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  • APC and transition politics

    APC and transition politics

    All Progressives Congress (APC) National Secretary Senator (Dr) Ajibola Basiru examines the impact of transition politics on intra-party calculations during his review of the book titled: ‘APC and Transition Politics’ written by a party chieftain, Salihu Lukman, in Abuja.

    Transition, simply defined, is the process or a period from one state or condition to another. Succession on the other hand is defined as the action or process of inheriting a title, office, property etc. In view of the definitions of the term as well as the intrigues narrated in the book it is debatable whether a more apposite title of the book should not be “APC and Succession Politics”.

    The book is a polemical narration of historical and political developments of the APC and its federal government from the Senator Adams Oshiomole-led National Working Committee up to the emergence of the new leadership of the party with the election of Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and Senator Ajibola Basiru as the National Chairman and National Secretary of the APC. The book is unsparing in his criticisms of action and actors of the events in the book and  make insightful comments and recommendation on how the APC can be strengthened and repositioned to be a genuine party of change.

    The book is the fifth publication by the author, which was produced “as part of the effort to broaden the party’s capacity to access intellectual perspectives that would guide” the development of the All Progressives Congress (APC). See page 238. The earlier four publications are listed on page 238 of the book under review.

    The 238-page book contains ‘dedication’, a foreword, a preface, acknowledgement, appendix which is a copy of letter of resignation of the author from the National Working Committee of the APC dated July 26, 2023, explanatory note on the author’s resignation from the APC on, Prologue, Chapters I to XII on pages 43 to 222. There is also an epilogue on page 223 of the book. The book ends with a short autobiography of the author on page 236 of the book.

    The preface of about 10 pages is certainly not a usual one as its length could also make it a chapter of the book. The preface is more or less a summary of the preoccupation of the book, which is a summary of events and political intrigues from the dissolution of Adams Oshiomole-led National Working Committee to the setting up of the CCEPC led by the Governor of Yobe State up to the convention that produced Senator Adamu Abdullah led National Working Committee and the triumph of President Bola Tinubu at the National Convention of the party. The author commented on the political exigencies necessitating the choice of Senator Kashim Shettima, a Muslim from the Northeast. According to the author, even though the emergence of two Muslims as standard bearers was contested by some, the choice of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar as the PDP standard bearer for the presidential poll, although with a Christian, Mr Ifeanyi Okowa, former Delta State Governor, as Running Mate could be regarded as more offensive to the principles of freedom, equality and justice, and … consolidating the unity of our people as enshrined in the preamble to the 1999 Nigerian Constitution which was what the power shift debate was about. Having emerged as the party’s leader, the author enjoined President Tinubu to provide the needed leadership for the fight against the party’s conservative bloc. The author, however, did not identify who he referred to as the conservative bloc. He further submitted that President Tinubu’s job as the party’s leader is to restore constitutional order in the APC and return the party to its founding vision of emerging as a progressive party.

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    Another unusual feature of the book is acknowledgement. Of the 8 pages of acknowledgement starting from page 19, the real acknowledgement did not start until the first paragraph of page 25, running to page 26, which only has content of half the page. The bulk of the “acknowledgement” was devoted to the commentary on the reluctance of the CCEPC to organise a National Convention for the emergence of new leadership of the party, the intrigue around organisation of the 2022 National Convention of the APC as well as explanations of the roles of the author up to his emergence as the National Vice Chairman (North West) of the party and his eventual resignation from the National Working Committee of the party over the choice of Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, immediate past Governor of Kano State, as the National Chairman of the party after the resignation of the duo of Senator Abdullahi Adamu a d Senator Iyiola Omisore as National Chairman and National Secretary of the APC respectively.

    The author submitted that his resignation from the NWC is a personal one, and notwithstanding that, he disagrees with the nomination of Dr Ganduje as the National Chairman, he is still a “loyal party member and strong supporter of President Asiwaju Tinubu and all APC governments at both Federal and State levels. He further affirmed that “all party leaders and Members must accept and support Dr. Ganduje leadership”. See pages 24 to 25.

