting, it was agreed that the debate on the 33 items would hold on Tuesday while the voting would be done on Wednesday so that the process could be completed before the legislators commenced their annual recess which began at the weekend.

    “However, it dawned on the legislative leadership that early Tuesday morning when they were supposed to commence the debate on the floor, the Senate President, House of Representatives Speaker and Deputy Speaker were all expected to attend the 16th Commonwealth Speakers and Presiding Officers’ Conference at the ECOWAS secretariat in Abuja.

    “This would mean that nobody would preside at the plenary. The matter was resolved that the Senate President and Speaker would attend while their deputies should preside at the plenary. It was also agreed that since Nigerian parliamentarians are the organisers, they should ensure the event began on schedule by 9am and end within two hours.

    “Eventually, the need to get the conference opened by the Acting President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo delayed the commencement of the event till 10.30am. However, by 11.30am, the opening was done with. Speaker Dogara, who was the presiding officer at the conference, had to stay back while the Senate President returned to the National Assembly complex.

    “However, on getting there, the Senate President met a tensed atmosphere. The northern senators having observed that their southern colleagues were enthusiastic about the constitution amendment voting process scheduled to begin that day were suspicious that something against the interest of the region might have been inserted into the constitution.

    “They further calculated that since Senator Ike Ekweremadu, a southerner with 11 years’ experience in the position with two previous experiences in constitution amendments, it was possible for him to sneak in a few things not in their interest.

    “Led by Senator Goje, the northern senators at an executive session of the Senate had requested for time to consult with their constituents. That was a delay tactic. Knowing that the Senate was due for recess in the next forty-eight hours, any further delay would put the amendment on hold till after the recess and by that time, the enthusiasm about constitution amendment would have died down.

    “Immediately the Senate President came in and was briefed about what transpired at the executive session in which the Senate seems divided on regional basis (North pitted against South), he immediately started persuading the northern senators that voting would be transparent. He also assured them that the rest of the country was waiting for the amendment as a way of dousing tension and agitations across the country. With his assurances to both sides, he moved from his holding office in the White House wing to the plenary to take charge of the proceedings from his deputy.

    “The controversial issues that created the division along regional lines are the removal of the Land Use Act from the constitution, the affirmative action in which at least 35 per cent of people in the executive council of states and Federal Government would be women and the devolution of more powers to the states.

    “The northerners see devolution of powers as indirect way of importing restructuring into the constitution and turning Nigeria into a confederal state with strong confederating states and a weak centre.

    “The Senate President assured all of them that the process would be transparent and give every lawmaker to fully himself. He then presented the various items as bills so that the issues can be voted upon separately. In that case, the rejection of one issue will not lead to the failure of all the issues as it had happened in the past when the issues were lumped together.

    “That was why voting were done separately on issues to be removed from the constitution, even though such issues came under the same bill. Thus, votes were taken separately on the issue of whether to remove the National Youth Service (NYSC) Decree, Public Complaints Commission and Land Use Act Decree from the constitution. While the first two passed, the latter one failed. And so, the former two would be passed.

    “Still in the early hours of Wednesday, the Northern Senators refused to go into the chamber without having a caucus meeting to articulate their positions on key issues.  They refused to allow northern senators who are members of the leadership to attend the meeting. Thus, Saraki, Ahmed Lawan and Bala Ibn N’Allah, were excluded from the meeting.

    “Eventually, the voting on the controversial issues like the devolution of powers to states, removal of Land Use Act from the constitution, Bills for women to claim either their state of origin or state of origin of their husband, 35 per cent affirmative action in the and federal and state’s executive councils reflected the division in Nigeria – the North versus the South.

    “The sharp division reflects the state of the country. The agitations for resource control in the Southsouth, the Biafran secession threat in the Southeast, the restructuring and true federalism campaign in the Southwest as well as the Fulani herdsmen/farmers clash in the Northcentral seem to have tainted the debate.

    “There is serious level of suspicion, mistrust, and pessimism about the purpose of the contentious issues. “It may be correct to say that the Senate President and other members of the leadership of the Senate were able to get the process through due to their political sagacity, maturity, confidence building ability, consensus building efforts and expanding the middle ground while rejecting extreme measures or positions.

    “In dealing with the issue, the Senate President recognised the need to allow members to express the wishes of their constituents. It is believed that no member could force the other to accept the positions that are contrary to the viewpoints of his or her constituent.”

    “Another factor that worked for the Senate in driving the constitution amendment process is the unity among members on the non-controversial issues and the huge respect for Saraki’s leadership”, the insider source said.

    But the hope of many Nigerians for a restructured may have been sacrificed on the altar ethno-religious interest. Some have described the failure of the National Assembly to pass the critical proposals as insensitivity to the aspiration of greater number of Nigerian.

    Nigerians, who desired and clamoured for true federalism are not the only the losers. The Eight National Assembly, which had an opportunity to writte its name in gold, is also a loser.

    It is obvious that even northern senators who blocked devolution of power to states know that over centralisation of virtually everything, including policing, education and health services, has not served the interest of the country well.

    However, constitution making is a work in progress as Saraki spoke of the possibility of the senators to revisit devolution of power.

    It is not over until it is over. The ayes can still have their way when the two chambers resume in September.

