Category: Sunday magazine

  • Segun  Awolowo  not slowing  down

    Segun Awolowo not slowing down

    SEGUN Awolowo Jnr, first grandchild of late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, is not slowing down on socials despite clocking the golden age.

    The son of fashion matriarch, Abbah Folawiyo, who clocked 50 unannounced last month, was spotted among guests who graced the glamorous launch of the premium wellness centre, Bodyline Fitness & Gym at Ikoyi, Lagos last weekend. Segun, the former presidential special assistant, with the way he rocks, may be telling those who care to listen that age is just a number.

  • Food, fashion and music at Lagos Food Festival

    Food, fashion and music at Lagos Food Festival

    NIGERIA’S premier outdoor food festival, Taste off, was held last week Sunday, 27th October, 2013. It was the first of its kind in Nigeria to showcase, promote and create awareness on how rich African delicacies are. The arrays of foods on display were mouth-watering and there were wine-tasting for individuals and families at the occasion. The event was organised by Aldo Global Services. Olusegun Rapheal was there.

  • Inside Nigeria’s  thriving porn  movie industry

    Inside Nigeria’s thriving porn movie industry

    Pornographic materials are a regular sight in public places across the country. GILBERT ALASA writes that despite the negative effect on young people and recent bans by authorities like the Lagos State Government, the porn business is thriving unrestrained.

    THE searing heat of the sun was brutal that clear afternoon. Two students of a high school located off Uselu-Lagos Road, Benin-city stood under the sun as though they were compelled to do so. The air of innocence on their faces contrasted the corruption of the object of their attention. With a shamefaced stretch of the hand, and giggling with embarrassment, they pointed at the eye-popping sexual videos displayed by a vendor beside Osasogie Gate of the University of Benin.

    For Ighodalo Moses (not his real name), the expedition did not end there. “I followed my friend to their house one day. At that time, the parents were yet to return from work. All the while, my friend had been telling me about a film he had wanted me to see. So I was curious. When he inserted the CD, I marvelled at what I saw. Everything was strange and exciting. Pleasure ran through my body. I wanted to see more of it,” he recounted.

    But what followed Ighodalo’s escapade was more than he bargained for. “Afterwards, I got really addicted to watching adult movies. This, sometimes, puts a lot of pressure on me whenever I am around a girl.”

    His experience appears mild when compared with that of ‘Oseni’. For the 17-year-old who stays with her uncle in Osasogie, what appeared to be an addiction later turned out as a narrative in self torture. “For some time now I notice that whenever I see a porn movie, I have this mad urge for sex. At such times, I could form an imaginary vagina with a pillow or soft fabric. And I would begin to penetrate until I eventually climax. It is embarrassing. And I always feel bad each time I do it. It seems I can’t stop it anymore.”

    Like Ighodalo and Oseni, lots of young people are trapped in pornography. But not many are willing to admit their predicament. Advances in technology seem to further fan the flames, as the internet is replete with a potpourri of such materials. Family pressure, too, has created huge emotional gaps in many homes. As such, children hardly can relate with their parents or guardians on intimate matters – especially sexuality issues.

    Asked whether his guardian was aware of his situation, Ayeni retorted; “My uncle will kill me if he gets to know about it!”

     

    How the emerging Nigerian porn industry fuels it

    From the commercial buzz of Onitsha in Anambra State to the equally chaotic Aba city Imo State, a sprawling enclave of producers of sex movies grows by the day.

    At the heart of Alaba International Market in Ojo Local Government in Lagos, some ambitious, but clandestine movie lords are responsible for the production, importation and distribution of porn movies across the country. Profit is their drive. Morality is a word they have never encountered.

    Their modus operandi ranges from reproducing foreign porn movies to exploiting young but licentious boys and girls to play amateur roles in local sex movies. With an increase in the number of young Nigerians of easy virtue deported from Italy, Spain and other European nations where they worked as street prostitutes, the number of willing, wannabe porn stars desirous of featuring in the sex films, is never in short supply.

    And with Alaba International Market, notorious as a hotbed of piracy, the stage is set for an emerging adult industry whose prospects are projected to outstrip Nollywood in the near future.

    When this reporter visited the market in September, nothing suggested the presence of porn syndicates in the choked aisles, aside the stale expeditions of movie pirates. The usual hustling continued as buyers and sellers moved in disorderly fashion, elbowing their way through a swarm of persons.

    The reporter posed as a final year student whose long essay bordered on Nigeria’s porn business. The first respondent was a young lady of average height and braided hairs with a scarf that nearly covered her face. She would not comment, ostensibly embarrassed by the topic.

    But the next respondent, a middle-aged man who gave his name simply as ‘Maduakor’ was more forthcoming. What started as a conversation later brewed into an emotional exchange.

    “Can you see that shop,” he asked pointing to a store on Ubakason Plaza, “some of the guys you see strolling in and out of that shop have no business in this market other than making “mojo” films (a street name for porn videos). I expect our association here to wade in and regulate the practice. But nobody blinks an eyelid over the practice in this market.”

    A seemingly ruffled young man, who claimed to work with a group that makes such movies, admitted that many so-called foreign porn videos are now produced in Nigeria. Explaining how they make the films, he said: ”One way is by signing up on certain pornographic websites with a Liberty Reserve account. Most times, one is asked to pay a certain amount of dollars to gain full access to all the materials on the site – including free downloads. Once that is done, we proceed to production.”

    Asked why he does not produce Nigerian sex videos, he said: ”Most people want to see the Oyinbo sex theatrics. They consider Nigerian porn actors amateurs and unexciting. To cap it all, they don’t usually last long in sex bouts unlike their foreign counterparts. So the demand for local porn is not very high. That’s why many producers prefer soft-porn other than hardcore.”