    Curiously, the acknowledgement was followed by an appendix, which is a copy of the resignation of the author from the NWC and a 4-page narration titled “Resignation from the APC: Explanatory Note”, whereby the author offered some explanation for his resignation. In the main, the author asserted that his common explanation was that he was just tired of remaining in the fighting mode campaigning for the reform of the APC. He narrated how he was part of the struggle leading to the exit of Senator Adams Oshiomole, only to contend with the CECPC under Governor Mai Mala Buni and the administration of Senator Adamu Abdullahi. From his explanation, what finally pushed him to resign was what he considered non-adherence to the agreed constitutional formula with the emergence of Dr Abdullah Ganduje as the National Chairman from the North West. Even though he clarified that he was questioning President Tinubu’s authority as the party’s moral leader, he asserted that being a moral leader does not give the President the power to change subsisting zoning agreements within the party unilaterally. He nevertheless urged leaders and party members to unite and support Dr Ganduje.

    It is germane to note that the author’s letter of resignation was dated July 26, 2023, and the Explanatory Note was dated July 27, 2023. The eventual emergence of Dr Umar Abdullahi Ganduje as the national chairman and Senator Ajibola Basiru was at the National Executive Committee of the party, which was held on 4 August 2023. Contrary to the proposition that the President acted to change subsisting zoning agreements within the party unilaterally, the NEC resolved to change the zoning formula at the August 4 meeting by agreeing to a resolution to zoning the National Chairman to the North West and the National Legal Adviser to the North Central while retaining other positions in the respective zones. It is imperative to state that zoning of positions is a matter of expediency, and the dynamics of politics can always dictate necessary adjustments. It is obvious that the author fired his gun before the game came out!

    The prologue is titled APC, and the Challenge of Succession Politics is segmented into five subtopics: the Challenge; Associated Issues of Leadership and Membership Recruitment; Democratised APC and Political Content: Discipline of Party Leaders and Members and Conclusion- inviolability of Succession Planning. The author makes a case for succession planning but that this cannot be a stand-alone initiative. According to him, it may have to be part of “broader initiatives for expanding democratic space for membership mobilisation and participation in party activities and processes of managing governments produced by the party”.

    Chapter I of the book, pages 43 to 63, titled: Caretaker and the Surreptitious Campaign, contains narration about the establishment of the Caretaker Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee CECPC on June 25, 2020, with a six-month mandate within which to organise a National Convention and elect a new leadership of the party. The chapter narrated how the tenure of six months becomes almost indefinite until the National Convention of March 2022.

    According to the author, the leadership of the CECPC orchestrated and promoted some clandestine campaigns to allow them to organise the National Convention that will produce the party’s Presidential campaign for the 2023 general elections.

    Under the subtopic 2022 National Convention, the author discussed, on a comparative note, the effort to tackle insecurity under the former PDP administration and the APC under President Buhari.

    He contended that the government has successfully strengthened Nigerian security personnel’s capacity across all services to respond to national security challenges in all parts of the country. He made the case for deeper introspection from citizens in tackling security challenges. He submitted that tackling the issue of security challenges, among other national issues, ought to be part of the agenda of the National Convention of the party. Rather, the campaign for postponement of the convention was being propagated using myriads of subterfuge, including raising the issue of needless further consultation. The author contended that the attraction for the campaign for postponement was predicated on the deceptive belief that any candidate who emerged, whether elected or imposed, could win the 2023 elections. The author posited that the electoral prospect for the 2023 elections was severely affected by the refusal to commence the organisation of the February 2022 National Convention.

    Therefore, internal party mobilisation for the emergence of candidates for the 2023 elections, particularly the Presidential Candidate, was reduced to a personality contest. It was thus the conclusion that personality contests weakened the APC and undermined the capacity of the party to link its 2023 electoral contest with the party’s achievements under former President Buhari.

    The author passed a damning judgment on the CECPC that it ended up giving itself the new responsibility of being the political and electoral undertaker of the APC.

    Chapter II of the book, pages 64 to 87, titled “APC on the Brink”, is devoted to narration and polemical expose on the politics, intrigues and machinations at play ahead of the eventual holding of the 2022 National Convention, which is the preoccupation of chapter III of the book on pages 88 to 98 of the book. The author commenced Chapter II by deprecating acts of blind loyalty. He pointed out that an intolerant leader and a blindly loyal citizen will be vulnerable to making stupid blunders, resulting in dashed expectations. He pointed out that one of the issues that APC needed to change was the situation under the PDP, particularly under the tenure of former President Olusegun Obasanjo when Nigerian democracy was cheapened to the level of autocracy.

    According to the author, politics of change should produce elected leaders who should be highly tolerant and accommodate disagreements and criticisms. He, however, claimed that the APC became a captive of a few leaders whose interests are only about imposing themselves as candidates for elections, and this will reduce the APC to another party different from the original conception in 2013.