  • Speakers’ Conference chief lauds lawmakers

    The Conference of Speakers of State Houses of Assembly has commended the National Assembly for the successful completion of the first step toward the amendment process of the 1999 Constitution.

    According to members of the conference, the depth of work done would deepen democracy and improve on the quality of governance at all levels in the country.

    In a statement by their Chairman, Ismaila Kamba, the speakers urged the National Assembly to quickly forward the items approved by both chambers to the states for expeditious deliberations and actions by the 36 states Houses of Assembly.

    Kamba, who doubles as the Kebbi State House of Assembly Speaker, said that since the National Assembly had at different stages of the debates and discussions on the amendment process involved the Conference of Speakers, it should not be difficult for the states’ legislature to vote on the issues and revert to the National Assembly.

    He praised the ingenuity and innovations introduced in the process by the National Assembly during the voting on the issues put forward by the Joint Committee on Constitution Amendment.

    Kamba said: “The Conference of Speakers is happy as the National Assembly separated the issues into different Bills, such that it is easy to vote on different issues in a clear manner.

    “We will enjoin all our colleagues to borrow a leaf from that in the voting on the amendment to the constitution. Same procedure can be used by speakers during voting on other thorny and sensitive issues that may come to our respective chambers in the future.

    “We are also happy that issues that can help improve governance at all levels, strengthen the judiciary, aid the anti-corruption war of the government, entrench separation of powers, develop the legislature at the state levels and improve on the performance of the local government authorities and many important issues have been taken care of in the constitution amendment.

    “With this constitution amendment, the National Assembly has prepared the ground for the emergence of a new Nigeria with a more solid democracy.

    “The Speakers are eager to lead other state legislatures to create a better country. The National Assembly should quickly send the amendment documents to us so that we can play our part.”

  • How we’ll spend Paris Club refund, by states

    How we’ll spend Paris Club refund, by states

    All eyes are on the 36 state governors, following the release of the second tranche of the London-Paris Club loans refund to states by the Federal Government on Monday. ADESOJI ADENIYI, MIKE ODIEGWU, OSAGIE OTABOR and ADEKUNLE JIMOH report the plans of some of the state governments for the windfall.

    •Osun, Bayelsa, Kwara, Edo, others list priorities

    Some states yesterday unfolded their plans for their shares of the N243.7 billion London-Paris Club refund. The windfall was released to the states by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on Monday.

    They listed outstanding salaries and pension arrears as priorities. Also on their cards are projects that would lift the living conditions of people in their domains.

    The Nation learnt that many of governors announced what accrued to them to guard against misinformation. Some met with labour leaders to jointly agree on the disbursement.

     

    We’ll put refund to proper use, says Edo’

    After acknowledging receipt of N6, 091,126,592.49 as its share of the Paris Club refund, the Edo State Government yesterday promised to put the windfall to good use.

    It was however silent on whether refund would be deployed in the payment of some pensioners who have sustained street protests in Benin, the capital city for the past five days.

    The pensioners, made up of retirees from both local and state governments, have been appearing in red attires to protest the non-payment of their gratuities and entitlements.

    Special Adviser to Governor Godwin Obaseki on Media and Communication Mr. Crusoe Osagie told our reporter that a statement would be issued on how the funds would be applied.

    Osagie assured that the governor will not go against the rules.

     

    Bayelsa to clear salarybacklogs  

    • Dickson releases N919m to councils

    The Bayelsa State Government yesterday confirmed receipt of N10 billion share of the second tranche of the Paris Club refund from the Federal =Government.

    Governor Seriake Dickson made the confirmation in a statement signed by his Chief Press Secretary, Daniel Iworiso-Markson.

    According to the government, N919 million of the refund would go to the local government areas. Part of it, the government said, would be used to pay one and a half month salaries of civil servants.

    The governor directed his Commissioner for Finance, Maxwell Ebibai to immediately release the local councils’ share.

    According to Iworiso-Markson, the governor, who spoke in Yenagoa at a parley with labour leaders at the Government House, directed helmsmen at the council areas to use their portion of the windfall on their financial obligations, especially the outstanding salaries.

    The governor warned that the money for the councils should be properly utilised and should not be shared by a few to enrich themselves at the expense of local government employees.

    Dickson was quoted as saying: “I have directed that the money should be transferred to them latest tomorrow (Thursday). As for this money, let me make it clear that is not for them to share and chop. It is not free money. So, those who will be celebrating that money has come to be shared will be disappointed.

    “One of the greatest problems we have in this state is the fact that people always think that any money that comes is free money for them to share and chop.

    “They don’t want the state to be developed; leaders after leaders and years after years. Twenty years after the creation of the state, it is now we are building good schools and health institutions.”

    He thanked the union leaders for their support and understanding, adding that the disclosure of the fund’s receipt was in line with his administration’s open policy on public finance since 2012.

    He said: “You people should know me by now. I have been here for almost six years and any money that comes we always announce it.

    “Month after month, we disclose our income and expenditure in the Transparency Briefing. And I think we are the only state doing that.”

    The statement also quoted Information & Orientation Commissioner Jonathan Obuebite as saying that the labour leaders had agreed with the government that part of the money should be used to clear backlog of salaries.

    He said: “I am happy to announce that after a peaceful, fruitful and candid meeting, it was resolved that the government will use part of the fund to pay one and a half month salary.