    Though, it all started from the infusion of soft porn scenes in local movies when films like Cruse, Dirty Secret, Spirit of the Workshop, Blackberry Babes and a host of Ghanaian movies hit the market a few years ago, only few observers expected the rapid growth. Later, hardcore sex movies became the trend.

    Many porn production firms have infiltrated the Nigerian local movie industry to an extent that is hard to grasp. Many of the organisations are owned by ex-sex peddlers and deportees whose stock in trade is arranging for young boys and girls to act nude in movies, or pose nude for pages of sex soft-sell magazines. They even have outlets in private apartments concealed from prying eyes.

    In Gowon Estate, Egbeda, Lagos, an adult firm that is allegedly owned by an Italian deportee of Edo State descent operates like a bar. A resident who did not want to be named said there is a whole lot of disguise in their activities due to fear of harassment by regulatory authorities.

    ”Most of the brothels and bars in this estate are up to some dirty things that are carefully shielded from the public. Only very few people know what transpires. Some of the prostitutes that besiege a popular guest house on a major avenue with the estate – especially on weekends, do some ‘other things’ during the day. They continue the next phase of their trade at night,” he claimed.

    When United States-based Afrocandy, the controversial producer of a soft porn movie titled Destructive Instinct, decided to test Nigerian waters recently, it set tongues wagging. Threats of a possible ban by the Nigeria Film and Video Censors Board followed. But unknown to many Afrocandy’s seemingly overt move was merely a tip of the iceberg. More daring producers are springing up by the day.

    Serki Entertainment, a US-based adult production company, has been recruiting would-be porn actors in the last few months in Nigeria. Part of the criteria for selection includes freedom from sexually transmitted infections (STIs), possession of an active Liberty Reserve account for remuneration, non-refundable registration fee of $20 and chief among them all: strong “endowments” in vital statistics for both male and female applicants.

    For Nigeria Sex Erotic Academy (NSEA), the take-home package appears to be enticing, as one of the organisers made this reporter believe when he called them. According to the representative who spoke to this reporter on phone, there is free accommodation in Nigeria and abroad for any applicant who scales the screening hurdle. Juicy salaries and a myriad of allowances are also said to be on offer.

    Investigations show that lots of unsuspecting girls have been used and dumped by many of these porn outfits. Lately, the social media was awash with sexually explicit photos of a young girl of 21 who reportedly featured in a porn clip.

    We gathered that the adult movie firm had promised to take her to Nairobi, Kenya after the video shoot. But when it became clear that her hopes of becoming a porn star in the East African city were merely pipe dreams, she protested. The saga later became messy as her photos were circulated on many social networking sites – a development which a family member described as shameful.

     

    Clearing the Augean stable

    Early this year, officials of the Lagos State Taskforce on Environmental and Special Offences began a clampdown on distributors of pornographic materials across the state. Taskforce Chairman, Bayo Sulaiman, said since the government had banned sale of pornographic materials defaulters would be prosecuted.

    But checks revealed that the ban and subsequent arrest of offenders in February this year notwithstanding, the practice still thrives. Respondents say the ban is like a bark without a bite. From the reeking, polluted in Oshodi bus stop to the rowdy spectacle of squalid Iyana-Iba, porn movies are freely displayed for sale by hustling vendors buoyed by survival. At Iyana-Ipaja in another extreme of the city, the story is the same. Innocent children gather round the stands to savour the explicit sight of nude men and women that adorn covers of porn videos.

    As unemployment bites harder in the country, many young men have taken to selling all manner of movies in mobile carts and wheelbarrows. According to one of them, Ayeni Badmus, the ban was not realistic given that government has failed to create jobs for the teeming populace.

    “My brother,” he said, “I sell more of mojo than normal Nigerian movies. That is the fact. So why would anyone want to spoil it all for me? What job has the government created for graduates or for a person like me who managed to complete secondary school” he queried.

    A vendor, who refused to give his name, told our reporter that the ban was hypocritical. He said: “We pretend a lot in Nigeria. People should be free to do what makes them happy as far as the act does not constitute a nuisance for others. Placing a ban on the distribution of adult movies is like making a storm out of a tea cup. Many of my customers love watching the x-rated films.”

     

    Seamy side of porn movies

    However, other respondents who spoke to The Nation said there was a need to regulate the distribution of the prohibited materials. “Sale of adult movies should be regulated by government. The films are so cheap that with a paltry N150, one can purchase a full porn DVD. These things definitely corrupt our children. I don’t think that is good enough,” said a woman who owns a video shop in Shagari Estate, Ipaja, Lagos.

    Sulaiman argues that pornography has negative implications on young people, particularly children. “Whenever you see pornographic materials being displayed, you always see children, viewing or looking at them. It influences them negatively,” he stated.

    A Professor of Psychology at Wheaton College in Illinois, William Struthers, said in his research published in the Christian Research Journal, that pornography “provides a false, or counterfeit way of feeding the need for intimacy. On a cultural and social level, men and women are portrayed as objects for our consumption.”

    He concludes by adding, “There is no such thing as “just looking” at porn. There can be no doubt that it affects us neurologically in long-lasting ways. How we choose to exercise that knowledgefor sanctification or for depravityis up to each one of us.”

    While the moral debate continues, the porn merchants are smiling to the bank oblivious to the psychological havoc they are wreaking on the nation’s social fabric.

  • ‘Jonathan politicised  ASUU strike’

    ‘Jonathan politicised ASUU strike’

    Dr. Nasir Fagge is President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). In this interview with our Deputy Editor, Nation’s Capital, YOMI ODUNUGA and Correspondent, GBENGA OMOKHUNU, he vowed that the lingering strike which has kept students at home for over four months will continue until government implements the 2009 agreement. Excerpts:

    IT was reported that you met with the Minister of Education and the government delegation on Tuesday. Does that mean an end in sight and students should be preparing to go back to the classrooms?