    The author made the case that APC leaders must see party politics beyond being but that “it must be capable of reflecting on the challenges facing citizens to produce proposals to respond to them.

    Under the subtopics titled “Caretaker or Undertaker” and “Mutiny”, in enjoining party leaders to tolerate criticisms and disagreements, the author counselled that both  party leaders and elected representatives must not expect ‘anticipatory obedience’ from both party members and Nigerians”. He deprecated the manner of handling of the organisation of the National convention and submitted rather strongly that “The way the CECPC handled the organisation of the National Convention gave enough ground to suspect internal sabotage”.

    According to the author: “If the Comrade Oshiomhole-led NWC was alleged to be highhanded, intimidating and trampling on the democratic life of the party leaders and members, the CECPC led by HIS Excellency Mai Mala Buni administered poison, thereby weakening, if not  terminated, every democratic practice in the party and attempted every stage for the burial rite of APC as a party.

    This may sound harsh, but it was the sad reality”. Page 72 He alleged that some named governors were working with the CEPC leadership for their ambition and that the CECPC Secretary, Sen. John James Akpanudoedehe, was also aspiring to emerge as the APC Akwa Ibom

    Governorship candidate for the 2023 elections. Therefore, the author posited that so much uncertainty created apprehension among party members and leaders that the CECPC was working to ensure that the party was manipulated to meet the aspirations of these leaders. Page 74.

    There was also narration about how the vote of no confidence of Mai Mala Buni at a meeting presided over by His Excellency Abubakar Sani Bello, Governor of Niger State and the eventual intervention by President Buhari, who facilitated some understanding leading to the withdrawal of the vote of no confidence of His Excellency Mai Mala. Also, the planning and preparation for the March 2026 Convention under Governor Sanni Bello was reinforced.

    The author also narrated the developments as regards the contending position of the emergence of new leaders of the party through consensus or contest, as well as the issue of Zoning of party position and the way that it appeared that the directives of the former President Buhari were not respected on this matter except as regards the election of Senator Adamu Abdullahi as the National Chairman.

    He pointed out the activities of those he called “CPC London Lobbyists” and their attempt to influence former President Buhari to anoint Hon Aliyu Adamu as Deputy National Chairman North. He wondered why the anointment of Sen. Adamu as the former President’s choice for the National Chairman in favour of Sen. Umaru Tanko Al-Makura, who is by far the most qualified former CPC leader aspiring for the position of National Chairman.

    According to the author, “Often, individual politicians with these self-serving agenda have used their close relationship with former President Buhari impose themselves on party members as election candidates”.

    Chapter III was titled “March 2022 National Convention”. The subtopics under this chapter are: ‘Adoption of Unity List as Basis for Consensus’; and ‘New NWC: New Administration or Business as Usual’. The chapter gave narration of the eventual conduct of the APC National Convention on March 26, 2022, whereby a new leadership for the party was elected, mainly through consensus. As signed by all the twenty-two Progressive Governors, the unity list is set out on pages 90 to 93 of the Book. The author pointed out that in view of adopting the Unity List, part of the terms to convince other aspirants who bought the nomination forms include refunding the fee paid for the nomination forms. Notwithstanding the Unity List, the election was conducted for the offices of National Vice Chairman (North-East) and National Women Leader. The newly elected leaders were sworn in on Sunday, March 27, 2022, and the 25 National Working Committee list is set out on page 94 of the book.

    The setting up and the composition, as well as the report of the Transition Committee, set up by the NWC at its inaugural meeting, are on pages 95 to 98 of the book, but except for the suspension of all the Directors and appointment of new ones, all other issues and recommendations of the Transition Committee were not addressed throughout the tenure of Sen. Abdullahi Adamu. See page 98.

    “Leadership Recruitment and Negotiation for 2023” is the topic for Chapter IV.

    The preoccupation of the author in this chapter is about the processes for the emergence of party candidates for the 2023 general elections. The author expects candidates to emerge from the internal contest and not imposition, most often upon the assumption of loyalty. The author’s position is that; “Leadership recruitment based on assumed loyalty is not a function of commitment to principles or values”. He also made a case for succession planning as “the absence of succession planning negatively impacted governance through policy reversals”. The author pungently contended: “The crucial task before APC leaders during the 2023 internal party primary included whether it could ensure that the leadership selection process produces trustworthy leaders both as party leaders and as candidates for the 2023 elections”. He, therefore concluded that “Nigerian democracy cannot develop unless the right conditions within parties are created for the emergence of trustworthy leaders both as party leaders and candidates for election”.