    “Initially we had thought that it was N14 billion that will come in so we can pay two months but that was what came in. Pentioners are also going to be paid.”

    The local chapter Chairman of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) in the state, John Ndiomu and his Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) counterpart, Tari Dounana, commended the government for disclosing the share of the state and for interacting with them to discuss on how to utilise the money.

    They assured all workers that every outstanding salaries owed by the government would be paid to them and urged them to continue to do their best. 

     

    Kwara councils get N1b for salary arrears

    Kwara State Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed has approved the release of N1 billion to local government areas in the state to offset part of their salary arrears, Finance Commissioner Demola Banu announced in a statement in Ilorin yesterday.

    He said the N1 billion was part of the N5.1 billion received by the state government as its share of the Paris Club refund from the Federal government.

    According to the commissioner, the N5.1 billion received by the state government was 12.5 per cent lower than the amount it expected from the Federal Government.

    Banu said the balance of the refund would be used for projects and programmes designed to enhance the welfare and security of all citizens.

    He also announced the release of N312, 191, 101.71 to tertiary institutions in the state to clear salary arrears.

    The lucky institutions are: Kwara State College of Education, Ilorin; Kwara State College of Education, Oro; Kwara State College of Education (Special), Lafiagi; College of Arabic and Islamic Legal Studies, Ilorin; Kwara State School of Midwifery, Ilorin and Oke-Ode as well as Kwara State College of Health Technology, Offa.

    Giving a breakdown of the amount, the commissioner said the payment includes: N126, 938, 104 as the sixth instalment of the state government’s intervention for tertiary institutions in the state.

    The governor had approved the intervention in 2016 for the state-owned tertiary institutions as a palliative.

    Continuing, Banu said the balance of N185, 252, 996 represents the third quarterly payment of subvention to the institutions, stressing that the final instalment of N378, 426,018 will be paid as additional funds become available.

    He clarified that the N312.1 million would be used to pay salary arrears accrued at the tertiary institutions due to drop in allocations last year.

    The institutions, he noted have been up to date in the payment of monthly salaries.

  • Govt seeks apology from protesting pensioners

    The Osun State government yesterday insisted that a group of protesting retirees in the state must apologise to residents of the state for misleading them over the London-Paris Club loan refund.

    Some pensioners had a month ago accused Governor Rauf Aregbesola of diverting the second tranche of the loans’ refund.

    The Federal Government on Tuesday announced the disbursement of N243.7 billion to the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), out of which Osun got N6.134 billion.

    In a statement by the Director, Bureau of Communication & Strategy, Office of the Governor, Mr. Semiu Okanlawon, the government demanded an unreserved apology from the retirees for wrongly accusing the governor.

    The statement entitled: “Protesting group of pensioners must apologise to Osun people for misinforming them over Paris Club refunds a months ago”, said: “The attention of the Government of Osun has been drawn to another in the series of protests by a group of pensioners who have filed out again today (Wednesday) July 19, 2017 for reasons best known to them.

    “It is interesting to note that about a month ago, this same set of pensioners accused Governor Rauf Aregbesola of collecting and diverting the second tranche of Paris loan refund, which they claimed had been released to Osun State by the Federal Government.

    “As they have come out today, they have a duty to actually apologise not only to Aregbesola’s government, but also to the good people of Osun State for misinforming, confusing and creating tension in the state through their false claim that the governor had received the second tranche of Paris loan refund about a month ago.

    “Like we have said, Osun State government, with its commitment to transparency under the leadership of Governor Rauf Aregbesola made the announcement yesterday (Tuesday) to confirm the receipt of 6.314billion as the second tranche of Paris loan refund from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

    “The money was paid into the account of the state government on Monday and we duly made the announcement yesterday, informing the public that Osun has got the second tranche of Paris loan refund.

    “In line with our government’s promise to utilise the resources of this state in the best interest of our people, we hereby restate our commitment to this promise as we begin shortly transparent deployment on our commitments to the concerned stakeholders.”

  • Osun retirees protest non-payment of arrears

    Osun retirees protest non-payment of arrears

    •Another group lauds govt’s transparency

    Some retirees in Osun State yesterday took to the streets of Osogbo, the state capital, to protest the non- payment of their pension arrears.

    Their protests came on the heels of an announcement by the government on the receipt of N6.3 billion Paris Club Refund. The protesters operated under the aegis of the 2011/2012 Pensioners Forum.

    The pensioners, who staged a peaceful protest to the state secretariat on Gbongan Road, accused Governor Rauf Aregbesola of deliberate refusal to pay their entitlements.

    The protesters denied many civil servants and other top officials access to government offices yesterday.

    Chanting anti-government songs and displaying placards with various inscriptions, the pensioner said they would monitor the release of the second tranche of the Paris Club refund and ensure payment of their pension arrears.

    The disrupted movement from the Owode end of Gbongan-Ibadan Expressway.

    Speaking through the chairman of the 2011/2012 Forum of Pensioners in Osun State, Omoniyi Ilesanmi said: “We are the people who worked diligently after the creation of Osun State. Aregbesola should use the N6.3 billion Paris loan refund he just got to pay us our pension’s allowance, otherwise he would find this state ungovernable.”