    We had a meeting with the minister on Tuesday. We reported back to the minister the outcome of the consultation with our members on the implementation of the 2009 agreement and the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) of 2012. The response of our members is that it appears government is drawing us into renegotiating the 2009 agreement without implementing it. On the basis of that, our members said that we should report to government that they were not convinced it was seriously interested in implementing the agreement because what government has placed on the table fell far short of what is required to implement that agreement. In any case, our members consider what government has placed on the table as palliative. The conviction of our members is that it will be more important for government to implement, at least, the MoU which is the road map that government set for itself for the implementation of the 2009 agreement. So, on the basis of that understanding, our members said that nothing has really changed to warrant their reviewing the earlier position. That is what happened at Tuesday’s meeting and government said we will continue meeting, hoping that we will find a lasting solution to the crisis. On our part, we concluded that we are willing to continue the dialogue with government until we find a lasting solution. But it is clear that we have to go by the dictates of our members. ASUU is a union of intellectuals and we cherish internal democracy in the union.

    What is your reaction to the view expressed by some highly-placed people in government and concerned stakeholders that ASUU is asking for money that government cannot give out or source for?

    Point of correction, ASUU is not asking for money. Government said in 2012 that ‘I have this problem in implementing your agreement but this is how I am going to do it.’ Is that the same thing as asking for money? Two years later, government has not implemented the agreement as promised. What ASUU is simply saying is that government should respect its promise. I think we are not really asking for anything, nobody is making any fresh demand of government. We are just saying ‘you said you are going to do this please go ahead and do it.’ Our members are looking at what is happening. Government is saying when it comes to implementation of agreement relating to public education, there is no money to implement the agreement. But we have also seen recently that government is giving money to private enterprises. Let me give you an example; just last week it was all over the newspapers that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had given a lifeline of about N2.6 trillion to the banking sector. The banking sector is a private enterprise, owned by individuals who want to acquire wealth. These individuals will now ask us to come and keep our money with them as deposits and then ultimately they will go and squander our money. And we will still use public money to bail them out. Do you think that makes sense? In any case, we are sure of what is happening in most of our ministries where you find a minister spending huge resources belonging to the public on luxury vehicles that are not necessary. What government needs to do is talk with the same voice when it affects public institutions and private enterprises. That is the only way Nigerians will be convinced that yes there is no money. But when at this point government says there is no money and money is spent for another thing then that is contradiction. The Minister of Finance should stop deceiving people. We all know that there is money in this country.

    The National Assembly has expressed willingness to increase the budgetary provision in order to meet ASUU’s demand. Is that what you want?

    Even before we started this fight, we engaged the National Assembly committees on education on the need to implement the provisions of the MoU to ensure that we avert this crisis. At a point, the Senate Committee on Education chairman wanted to assist. The problem is that the responsibility of the National Assembly is to legislate. It is not their responsibility to act in an executive manner. So, if the National Assembly is saying we will do this and if the executive arm of government is not willing to do it, I want to assure you that it may end up not being done. It is not the first time that the National Assembly is coming in to say we will help in addressing this matter, but at the end of the day members of the National Assembly will meet and it will not be possible.

    Over the weeks, we have witnessed protests where some persons have called on ASUU to go back to class or face sanctions. How are you responding to the pressure?

    It’s a pity that the value of a lecturer has been made ridiculous in this country that students will now be the ones to give us ultimatum. When I was a student in the mid 80s, before our lecturers went on strike on a national policy issue it was the students that took to the street to protest. Unfortunately, the political class has destroyed the students’ union movement. What you see today are mercenaries. Our genuine students keep calling us every day and telling us not to suspend this action until we make sure that by the time we go back to school the problems would have been substantially resolved. The students are saying that the strike should go on until government implements the 2009 agreement. People are allowed to roam the streets of Abuja protesting, but when genuine students who want to protest against government come to protest the police will chase them. I got a report that the University of Abuja lecturers who came out to protest were stopped by the same Nigeria Police who allow all sorts of characters to organise rallies against ASUU. The police were there shooting teargas and all kinds of weapons at them. So there is a contradiction. One thing is important here. The police should also understand that the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria grants citizens the right to peaceful protest. We do not need to take any permission from the police to protest. If the police are doing this, then we are being civil because we are enlightened. Let us not be pushed to the wall because we are exercising our fundamental rights as it is in the constitution. If the police want to be truthful to their responsibility, then they ought to be fair to all as the Police Act does not permit them to segregate between the citizens of this country. If they are stopping ASUU members from protesting publicly and peacefully, they should also stop other people from doing the same. That is what we call equity. Under this circumstance we are going to challenge them.

    The President has equally accused ASUU of playing politics with the strike. With the way you have been dribbling the government, don’t you think he is right?