    The book, also in chapter IV, examined the intrigues around an attempt to impose presidential candidates and possibly the scheme of President Tinubu from the internal democratic contest of the party. The writer alleged that some associates “of former President Buhari attempted every manipulative strategy to instigate the imposition of a Presidential candidate” and that many manipulative strategies were deployed for the purpose of imposition of candidates.

    The author narrated efforts to bring Mr. Godwin Emefiele, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and former President Goodluck Jonathan to the presidential contest in the APC.

    Chapter V is on “Campaign for 2023”. The chapter started by highlighting the opposition’s grand strategy to whitewash former President Buhari’s APC-led federal government as a failure while commending the former Vice-President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo. The author was quick to point out the danger of this.

    According to the author, “It was simply very damaging to former Vice President Osinbajo for anyone to seek to project him as a good person while former President Buhari and the government he served were bad” page 112 The author made a case for the issue-based campaign which according to him should not be hypothetical because our democracy with more than twenty years is gradually stabilising. He pointed out that the APC put itself in a difficult position of campaigning based on propaganda with the resulting effect of dismissing challenges facing the country and rationalising every action of its government.

    He further reasoned that how initiatives implemented under the APC compared to the PDP 16-year rule were assessed as part of the campaign for 2023 should have been the issue. He further submitted that “preparations for the 2023 campaigns should have been based on strategic initiatives to win the confidence of Nigerians, which should have made APC leaders proactive in providing information to citizens about the progress being made and the challenges”. Pages

    112 to 118.

    Under the subtopic “Campaign for Succession”, the author pointed out the implication of the statement made by former President Buhari during the consultative meeting with the Progressive Governors on Tuesday, May 31, 2022, to be that President Buhari wanted to exercise the privilege of determining who succeeds him as the candidate of the APC for the 2023 Presidential election.

    However, the author believes that the “temptation for leaders to choose their successors is democratically risky and very costly”. Page 120

    Therefore, APC leaders must influence former President Buhari to allow party members to exercise democratic rights to elect the party’s presidential candidate. Page 122

    Chapter VI, “Emergence of Presidential Candidate and 2023 Campaign”, has three sections (See pages 123 to 139. One is the “Last Minute Battle against Imposition of Presidential Candidate”, two is “Negotiation for Running Mate”, and three is “Fallacious Politics of the 2023 Presidential Campaign”. The author narrated the attempt, on June 6, 2022, by the immediate past Chairman of the APC, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, to make Senator Ahmad Lawan the consensus presidential candidate of the APC and how this was resisted by most members of the NWC with a press conference addressed by Alh. Suleiman Mohammed Argungu is the National Organising Secretary. After a meeting of the NWC with the Progressive Governors, which was boycotted by Senator Adamu Abdullahi, it was resolved that delegates at the National Convention would elect the Presidential candidate of the party. This decision was later affirmed at the meeting of the NWC and some Progressive Governors with former President Buhari.

    The Convention was held on June 7 and 8 at the Eagle Square Abuja. The list of the 23 screened aspirants is on pages 125 to 126 of the book, out of which 9 of the aspirants announced their withdrawal, and therefore, 14 aspirants contested the APC Presidential Aspirants. The names of the 9 aspirants that withdrew from the race and the results of the Presidential primary are on page 126 of the book Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu won with 1 271 votes, with the runner-up, Mr.

    Rotimi Amaechi getting 316 votes, and the former Vice President getting 235 votes to come third.

    On the negotiation for running mates, the author noted that religious and ethnic factors had been used in equal measure to hold Nigerians at a standstill and that it is imperative that the religious and ethnic background of leaders ought to be subordinated to the experiential attributes of persons being considered for leadership. Asiwaju Bola Tinubu eventually settled for Senator Kashim Shettima as his Running Mate.

    In the section on fallacious politics of the 2023 Presidential Campaign, the author commented that many so-called Obidient supporters promoted outright falsehood and politics of hate against other candidates and their supporters and that this was “unfortunately self-defeatist”. Page 133. The writer described both Mr. Peter Obi and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar as political merchants moving from one party to another for the realisation of personal ambition and that of all the

    leading presidential candidates, it was only Asiwaju Bola Tinubu who never left his party to any party. Pages 134 to I35. “Contending Issues for the 2023 Campaigns” is the preoccupation of chapter VII.