    Also yesterday, members of the the Triangular Group of Pensioners in the Osun said they have been vindicated with the release of the second tranche of the Paris Club loans refunds on Monday to the states.

    The group’s chairman, Prince Rotimi Adelugba, in a statement, commended the Osun State government for promptly informing the public on the receipt of the refund.

    According to him, his group’s earlier stance was that “the protest by some few pensioners in the state on the payment of pension arrears with the Paris Club refund was another political stunt meant to portray the administration of Governor Rauf Aregbesola as bad in the estimation of the public as the state approached the Osun West Senatorial District Election on July 8 had been justified with the latest development.”

    According to the group, dialogue remained the best way to push pensioners’ demand and not through fabricated lies and protests which it alleged, “are being sponsored by the opposition.”

    Adelugba stressed that group’s defence of the government on the receipt of Paris Club Fund as at then, was based on the information at the its disposal, insisting that the refund, as at then, had not yet been received.

    He said: “We have stated earlier before now that it is inhuman, disheartening and uncivilised to note that despite all efforts put in place and the assurance capable of giving hope to retirees, they embarked on character assassination and lies.

    “Is it not now clear to the whole world that the claims by the Omoniyi Ilesanmi-led pensioners that the second tranche of the Paris Club fund have been diverted as at then was untrue, misleading and uncalled for when the fund has not been released.ý

    “We wondered where Mr. Ilesanmi and his people got their own information from if it was not that they were motivated by the opposition, not minding the consequences. Is it not now so clear that there was nothing like the release of the second tranche two months ago as they claimed?

    “The governor had said it several times that the salary and pension’s arrears would be paid as soon as fund is available. The government just demonstrated its sincerity to the welfare of the people when it announced that it has gotten the second tranche of the refund and we commend Aregbesola for this sincerity.”

  • ‘The challenge of security, peace, in times of economic recession’

    ‘The challenge of security, peace, in times of economic recession’

    To Prof John A. Ayoade of the BOWEN University in Iwo, Osun State, political power can be reconfigured, though not without resistance, but it is not as easy to reconfigure the economy. The professor Emeritus, in this article, entitled:  “The challenge of peace and security in times of economic recession: The Nigerian experience”, says Nigeria must adopt a mission to drive a renewed vision and elect visionary leaders to truly evolve as a nation.

    Nigeria has been a political enigma from its colonial origin. It is not an organic whole and it has failed all efforts at integration, although the colonial founding fathers never intended it to be integrated. Unfortunately, their Nigerian successors invested more in the division for sectional political advantage. This was because shortly before political independence, politics as a process of allocation of powers and national resources has been appropriated as an allocation enterprise for sectional interests.

    With time, the gap between national and sectional interests widened to a point that national interest tended towards zero. This was worsened by the fratricidal internecine conflicts between and among the various sections of the country. What was the hope of Africa at independence became the sick man of Africa which suffered a military coup within six years of independence and became a subject of international mediation, first at Aburi, Ghana and later, in Kampala, Uganda. The likes of such countries as Gabon and Ivory Coast were availed diplomatic opportunities to meddle in the domestic affairs of Nigeria. A country which had hitherto prided itself as an expert in brinkmanship was at the verge of ‘sinkmanship’. The hope to join the higher League of Nations at independence vanished.  Succour came only after three years of civil war which was followed by a hurried post-conflict peace that did not address the causes of war.

    The conflict which has been simmering since then only awaits a trigger that is not too remote in the Nigerian political firmament. The drums of conflict are beating louder, publicly daring the authorities of the Nigerian State. As if the issues will go away, the Federal Government is carefully avoiding addressing the issue directly.

    The on-going political altercations arise from the fact that Nigeria has not evolved into a nation and neither has it attained a stage of integration that can drive development. As far back as 1947, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo said that Nigeria was a mere geographical expression. It was, in fact, a country of diverse nations.

    Much later, he advised that the Nigerian Constitution should be constructed along the lines of the nationalities comprising Nigeria. Nigerians agreed with the country’s diversity. They however optimistically played it down by extolling the aspiration of unity in diversity when in reality it is a progressively diversifying diversity. As it turned out, the adversarial nature of the country continues to manifest in the continual incessant demand for the creation of new states from the old sates based on cultural differences and incompatibility. The language of demand on all occasions was so antagonistic that it is strange that resultant sates remain components of the same federation professing unity in diversity.

    The country of three regions at independence now stands at thirty six states with a recommendation by the 2014 Constitutional Conference that it should be increased to 54 states. Nigeria therefore operates a curious political arrangement of unity by division or, more appropriately, division in unity. It will appear that secession itself is an extension of the demand for the creation of separate states. Secession is only a difference of scale and not type because both are rooted in incompatibility. The multiplication of states in a country with a fixed boundary is an indication of a fissiparous relationship which is the root of national poverty and recession.

    By 2015, about two-thirds of the thirty six states could no longer meet the salary needs of the state civil service. The situation proved the point that most of the states were mere civil service states as petty traders and food sellers suffered shrinkage in their sales and income. The situation also proved the fragile nature of the economy because governments in Nigeria are the single largest employers of labour with a weak private sector. The prominent visibility of the public sector in employment is a result of the high profile and privileges of the colonial civil service. The post-independence successive governments in Nigeria did not help matters because they often vaunted the omnipotence of government without encouraging the diversification of skills, entrepreneurship, and public-private partnership. In the past, communities established secondary schools, constructed roads, and awarded local and overseas scholarships.