    Well, it is the presidency that introduced politics into this issue by bringing a politician in the person of the Governor of Benue State, Gabriel Suswam, who doesn’t really understand how the university system operates, to come and implement a very serious document relating to how we are going to revitalise the university system in this country. The first thing that Governor Suswam did upon assuming the responsibility of Chairman, Implementation Committee of the NEEDS Assessment Report, was to start reviewing the document. That document considers the whole university system, that is federal and state universities, and all the universities were visited. All the document did is to make sure that the problem of the rot and decay in these universities was collated and proposals were made on how we are going to address them. The costing was brought out and, as I said, universities are considered at par. But when Suswam came in, the first thing he did was to tell us that that we are going to single out two universities according to geo-political zones. He said we will avail President Goodluck Jonathan the opportunity to go round each geo-political zone to start projects of constructing hostel accommodation in at least one university per geo-political zone. So, between ASUU and government, who is introducing politics into this issue? How can ASUU be politicised? ASUU is a policy organisation and our members also have equal rights to belong to any political party in this country. So if we have members in all the political parties in the country, how can we have leaders that would align with a political party? Can we be that stupid? We cannot make that mistake. And to make matters worse, how can government be talking about politicisation when we are talking about implementing an agreement? If government wants to confirm that the moves by ASUU is politicised or not, let it implement the agreement and let us see if this strike will not be suspended. Why can’t government do what is right? Do we have to continue in this manner? Recently, the Minister of Finance said that some people were distributing pamphlets in mosques. These pamphlets were distributed in taxis, market places and mosques. Why did she single out mosques? Just to make the issue religious. Our union has gone beyond sentiments. The political class wants to continue taking Nigerians for a ride. We cannot allow that.

    A serving senator, who is a professor and former lecturer, expressed his displeasure with some aspects of the demands made by ASUU – especially the one on earned allowances – and also the agreement that lecturers should be paid for marking papers of postgraduate students. Don’t you think ASUU has crossed the line on this particular issue?

    The gentleman in question kept mentioning that he had worked outside the country. I think what he needs to do is to go and read the agreement. He is a professor and a professor has the capacity to read, analyse and understand. After doing that, he should come back and talk to Nigerians. The issue here is that when did we ever get a Nigerian or a foreigner for that matter in ministerial position resigning and coming to take up appointment in a Nigerian university? When did we ever get that? Unless they are sacked from their positions, if they cannot find another option, they go back to their university. But here in Nigeria we are witnesses to the fact that a sitting minister resigned his appointment and took up job as a professor in an American University because the conditions there were favourable. They are much better than what you see here as a minister. So if the professor wants to talk, let him not single out issues. Let him bring out everything and analyse and we will believe him then… unless his stay in the National Assembly has caused his brain to become rusty in such a way that he will find it difficult to undertake research. The entire document relating to the agreement is available. If he doesn’t have copies, let him liaise with us and we will make copies available to him. Most of these documents are on the website of ASUU; let him access it.

    Don’t you think this hard stance by ASUU will further affect the level of education in this county?

    We are convinced that what we are doing is going to address the problem. Look, our Ghanaian counterpart during the 70s and 80s had the same problem as we are having now and they took a resolution. We moved away from taking the same resolution which we called the ‘Ghanaian Option.’ They resolved to leave the university. They closed the universities and went away. ‘When government is ready we will come back.’ That is exactly what they did. Most of them that could get appointments outside Ghana did. Many of them came to Nigeria. After two years, the Ghanaian government realised that they really needed universities. They had a direction and they agreed on what they needed to do to re-open the universities. I think that was a wise decision because now Nigerians are migrating to Ghana for their university education and the capital flight out of this country is more than N60 billion per year. We do not even have to go to that extent. Let us see how we can push government to do what is right in addressing the problems of education. We, at a point, when the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was the president made a proposal to government that if our universities were turned around they had the capacity to generate much more revenue than we are getting from crude oil. We would be in a position to attract students from other countries.

    When next is ASUU meeting government?

    The government will reach out to ASUU when they are good and ready for anything.

  • Bola Akingbade  enjoys life  in retirement

    Bola Akingbade enjoys life in retirement

    BOLA Akingbade is sure a gold fish who has no hiding place, especially in the corporate world. He is known to have done many progressive jobs for different corporate entities. His last point of call was the telecommunication giant, MTN, where he held sway as chief marketing officer sitting on an annual budget of two billion naira. After eight years of eventful service, he retired. Earlier, he had worked with the Nigerian Breweries.

    One year after retiring, the seasoned marketing strategist is still glittering. Sources say he is into private consulting. But the hardworking man still finds time to socialise with his ilk. Recently, he was at the launch of media mogul Mo Abudu’s multi-broadcast network

  • I’m happy Jose  Mourinho hasn’t changed

    I’m happy Jose Mourinho hasn’t changed

    Chelsea striker is delighted by his reunion with former Inter Milan manager at Stamford Bridge and thinking positive about Cameroon’s World Cup play-off. By Ian Hawkey.

    It is just after half-term in the club shop at Stamford Bridge, and a proud father is buying replica jerseys for his children. It is a hefty order. He asks for home and away shirts, bearing the forenames of each child, all four of them, aged between six and the early teens. The dad arranges to have them dispatched to his workplace, Chelsea’s Surrey training ground.

    Because Samuel Eto’o arrived in London late in the transfer window, there have been things to catch up on, such as the children’s new blue tops, familiarising himself with a new leaague, and a language which Eto’o, who comes from the French-speaking part of Cameroon, has never needed to perfect until now. His first two months in the Premier League have left him, he says, “generally quite happy”, though he feels English football has not yet seen the best of him.

    He, and Chelsea, would anticipate more goals, for a start. The most consistently brilliant centre-forward of the first decade of the 21st century is accustomed to accumulating more than one every five starts, his record so far for Chelsea. At Barcelona, he averaged three in every four La Liga games; at Inter Milan, a goal every other Serie A match; the same in Russia, from where Chelsea recruited him after two seasons with Anzhi Makhachkala.

    But he gleefully points out he is already the owner of one significant milestone, thanks to his goal against Cardiff City. “I’m happy,” he smiles, “because, even coming in late, I was still the first of Chelsea’s strikers to score this season in the Premier League. That gave me a thrill.”

    If that suggests a competitive edge to Eto’o’s relationship with Fernando Torres, whose celebrated return to form only yielded his first league goal six days ago, or Demba Ba, it is a healthy joust. He gladly praises Torres, adding only that the idea the Spaniard has suddenly happened on a renaissance is misguided.