    The author posited that Nigerians became occupied in a game of wit which overlooked the obvious limitations and shortcomings of the chosen candidate and that once electoral contests are reduced to a game of wit, “prospects for democratic development risk being inhibited”. Page 140. The chapter examined the crisis occasioned by introducing and enforcing deliberate cash squeeze as the general election was approaching. It was believed that the policy was introduced

    and implemented by a cabal opposed to the emergence of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.See pages 146 to 151.

    On this, the author submitted that: “For both the APC, as a party, and Nigeria, as a nation, one of the lessons that the reality of the cash squeeze policy imposes was the need to develop Nigerian political parties and make them capable of regulating the conduct of elected functionaries”. Page 149.

    Chapter VII is on sundry issues around the victory of the APC and matters arising therefrom. The author submitted that foul cries by candidates who lost the election reflect the internal dynamics of party politics in the country and that, in many respects, the Labour Party’s rise to electoral prominence in the 2023 elections was mainly through harvesting the grievances from both the PDP and APC. The writer counselled APC leaders and associates of Asiwaju Tinubu to

    accept the trust of Nigerians invested in President Tinubu and the party with a high measure of humility and that this requires considerable attention and focus on the development of the APC. He advised President Tinubu to broaden his relationship with all party leaders and mainstream it to nurture the institutional development of party organs. He concluded by stating that an Asiwaju Tinubuled Federal Government needed to orient itself to avoid the mistakes of former President Buhari’s administration while building on its strength.

    In Chapter IX, the author x-rayed the ‘State of APC and Post-Election Challenges.’ He identified several challenges bedevilling the party, prominent among which is the problem of making the party’s organs functional. The failure of the organs at all levels, including the NWC, to operate according to the party’s constitution leaves the party to the whims and caprices of the National Chairman.

    Indeed, he was right in stating that once the “party’s constitution was no longer the guide for managing the party’s affairs, leaders’ discretionary decisions took over.” He pointedly asserted that this contribution to financial recklessness by the Adamu/Omisore without approval by the NWC, mismanaging the rancourfree emergence of leadership for the National Assembly, and indiscipline (antiparty activities) my party members.

    The Challenge of Governance in Nigerian Democracy was the focus of discussion in Chapter X. He situated President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda within APC’s manifesto of frontally tackle the issue of how ‘unite to radically reform, modernise and move our nation forward.’ He advocated for public engagement in policy negotiation before announcement and implementation. This is to avoid rejection by organised labour and the public, which in the past has resulted in the project, public rejection, and policy somersault. APC as a party, he insisted, must initiate policies and programmes based on the provisions of its manifesto.

    Chapters XI and XII addressed the ‘Challenges of Rebuilding the APC’ and ‘APC and the Way Forward’ respectively, which contained measures to retool the party on the party of progressive politics for Nigeria’s peace, development, and wellbeing.

    On this score, he stated: “Returning the APC to its founding vision is about developing the structures of the party to competently have all the requisite power and relationship with elected representatives of the party to serve our dear country Nigeria based on the provisions of the party’s manifesto and President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda. As a party, the APC must wake up and respond positively to the expectations of Nigerians and begin to douse citizens’

    frustrations, producing so much anger and making citizens vulnerable to the manipulative antics of political opportunists during election contests. Page 210.

    Furthermore, the 7 recommendations on pages 210-211 will not only ensure good governance but will internalise democracy in the administration of the party based on the dictates of APC’s Constitution and not on personal whims.

    The book is written in lucid English. It is highly polemical and provide insight into perspective of the author on national issue like security, relationship of party and government and other social groups. On the final note I concur with following statement of Chief Bisi Akande, CFR when he concluded in the foreword to the book: “”…permit me the privilege of recommending this book to the reading public. It would make an interesting reading as a literature in political history and as part of the means of achieving our aspirations in party-building. And if our aim is to build the party of our dreams through constructive debates and discussions, such efforts as this must be encouraged in all spheres of party affairs.”

  • 2024: APC assures Nigerians of more prosperous future

    2024: APC assures Nigerians of more prosperous future

    The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has assured Nigerians that the New Year would be a season of crystalization of hope for a more prosperous future for the country.

    This assurance was contained in a New Year goodwill message by the party’s national publicity secretary, Felix Morka in Abuja late Sunday night.

    The statement reads: “Our great Party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) joins all Nigerians to welcome and celebrate the New Year 2024, a year for the crystallization of hope for a more prosperous future for our country. 