    Of recent, the governments arrogantly asked communities to hands-off such developments. It suddenly became an offence for parents/teachers associations to be involved in the development of the schools.

    The demand for the creation of states is both an indication of diversity as well as the conception of the state as a milk-cow. Most of the demands are based on the propensity to have a share of the ‘national cake’. The lexicon of the demand for new states shows very clearly the consumerist goals of the protagonists. Little or no attention is paid to social and economic viability of states but the income derivable form the federal purse.

    Occasionally, one hears such pious phrases and clichés like bringing government close to the people; equity; ethnic geo-political balance and federal presence among others which sidestep economic realities. All such demands are based on ethnic or geographic competition for siphoning federal resources. The end result is the mushrooming of unviable mini-states that serve only the needs of the political elite of such states. It is no surprise, then, that Nigeria has one of the highest per capita costs of governance with very high overhead cost, high recurrent cost and little capital cost. There is therefore relatively little national infrastructural investment resulting in mere subsistence governments.

    The different constitutional efforts for political integration have not yielded positive results because the benefactors devised the measures. These measures include the zoning of political offices, federal character, rotational presidency and other equalisation measures. Let us look at the zoning of political offices first. Zoning is neither a constitutional, nor statutory requirement. It was a device introduced by the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the Second Republic. It is therefore more of a conventional advisory to political parties. It could enhance electoral appeal of a political party in contrast to another party that does not adopt the zoning formula. Being voluntary and advisory, the implementation has been haphazard. The lack of clarity of its implementation was one of the political shibboleths of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan’s bid for a second presidential term.

    First, there was the definitional problem of a second term. Second, there was the problem of observance of an agreement duly entered into. Finally, there was the problem of which was the legitimate zone to present the presidential candidate. Apart from the particular problem arising from the Jonathan presidency, zoning is also not necessarily clear-cut in a multi-party situation since each political party could decide its order of zoning.

    Thus in 2015, the All Progressives Congress (APC)  selected Mohammadu Buhari from the Northwest while the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)  selected Dr. Jonathan from the Southsouth. Each party’s zoning arrangement may therefore contradict, which means, in effect, that zoning may be mutually neutralised by the parties.

    The much celebrated constitutional federal character requirement for appointments was meant to serve as mortar for the various nationalities. The constitutional clause was to the effect all executive bodies should mirror the diversity of the country by ensuring that appointments are made from all geographical parts of the country. The executive bodies must be representatively reflective of the plural nature of the country, such that no part of the country dominates the government while other parts are excluded or under-represented. At the drafting stages, this was conceived as the non-exclusion principle. The aim is to create a sense of belonging and a sense of collective ownership through participation.

    The clause therefore became an employment bill for the political class and a rationale for bloated executives. Nigeria therefore has a very high ratio of executive to the population that gulps funds for development. It has therefore contributed to national poverty and recession.

    Apart from that, it has not worked as the expected political adhesive or coagulant of diverse nationalities. It would have been strange if social homogenisation resulted from such ethnic polarisation. In fact, it could not have served that purpose because the ethnic groups or the geopolitical groups which are proxies of the ethnic groups form the basis of allocation. The application of federal character, therefore, inadvertently prioritises ethnicity and consequently, a source of acrimonious disagreement among the nationalities who complain about the computation and weighting of the federal character requirement.

    A major consequential source of complaint is that quantity is not synonymous with quality, such that arithmetical equality does not translate to qualitative equality. Neither is federal character interpreted to cover less divisive factors of diversity like ideology and stages of development of the various parts of the country.

    The trend of the discussion so far, is that the root of poverty and recession lies in the structure and administration of the Nigerian state. There is an incongruity between the design of the country and the post-independence vision and mission of the country. Such a mismatch is clearly demonstrated in the relationship between the purpose of federalism and the practice of federalism in Nigeria. The practice of federalism in Nigeria is bedeviled by the boss syndrome which results in the hierarchical ordering of the governments of the federation rather than the co-equality of governmental jurisdictions.

    This is complicated by the misperception of the role of government as the dispenser of personal, ethnic and sectional advantages. The system operated as if private sector productivity was either optional or unnecessary. And worse still, the political elite divided the country into political fiefs called states to multiply salary pay-points and inadvertently reduce the capacity of the resultant states to drive development. Nigerian governments became veritable harbingers of poverty by multiplying salary pay-points. Extractive political institutions as we have depicted above, tend to produce extractive or rentier economic systems. Even if there is growth under extractive institutions, they cannot endure because growth requires innovation which ipso facto, results in creative destruction that will destabilise established power relations. The established elite will therefore resist innovation. Extractive regimes also tend to make instability inevitable because they generate fierce competition, forcing the extractive elite to defend its unmerited privileged position. The contingent outcome of instability is decline of productivity which tends to end up in poverty.

    Neither has Nigeria attained the level of clear functional statehood. The fragility of the Nigerian state as depicted above has made scholars at different times to describe it as a soft state or a failed state by others. The state is a complex entity and there is hardly an agreement on its purpose and scope.