    “He has been playing well throughout,” says Eto’o. “The fact is, as all we strikers know, we tend to get judged just on the number of goals. It’s not all about the figures. It’s about how you play for the team, how you help your colleagues, how you work defensively. All that, he’s been doing very well, and the goals come in streaks. They flow for a while, then they go away for a bit.”

    At Newcastle, Torres will probably start, thanks to his performance against Manchester City, and given that Eto’o got the nod for the first XI in midweek in the League Cup.

    Rotation is inevitable “no one signs a contact saying they will always start,” he says but the bench is not Eto’o’s natural, long-term habitat, not unless you rewind 15 years, to his nights of teenaged frustration at Real Madrid, when scant opportunities to jump an illustrious queue of forwards left him miffed.

    The drive that would carry him to landmark achievements after that, to a Copa del Rey win with Real Mallorca, to two Champions League titles and three La Ligas at Barça, and a treble at Jose Mourinho’s Inter, has its springboard in the perception he had been undervalued at Madrid.

    It also comes from a stubborn streak, which Eto’o identifies in his own childhood, the subject of a book he has released, in a rare format for the sporting memoir: comic strip. It is illustrated by his talented compatriot Joëlle Esso, who he sought out because his own children grew up enjoying her work.

    There are to be nine volumes, eventually, the first having concluded when the schoolboy Eto’o returns to Cameroon from Paris, where he had absconded from a junior football tour but had been denied the chance to sign for a French club because he had no residence permit. He touches down in Douala, his home town, ready to redouble his efforts to make a career at the top of the game.

    “I stick at things, will always push myself hard, and little by little I’ll get to where I want to be,” says Eto’o. His first weeks at Chelsea exemplified that. “It can be complicated when you join after the season has begun, because your colleagues have already started implementing the manager’s ideas. I had to adapt to a new country, and a new league.”

    The manager, of course, was familiar, the mutual admiration between Mourinho and Eto’o remains potent. If some senior Chelsea players, like Mourinho himself, see a distinct version of the Portuguese from his 2004 to 2007 Chelsea stint, so does Eto’o, though for different reasons: in the heat of several poisonous Chelsea v

    t is just after half-term in the club shop at Stamford Bridge, and a proud father is buying replica jerseys for his children. It is a hefty order. He asks for home and away shirts, bearing the forenames of each child, all four of them, aged between six and the early teens. The dad arranges to have them dispatched to his workplace, Chelsea’s Surrey training ground.
    Because Samuel Eto’o arrived in London late in the transfer window, there have been things to catch up on, such as the children’s new blue tops, familiarising himself with a new leaague, and a language which Eto’o, who comes from the French-speaking part of Cameroon, has never needed to perfect until now. His first two months in the Premier League have left him, he says, “generally quite happy”, though he feels English football has not yet seen the best of him.
    He, and Chelsea, would anticipate more goals, for a start. The most consistently brilliant centre-forward of the first decade of the 21st century is accustomed to accumulating more than one every five starts, his record so far for Chelsea. At Barcelona, he averaged three in every four La Liga games; at Inter Milan, a goal every other Serie A match; the same in Russia, from where Chelsea recruited him after two seasons with Anzhi Makhachkala.
    But he gleefully points out he is already the owner of one significant milestone, thanks to his goal against Cardiff City. “I’m happy,” he smiles, “because, even coming in late, I was still the first of Chelsea’s strikers to score this season in the Premier League. That gave me a thrill.”
    If that suggests a competitive edge to Eto’o’s relationship with Fernando Torres, whose celebrated return to form only yielded his first league goal six days ago, or Demba Ba, it is a healthy joust. He gladly praises Torres, adding only that the idea the Spaniard has suddenly happened on a renaissance is misguided.
    “He has been playing well throughout,” says Eto’o. “The fact is, as all we strikers know, we tend to get judged just on the number of goals. It’s not all about the figures. It’s about how you play for the team, how you help your colleagues, how you work defensively. All that, he’s been doing very well, and the goals come in streaks. They flow for a while, then they go away for a bit.”
    At Newcastle, Torres will probably start, thanks to his performance against Manchester City, and given that Eto’o got the nod for the first XI in midweek in the League Cup.
    Rotation is inevitable  “no one signs a contact saying they will always start,” he says  but the bench is not Eto’o’s natural, long-term habitat, not unless you rewind 15 years, to his nights of teenaged frustration at Real Madrid, when scant opportunities to jump an illustrious queue of forwards left him miffed.
    The drive that would carry him to landmark achievements after that, to a Copa del Rey win with Real Mallorca, to two Champions League titles and three La Ligas at Barça, and a treble at Jose Mourinho’s Inter, has its springboard in the perception he had been undervalued at Madrid.
    It also comes from a stubborn streak, which Eto’o identifies in his own childhood, the subject of a book he has released, in a rare format for the sporting memoir: comic strip. It is illustrated by his talented compatriot Joëlle Esso, who he sought out because his own children grew up enjoying her work.
    There are to be nine volumes, eventually, the first having concluded when the schoolboy Eto’o returns to Cameroon from Paris, where he had absconded from a junior football tour but had been denied the chance to sign for a French club because he had no residence permit. He touches down in Douala, his home town, ready to redouble his efforts to make a career at the top of the game.
    “I stick at things, will always push myself hard, and little by little I’ll get to where I want to be,” says Eto’o. His first weeks at Chelsea exemplified that. “It can be complicated when you join after the season has begun, because your colleagues have already started implementing the manager’s ideas. I had to adapt to a new country, and a new league.”
    The manager, of course, was familiar, the mutual admiration between Mourinho and Eto’o remains potent. If some senior Chelsea players, like Mourinho himself, see a distinct version of the Portuguese from his 2004 to 2007 Chelsea stint, so does Eto’o, though for different reasons: in the heat of several poisonous Chelsea v

  • How states are  fighting kidnappers

    How states are fighting kidnappers

    IT began like child’s play but soon spread like Harmattan fire, tearing communities apart and striking fear in the hearts of the well-heeled across the land.