    For the purpose of analysis, the state can be seen roughly as a dichotomy with internal and external aspects. Its internal aspect is represented by the government while the external aspect is the country. The government is the highest ruling authority and executive agent of the country. Being the highest authority, it possesses internal sovereignty and the extent quality of its rule of the domestic society is a function of its legitimacy which determines the nature of state-society relations or the relations between the decision-maker and the decision-taker.

    Jean Bodin, espousing the juridical view of the state, identified the chief mark of state sovereignty as the power to give law to all citizens, generally and singly. Thus, the state is vested with the power to create, interpret and enforce the law. In addition to the power to legislate for all, it also has the sole power of coercion or the monopoly of legitimate force such that in the view of John Austin, the state is the superior commanding the inferior. The control of force is a consequential power to strengthen legislative power. All, except the agents of the state are disarmed, private armies are prohibited and the power of constraint is domiciled in the state alone. The monopoly of force has however not prevented dissidence in Nigeria because domestic weakness arising from unresolved national question and political power configuration is exploited different elements in the country. The state monopoly of force is challenged at different times and places.

    For more than two decades, the Niger Delta militants have challenged the authority of the Nigerian state and have succeeded squeezing some concessions for laying down their arms. But, this has been temporary as the success has become an incentive for more armed challenge. Similarly, from about 2009, a group known as the Boko Haram employed Islam as an instrument to challenge the authority of the Nigerian state in the Northeast zone. At some point, they controlled about 14 local government areas and hoisted their flag with intent to create an Islamic State. It was a challenge of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nigeria. The power of the state to guarantee peace and security to the citizens is also regularly threatened by gangs that infested Nigeria with kidnapping for ransom.

    It started in the Niger Delta as a strategy of the militants to press their case. Oil workers were abducted and killed when ransom was not paid. Now kidnapping has become a national menace with kidnappers demanding huge ransom in foreign currency and even establishing detention camps within the city. With these threats, the Nigerian state appears to be losing claim to its raison d’etat which is the guarantee of the lives of citizens and property. The loss of empirical statehood explains the scanty inflow of foreign direct investment (fdi) and consequential heightening of poverty.

    It is not only the juridical function of the state that has been challenged. Equally so, is the physical property of the state which is the fact that the state is an area with a government, population and a means of keeping order. The citizens are part of that physical state because they live within the geographical boundary. Membership of the physical state is normally compulsory for all that live within that geographical boundary. Obedience to the laws is mandatory, disobedience is punishable, and secession attempt is treasonable.

    Of recent, even the physical extent of the Nigerian state is not sacrosanct. There are open and audible announcements of intention to secede from the Nigerian state in the finalistic language of no return. The Federal Government is handicapped in confronting the open breach by the reality of the extra- constitutional configuration of the country rather than by dereliction.

    Nigeria therefore exhibits all the signs of a sub-optimal state driven by extra-constitutional considerations and consequently unable to perform the minimal constitutional duties of statehood. It continues to muddle along because of a demonstrated unwillingness to deal with the fundamentals of building a state from the congeries of nationalities at war with themselves.

    The complex dilemma of Nigerian state is that the architecture of political power is not coterminous with the architecture of the economy. The troubling paradox is that the area that is perceived to be less economically endowed exercises political control over the economy because there is unequal distribution of power and unequal distribution of resources.

    Unfortunately, while political power can be reconfigured, although not without resistance, it is not as easy to reconfigure the economy. Although political power is required to reconfigure political power, power is hardly ever conceded or freely transferred particularly in a conflict-ridden polity where power confers immeasurable advantage. Power, by its nature, never lacks patronage because it is highly sought after, even more so in a deeply-segmented society.

    The resultant negative effect of the high pitched competition in such societies is poor and/or sub-optimal decision-making. Parties negotiate all issues and since every sectional actor wants the maximum benefit, facilities are sometimes splintered below the level of functional efficiency or located most inappropriately while crucial decisions fail the rationality test. Even the punishment of crime is seen through ethnic and regional lenses. The Nigerian governance system is a conducive environment for breeding poverty and violence. Poverty derives, in part, from maladministration just as violence could be a product of bad administration and perceived inequity

    Nigeria is a paradox. It is the seventh most populous country in the world and the sixth largest producer of petroleum in the world. One is tempted to say that it has no reason to be poor. However, the lack of good governance, general insecurity, and stupendous accountability challenges pushed her into the league of the poor. One hundred and twelve million Nigerians making 67.1 per cent of the population lived below poverty line by 2016.  Poverty has maintained a steady increase with 54.7 per cent in 2004; 60.9 per cent in 2010; 60 per cent in 2015 and a whopping 72 per cent in August 2016. Nigeria is not just one of the poorest countries; it is also one of the most unevenly developed countries of the world. The poverty prevalence in the country ranges from 46.9 per cent in the Southwest to 74.3 per cent in the Northwest and Northeast. Another source puts the national average at 46 per cent while the prevalence of the six geo-political zones is as hereunder: Southwest (19.3 per cent); Southsouth (25.2 per cent); Southeast (27.36 per cent); Northcentral (45.7 per cent); Northeast (76.8 per cent) and Northwest (80.9 per cent).

    The average for the South comes to 23.95 per cent while the average for the North is 67.8 per cent which is nearly triple the average for the South. The sharp contrast between North and South is one of the causes of political instability in Nigeria. Even when the North has been broken into nineteen states and the South into seventeen states, the threat of the North remains. Nigerians continue to complain and fear Northern political clout, Northern numerical superiority and Northern political advantage. Whenever Northern prowess is contrasted with Southern human and material resource advantage, southerners feel that they derive less than their contributions to the Nigerian state. That feeling of deprivation is a source of socio-political tension in the country. Be that as it may, there is evidence of affluent poverty throughout the country. Most houses on the major streets of Nigeria are defaced with shops for retail pure water. Able-bodied college graduates sell telephone recharge cards and commercial motorcycles called ‘okada’ or ‘Going’ have replaced taxis and buses on our streets. Nigerians now take jolly rides on ‘okada’ making telephone calls and sending text messages as the go. I believe that some can now even take a nap as the ride.

    Both structural political and economic imbalance threaten the peace of the country. It is equally important to factor into this discussion that political conduct shapes and is shaped by political context. It is more interesting to go behind the formal structures into the actual processes of politics.

    Karl Marx appears to have correctly stated that men make history although not in circumstances of their own choosing. He therefore identifies mutuality between structure and agent. Every action is therefore a product of the mix of structural and agential factors. We have taken some space to explain the structural factor which is the setting in which social, political and economic events occur and are meaningful. It is necessary to look at political conduct defined as the actor’s conscious effort to realise his goal. In commenting on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Transparency International (TI) confirmed that the lower – ranked countries are ‘plagued by untrustworthy and badly functioning public institutions like police and judiciary’. This is a conflation of structure and agent. Oftentimes neither structure nor agency alone can explain a phenomenon. For example, the rate of unemployment in Nigeria rose from 10.4 per cent in 2015 to 14.2 per cent (11.549 million people) in 2016 but it is not every unemployed person that engaged in crime just as some employed people also engaged in crime. This means that crime can be explained from both structural and agential perspectives. It must be emphasised, though, that work is the best route out of poverty and according to Guy Ryder, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Director-General, ‘access to decent work opportunities for all … is the most effective way to increase participation, lift people out of poverty, reduce inequality and drive economic growth’.

    Nigeria ranked very low on Good Governance, Global Peace and Corruption. The World Bank identified six key indices of good governance as follows:

    • Voice and accountability
    • Political stability and lack of violence
    • Government effectiveness
    • Regulatory quality
    • Rule of law
    • Control of corruption.

    Good governance is simply the legitimate socio-political citizen expectation from the state and which the state has responsibility to deliver. The Ibrahim Index of African Governance in 2016 ranked Nigeria in the 33rd position among 45 countries in 2016 putting Nigeria in the last thirteen African countries. On Global Peace Index, Nigeria ranked 151 out of 163 countries in 2014; 151 in 2015; 149 in 2016; and 149 in 2017. Nigeria’s best performance was in 2016 and 2017 with a placement in the last fifteen (15) countries. It is axiomatic that a population with adequate basic needs is most unlikely to resort to violence to solve problems. We may therefore say that, to some extent, that violence is a possible sign that basic needs are not met. Nigeria has about 3.3 million internally displaced persons which is Africa’s largest ranking behind Syria and Columbia on a global scale. Nigeria’s performance on Corruption was equally poor. In fact President Muhammadu Buhari was blunt when he said that ‘Corruption will kill Nigeria unless Nigeria kills corruption’. Corruption has grown to mega heights and Nigeria is better identified by corruption than by her national flag. Even as early as the 1980’s Alhaji Shehu Shagari saw the need for suggesting an ethical revolution to combat corruption. Unfortunately, the desire was not backed by political will.

    I want at this stage to argue that our conception of violence is too narrow. We often see violence only as actions that draw blood, destroy life and limb. There are however actions that sap more blood over time from a larger population.

    I include corruption, poverty, and bad governance among such slow, soft and sure incapacitation agents. We have said a few things about soft or silent violence. We may now turn to hard violence which within a short time snuffs out lives, displace populations and disrupt economic activities. Nigeria has had quite a number of such violence in recent history. They include: the Maitatsine; the Niger Delta militants attack; the Boko Haram insurgency; kidnapping and the recent Nnamdi Kanu’s demand for Biafra. All of these are insurrections that take advantage of the domestic weakness of the state. The state has a compulsory hold on citizens and when that hold loosens by acts of commission or omission, citizens who have reasons, genuine or otherwise, resort to self-help.

    It is the natural opportunistic moment. Thucydides said in his book entitled: The Peloponnesian War “Of the gods we believe, and of men we know, that by a necessary law of nature they rule wherever they can”. The Niger Delta crisis is a product of illogical neglect resulting in on-going illogicality of demands. Curiously the ancient Nigerian Mineral Act allocates the ownership of all minerals on land and below to the government. The law is an example of the greed of the modern state. The law would perhaps have been better to also include all moving creatures on land including the people. The law almost equated the State with God as defined in Psalm 24.1 which states ‘The earth is the Lord’s, and all its fullness, the world and those who dwell therein’. Three things are wrong with this massive appropriation. First, the nationalists opposed it when the British passed the ‘obnoxious’ law in 1944 but they did not abrogate it after independence. Second, it failed the test of history because in the First Republic, the derivation formula gave 50 per cent of the proceeds of minerals to the land/state of origin. The explanation for the present 13 per cent wobbles against precedence. Third, any law that does not have a human face does not belong in the human race. Derivation is not a pocket money concession from a higher authority to a lesser authority. It is a right to restore the mining areas to a tenantable position, as it were. Finally, the law violates the ‘golden rule’ of treating others as one would like to be treated. At the Afe Babalola Committee of the National Political Reform Conference in 2005, the question was asked whether the North would have accepted 13 per cent derivation if oil were discovered in Kaduna rather than the Delta. Significant members of the Committee quibbled rather than answering the question directly. The above queries easily turn the law into an instrument of expropriation.