    When reports of kidnapping in the Niger Delta began some years ago, it was essentially orchestrated by aggrieved youths who formed themselves into militant groups. Their aim was to settle scores with the government and multinational oil firm who they blamed for exploiting their natural resources and despoiling their environment without compensation.

    For many observers it was inevitable that the massive contradictions inherent in a situation where a land that produced the nation’s wealth being also home to extreme poverty, would trigger a violent response sooner than later.

    Unfortunately, kidnapping which the militants used initially as a tool in their struggle, soon snowballed into a bigger industry where all-comers jumping in for a quick payday.

    The lucrative criminal venture then spread to other parts of the country – primarily the South-East where all sorts of methods were deployed daily to capture victims. As a result, many indigenes of those states abandoned their annual practice of going home in times of festivities. Those who chose to brave it employed the services of heavily-armed security agents as escorts whenever they were travelling.

    As the problem festered it was soon obvious that it wasn’t something that conventional policing could contain. Individual states began taking steps to tackle the problem. One of the earliest to make a move in the face of a near crisis situation was Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State.

    In 2010 he presented a bill to the State House of Assembly asking that stringent measures be put in place to checkmate the monsters. The bill was eventually passed into law stipulating that government had the right to confiscate, destroy or turn properties belonging to kidnappers and their sponsors to some other use. This was in addition to blocking their sources of income.

    Today, Obi’s example has spread to some other states with Edo being the latest to institute the death sentence as penalty for anyone caught kidnapping or aiding the crime.

    The nation’s waits to see whether the rash of new measures are having any effect, or whether state governments are fighting a losing battle against a criminal enterprise that that offers unbelievable returns for so little risk and investment. What follows is a status report of the actions of different states across the country.

     

    ANAMBRA

    Since the law against kidnapping was passed in 2010, Obi has demolished dozens of property belonging to kidnappers. He brought down two buildings at Oraifite in Ekwusigo Local Government Area where a large cache of arms was uncovered by the police after they arrested one Olisa Ifedike

    Obi was quoted as saying then: “No kidnapper or criminal would be allowed to enjoy the proceeds of his illegal activities. The game is up for other criminals still lurking in any part of the state as government will not stop until the set objective is achieved.

    “We can no longer continue this kind of life. People must live purposeful lives; we are going to start looking for his business associates also. And that is why I am here today to supervise the demolition of these buildings.”

    However, Anambra’s anti-kidnapping law has elicited some criticisms from a number of observers. Significantly, the International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law (Intersociety) condemned the idea of inflicting death penalty on convicted kidnappers. The practice of destroying the properties of suspected kidnappers without subjecting them to trial in the court of law has also been disparaged by a good number of critics.

    Chairman of the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), Comrade Aloysius Attah stated: “Death sentence is out of tune with existential realities. It is anachronistic and against all known international laws, treaties, and conventions.”

    A human rights lawyer, Chief S.O Abuchi, says the law is inconsistent with international covenant on civil and political rights which Nigeria is a signatory to.

    Underlining the difficulties which the new legislation throw up, Public Relations Officer of the state police command, ASP Emeka Chukwuemeka, says that “death sentence is difficult to execute because of lack of evidence in court.”

    Significantly, it has been noted that despite the death sentence threat to kidnappers in Anambra, the business still thrives in the state. President, Anambra State Youth Council, Comrade Chibuzor Ekwegha, declared: “Death penalty has not stopped kidnapping, but kidnapping should carry death penalty even though it is seriously not the solution to it.”

    The South-East Coordinator for Campaign for Democracy, Dede Uzor A Uzor, is decidedly against it. “Our position is very clear. It has not in any way reduced crime at all,” he said.

     

    BAYELSA

    Bayelsa State was notorious for kidnapping before and after the inauguration of Seriake Dickson as governor of the state. Kidnappers even from neighbouring states converted many of the creeks and mangroves forest to their bases and hideouts. Most of the abandoned militant camps that dotted the waterways of the state became havens for the booming abduction business. In fact, different gangs of gunmen welcomed the governor to office with a kidnapping spree.

    Earlier in the year, the state was caught up in the web of resolving wanton cases of abduction. Among the numerous cases of the incidents that occurred in January, the government was jolted by an uncommon trend of snatching relations of government officials – especially their parents.

    On January 13, Betinah, the 78-year old mother of the Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Mr. Kombowei Benson, was seized and whisked away.

    Before the dust raised by Betinah’s abduction could settle, Mr. Festus Ebegu, 65 years old, and his 53-year old wife, Mrs. Ebiye, parents of the Chairman of Ogbia Local Government Area, Richard Ebegu, were abducted from their country home on January 28, 2013.

    It later became the turn of the Majority Leader of the State House of Assembly, Mr. Peter Akpe. Gunmen stormed his country home in Ededebiri, Sagbama Local Government Area and seized his mother, Esther, on January 30.

    The list of victims increased and the disturbed Dickson viewed it as a desperate situation. Matters were compounded with an uptick in the kidnapping of expatriates along the waterways.

    After consulting with security commanders, the governor mooted the idea of scaring kidnappers with death penalty. He said he would not hesitate to sign warrants of convicted abductors. He immediately sent a bill to the House, which lawmakers swiftly passed into law. Dickson signed the Bayelsa State Kidnapping and Allied Offences Bill 2013 on February 13.

    Addressing potential violators of the new law, he said: “If you are involved in any act of kidnapping, don’t come near Bayelsa. We have put measures in place – whether it is in sea-piracy or kidnapping, we are going to get you. We will make it difficult for you to succeed and whoever you are and wherever you are operating from, we are going to get you.

    “It is morally indefensible for young people, for whatever reason, to go under the cover of darkness, armed with illegal weapons, terrorise villages and old people in their homes and then forcibly abduct and manhandle them and take them as an article of trade.”

    “Most people know that when I say something, I do it. I will not hesitate to sign a certificate (warrant) of execution. Anybody who doesn’t listen and commits any of the offences prohibited by this law, and who is tried and convicted will face the penalty.”

    However, about nine months after talking tough and approving the bill, the governor has yet to sign a death warrant of any convict. Kidnapping has also continued in the state.

     

    ABIA

    By mid-2010, Abia State was under siege as violent crimes, like armed robbery, rape of young and old women, kidnapping of different categories of people were the order of the day.

    The peak was when kidnappers supposedly led by the infamous Osisikankwu, after a heavy shootout with security men seized a busload of pupils of Abayi International School who were on their way to school.

    This prompted the state governor, Chief Theodore Orji, to ask the Presidency to come to the aid of the state by allowing the military to to flush out the criminals.

    The coming of the military in no small way helped as the rate of kidnapping has been reduced to the barest minimum.

    The measures went beyond inviting the military. The governor sponsored an executive bill in the state House of Assembly to make anyone caught in the act of kidnapping pay the supreme price.

    The assembly without delay passed the bill into law making kidnapping a capital offence punishable by death. The law also stipulated that all the property owned by kidnappers would either be demolished or taken over by the state government.

    Since the bill became law, cases of kidnapping and other violent crimes have reduced.

    To strengthen the fight against kidnapping and other violent crimes in the state, soldiers have been quartered at the 14th Brigade military barracks at Ohafia. The state government cooperated with the federal government to rebuild and reopen the barracks which had been abandoned for 20 years.

     

    EDO

    Following the trends in the other states, Edo State Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, signed into law the Anti-kidnapping Bill. Before then, he had demurred. A number of respondents expressed dismay over his delay in assenting to the bill.

    Defending the governor’s stance then, Special Adviser to the Governor on Media Matters, Prince Kassim Afegbua, said the governor needed to thoroughly study the bill before assenting to it.

    Within that period, the state witnessed a string of high profile abductions. A high court judge was kidnapped. The entire nation was also gripped by the news of the abduction of the legal luminary and human rights activist, Mike Ozekhome, in the state. The local chapter of the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) issued a threat not to defend the cases of suspected kidnappers standing trials due to the kidnap of their colleagues and other victims in the state.

    The spate of snatchings seemed to prompt the governor to eventually sign into law the Kidnapping Prohibition Bill as amended by the State House of Assembly. Apart from this, the governor announced that his government, in conjunction with security agencies were looking at the option of re-introducing checkpoints in strategic areas of the state.

    Some critics, however, argued the issue is beyond making and enforcing laws. A lawyer, Ben Akhigbe, said “If someone of Ozekhome’s status that has spent most of his life fighting for the oppressed can be kidnapped, it then means that none of us is safe. It is not just enough to buy firearms; the government at federal and state levels must begin to think of tackling the problem by creating employment opportunities.”

    The governor, however, disagreed with those who argue that kidnapping is a result of unemployment. He said: “no one should try to trivialise very complex issues.”

    The jury is still out as to what impact the tough new laws would have.

     

    DELTA

    The Delta State Government has had a running battle with kidnappers. The state has also witnessed many high profile kidnap cases. Legislators, businessmen, sportsmen and top civil servants, medical practitioners, judges are specially targeted. Many of the well-heeled in the society have also resorted to the use of police protection just like in the other states.

    The fourth assembly of the Delta legislature initiated an anti-kidnapping bill which failed following withholding of assent by Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan. The bill was sponsored by the member representing Warri-South-West Constituency, Mr. Daniel Mayuku

    However, in December 2012, the fifth Assembly of the Delta legislature passed into law the state Anti-Kidnapping and Anti-Terrorism Bill. But the law initially ran into hitches after Uduaghan again refused to assent to the bill. The legislators, however, overrode the governor’s veto in April 2013

    The bill which among other provisions prescribed death penalty for suspects found guilty of the offence of kidnapping also stipulated destruction of property of kidnappers.

    In a letter to the House, Uduaghan had argued that the death penalty was no longer fashionable and advocated life imprisonment for kidnappers. He further argued that death sentence would not serve as antidote for kidnapping, stressing that some sections of the anti-kidnapping bill infringed on the fundamental rights of citizens as enshrined in section 36 and 43 of the 1999 Constitution.

    The governor pointed out that some sections prescribed offences in matters contemplated under Item 2 of the Exclusive Legislative List of the 1999 Constitution just as he further picked holes in some sections as violation of section 251 of the 1999 Constitution.

    He declared: “In view of the constitutional points and other fundamental issues I have highlighted above, I am compelled to withhold my assent to the bill and I do hereby convey to this Honourable House my decision to so withhold my assent to the bill.”

    But the House at its plenary vetoed the governor and reconsidered the bill clause by clause before passing it into law. Twenty six members of the 29-member House voted overwhelmingly to veto the governor on the issue.

    In line with the law passed by the assembly, the Delta State Government embarked on the demolition of property belonging to kidnappers. Eight buildings allegedly owned by kidnappers were destroyed by the Delta State Government in 2013.

    The Delta State Police Commissioner, Ikechukwu Aduba, while addressing the mass media after one of the demolition exercises, said some kidnap victims were rescued from the property. He revealed that the government ordered the demolition of some identified operational bases of hoodlums in the state, claiming that the police had destroyed two in Ozoro, Isoko North, two in Kokori, Ethiope East, one in Orogun, Ughelli North, and two others in Warri. Aduba also said other buildings have been earmarked for demolition in Ogwashi-Uku Onicha-Olona.and Ubulu-Uku.