    The reaction of the Niger Delta militants from Isaac Boro to date threatened the survival of the Nigerian State. The reality of modern statehood is that bad laws must still be obeyed until those laws are changed. Violation of a bad law is an offence just as the violation of a good law. There are however two avenues to changing a bad law. It is either changed via persuasion and due process or by violent means outside the realm of law. Whenever the second option is adopted, the law will take its toll because it is a challenge to the sovereignty of the state.

    Maitasine and Boko Haram are different in cause, course, modus operandi and ideology. While the militants operated on principally on grounds of rights, justice and equity, Matasine and Boko Haram advanced a sectarian position. They argued for a supposedly purer Islam. It was clear in the case of Boko Haram that the goal was territorial and religion was a camouflage for territorial ambition. This was a clever choice because religion is one of the most difficult institutions to confront. Religions are meant to be divine orders beyond disputation. To dispute it is to incur divine wrath which must be avoided by all believers. Religion is therefore, the most effective agent of socio-political mobilisation. Apart from the appeal to spirituality, Boko Haram was not successful at propaganda. It argued that western education was a sin without proposing a viable alternative. Its tactics and strategy also contains elements of weakness. It bombed churches and mosques thus violating Islamic laws that make non-combatants immune from attack and protect Muslims from attacks by fellow Muslims. It employed a scatter strategy of attack in Abuja, Kano, Bauchi and Potiskum among other areas. Although it struck terror in the public, it did not advance its goal in terms of consolidation. The kidnapping of the Chibok schoolgirls was a strategic blunder that earned Boko Haram negative international attention. As long as the girls were held captive, Boko Haram remained in the international media. Boko Haram strategy was very destabilising resulting in mass movement and contributing to large camps of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). Its activities lasted that long because of the lack of cooperation of the host communities partly because of the fear of reprisals and partly for political reasons. By December 2016, Boko Haram was declared officially degraded. This is not to say that it is gone for good. By the nature of insurgencies which have no central command, every fighter tends to become a General still fighting on. Insurgencies last long. Chinese communists fought for 28 years, Vietnamese communists for 30 years and Sandinistas for 18 years. So, it is not yet Uhuru from Boko Haram.

    Another source of insecurity in the Nigerian state is the terrorism of kidnappers. It started as a tactic of the Niger Delta militants to fund arms purchase, force the oil companies out and earn money to run the organisation.  They kidnapped expatriates and got the employers to pay ransom for their release. It eventually escalated and gangs developed in other parts of the country, including faraway Northern Nigeria. It soon became the most lucrative business that was not quoted on the stock market. The telephone became the most effective facilitator of kidnapping with a war against the middle and upper classes. The qualification for kidnapping is the ability to pay huge ransom. Information is required for a successful operation and the recent communication explosion has aided the nefarious act. Instagram, Facebook, WhatsApp and email among other means  have become sources of required information and those who are unwary expose themselves.

    The last and perhaps the most difficult of these threats confronting Nigeria is the recent Nnamdi Kanu phenomenon. Kanu established the Independent Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) to demand for the sovereign state of Biafra. He was incarcerated for that demand and he is currently on bail. He has been playing host to youths who want the actualisation of Biafra. The older and more experienced Igbo are treading softly. The experience of the civil war cannot easily go away. The Yoruba often warn in like circumstances that those who witness Sango (god of thunder) disappear underground will not insult Oba Koso. Any Igbo born after 1970 can only learn about the civil war from moonlight stories told after a good meal of pounded yam. That is different from direct experience. It is only when myths are tested against reality that they are validated. Just recently, Kanu instructed the people of Anambra to shun the November 18, 2017 governorship election as a sign that the Igbo have nothing to do with Nigeria any more.  The National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Grand Alliance which is the ruling party in the state, Mr. Ifeatu Obiokoye, wrote that the call was ’irresponsible, and devoid of intellectual focus’.  He went further that Kanu had no authority to speak for the Igbo of the Southeast. Obiokoye emphasized that the Biafra concept was a metaphor for the demand for equity and fair play in the Nigerian state and not a separate movement. He continued: “We are concerned about the continued existence of Nigeria under the present structural arrangement.” He finally advised Kanu to drop the ‘Emperor’ perception of himself. Biafra is not new to Nigerian political narrative.  Secession had always been used as a bargaining tool in Nigerian politics. It was Ojukwu’s blunder to go beyond threat that led to the civil war.

    Nigeria has a quantum of security challenges. The Federal Government has to be strategic in handling those challenges. Some require constitutional adjustments, others require mere legislation, while yet others require negotiation. In adopting any of these measures, political actors must place country above self and clan and place tomorrow above today and yesterday. Nigeria must adopt a mission to drive a renewed vision and elect visionary leaders.