    Again, it is not clear what impact the new law has had. The recently arrested kidnap kingin, Kelvin, and his gang operated with impunity in Okpara Waterside in the state – well within the jurisdiction of the new act. The fact that members of the fearsome gang are still active in their community is perhaps a pointer to how effective the new legislation has been as a deterrent.

     

    IMO

    Imo State has also been buffeted by rampant cases of kidnapping. During the administration of Chief Ikedi Ohakim, a bill to prohibit kidnapping and hostage taking was sponsored by Hon. Oyibo Nwaneri, representing Oru East Constituency.

    The bill known as Hostage Taking/Kidnapping Prohibition Bill, stipulated death sentence for kidnapping and hostage taking as well as the destruction of properties of convicted kidnappers and any other facility used in facilitating and abetting kidnapping.

    But Ohakim declined signing the bill into law, citing religious reasons for his refusal. The bill was later became law and tagged the Imo State Hostage Taking and Kidnapping Prohibition Law 2010 after the House of Assembly overrode the governor’s veto.

    Although no one had been sentenced to death for kidnapping or hostage taking since the new law came into existence, scores of buildings and other property belonging to suspected kidnappers have been destroyed by the state government over the last two years.

    The Rochas Okorocha administration, for instance, has demolished a number of buildings linked to kidnapping activities in the state. This measure has in no small means helped in the fight against kidnapping and other heinous crimes in the state.

    Currently, kidnapping had dropped drastically, with the police attributing it to proactive measures adopted by the state command in tackling the menace. The State Commissioner of Police, Muhammad Musa Katsina, says kidnap syndicates that were operating in the state had been dislodged after an intensive manhunt for the ring leaders was initiated under his watch.

    He disclosed that some of the kidnap syndicates that were behind high profile kidnapping s in the state, operated from outside the country before they were busted as a result of intelligence networking between the command and Interpol.

  • Oghogho  Asemota’s  love for  flowers

    Oghogho Asemota’s love for flowers

    OGHOGHO Asemota, who was once married to Ayo Adedoyin, the helmsman at PeaceGate Limited and son of Chief Samuel Adedoyin, may have put the bitter pills of her crashed marriage behind her. After slowing down on the socials for many years, she was full of life and beaming with smiles among the guests at the first-ever Garden and Flower Show in Nigeria at the Banquet Hall of the Oriental Hotel, Lagos. The event had in attendance flower lovers and enthusiasts. It was a lovely lay back, fun and classy evening

  • What does a kidnapper deserve?

    What does a kidnapper deserve?

    As state governments take stern measures to stem the spate of kidnapping in their domains, EDOZIE UDEZE reports on lack of consensus as to the punishment that fits the crime.

    LEGAL practitioner, Udo Udoamaka, says state governors should be more careful in assenting to laws that have to do with human life. “In as much as kidnapping is a criminal act, one should not take life: life is sacred. For me, applying a life term for convicts is better. If there is the need to go all out to rout them wherever they are, cripple their means of livelihood and then sentence them to life jail. That will serve as a better lesson to them and their ilk.”

    As for Chijioke Uwasomba, a university lecturer, since kidnappers are like armed robbers who kill and have no regard for human life, they deserve whatever fate awaits them when caught. He said: “Kidnappers, maim, extort and kill without mercy. Some may argue that death penalty may not be a deferent but I disagree,”

    Human rights, he says, is reciprocal. “Indeed the brazenness with which kidnappers operate is so daring that anybody that appears to be in their way is given the maximum punishment.”

    Uwasomba referred to Aba, Abia State’s commercial nerve center, which became a hot bed of kidnappers a few years ago. The situation forced many residents to relocate while others stayed away from the city when the heat became too much.

    “At a point in Aba it became a thriving industry until the military intervened to restore order. Therefore, beyond the promulgation of death penalty, government should create conditions that will make kidnapping and allied criminal activities unattractive and impossible. By creating jobs and implementing policies that address the needs and welfare of the citizenry, the youths will be kept busy,” he said.

    Denja Abdullahi, vice-president of the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), submitted that the rate of kidnapping has become alarming and, therefore. “This is the time to take drastic measures to curb it. Death sentence for kidnapping is good. Death is not out of place because some of these kidnappers have been known to kill their victims, whether ransom gets paid or not”.

    Abdullahi argues that a capital crime against the state deserves commensurate punishment. “There must be adequate punishment for a crime committed in order for it to serve as deterrence. No matter what human rights activists say, we have gotten to a stage where immediate and drastic measures are necessary to checkmate impunity and all sorts of criminality masquerading as causes.”

    Professor Gbemisola Adeoti of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Osun State, while agreeing that state governments have the right to make laws to guarantee sanity in their states draws the line at death sentences.

    “I am not in support of capital punishment. But if it will serve as a deterrent, then let it be. Otherwise, my preference is that anyone convicted of kidnapping should be sentenced to life imprisonment with hard labour and no option of fine.”

  • Okunoren twins new move

    Okunoren twins new move

    ONE of Nigeria’s most successful fashion brands in Nigeria, the Okunoren twins are not resting on their oars. After ten years of bespoke tailoring services, the twins are set to open their first store. For 10 years, the Okunoren twins have been injecting glamour into the world of African fashion, winning them respect within the industry along with a host of A-list devotees and followers.

    They played host to friends, family and well-wishers as their flagship store in Dolphin Estate, Ikoyi, Lagos was formally launched. They established their brand in May 2002 at the age of 19 and were inspirations to thousands of young men and women of their generation.