    “We salute our compatriots for their support, resilience and commitment to building a stronger and safer country during the preceding year 2023. We thank them for all the patriotic sacrifices made for the peace and unity of our country, and for its economic stabilization and progress.”

    The party further assured Nigerians the hat APC administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu remains resolute in its commitment to making good its electoral promises to create and expand access to economic opportunities,  service delivery, and security and usher in balanced and sustainable development.

    “We thank Nigerians for their massive support in the general off-season elections of 2023. We do not take that for granted. Rather, we take it as a challenge to double our efforts, at the party and administration levels, to justify the confidence reposed in our Party. 

    “President Tinubu and all executive and legislative officials elected on our platform will continue to strive to put people first and above other political considerations and exigencies. 

    “We owe a debt of gratitude to President Tinubu for his forthright and inspiring leadership of our Party. We appreciate the National Assembly leadership, the APC Legislative Caucus, the Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF), the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Party, our strategic and development partners, and the press for their leadership and support in the outgoing year. 

    “On behalf of the National Chairman, Dr  Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON, and members of the National Working Committee (NWC) of our great Party, we wish all Nigerians a happy and very prosperous New Year.

    “May God continue to bless our country and us all.”

  • The APC gadfly

    The APC gadfly

    Why has the All Progressives Congress (APC) since its formation been unable to constitute its Board of Trustees (BOT) as provided for in the party’s constitution? I have always found this curious and inexplicable. Indeed, so uncomfortable some key members of the party appear to be with the word or concept of the BOT that they have rechristened it as the National Advisory Council. Yet, despite this change of nomenclature, I am unaware that this critical organ which is indispensable for maintaining high ethical standards within the party and serving principally as its moral compass has been inaugurated.

    The APC constitution provides that the BOT shall “Be the embodiment of the conscience, the soul and the sanctity of the Party and shall intervene in all disputes and crisis in the Party to ensure its stability at all times”. Given the criteria stated for its membership and the vast experience of those qualified to belong to it, the BOT should be at the vanguard of propagating and upholding the values of the party. Its influence stems from the assumed integrity of its members as well as their rich experiences in public life and the wisdom this confers.

    It is perhaps in the absence of either a BOT or a National Advisory Council that the former Director General of the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) as well as National Vice Chairman of the ALC, Mallam Salihu Lukman, has often chosen to speak as the conscience of the party and to hold successive leaderships of the APC to account particularly with regard to fidelity to the party constitution, organizational efficiency and adherence to the principles of good corporate governance.

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    During the week, Lukman, a development economist, former students union leader, pro-democracy activist who is also described as a political organizer, launched his new book ‘APC and Transition Politics’. The author said the book was written to document his experiences in the struggle that brought President Bola Tinubu to power. This book will certainly make interesting, informative and provocative reading as Lukman can be as controversial as they come and he never refrains from speaking out courageously and boldly as well as taking a stand in accordance with his principles.

    To those who have been at the receiving of his often acerbic, trenchant and unsparing criticism, Mallam Lukman cannot be their idea of a good and loyal party man. If he truly had the best interest of the party at heart, they would reason, why does he often resort to public criticism of its leaders which is tantamount to washing the party’s dirty linen in the open? While he may exaggerate in some of his positions, indifference to or silence on many of the issues he raises can certainly not be described as a demonstration of love for the party or the administration of President Tinubu.

    A veritable gadfly, he has been a constant and unrelenting thorn in the flesh of successive leaders of the party from Comrade Adams Oshiomhole during his tenure as National Chairman to governor Mai Mala Bunu when he served as Chairman of the Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Comnittee (CECPC) to Alhaji Abdullahi Adamu as National Chairman as well as the National Secretary at the time, Senator Iyiola Omisore, and now Dr Abdullahi Ganduje.

    His views may at times come across as exaggerated, extremist or unpalatable but they still serve a useful purpose. For instance, a few days before he launched his book, Mallam Lukman addressed a press conference in which he warned the APC of the possibility of its being swept out of power at the centre in 2027. Referring to current severe economic hardships, he said “Life is becoming more difficult. We must appeal to our leaders that things are getting out of hand at the rate at which we are going under a Party that is envisioned to be progressive. We are likely going to start witnessing rebellion if care is not taken by 2027”. Luckily, the Tinubu administration itself is very much aware of the current inclement economic climate and the consequent harsh existential conditions.

    Speaking recently at the graduation ceremony of the Executive Intelligence Management Course 16 participants, Vice President Kashim Shettima acknowledged that “All of us here belong to a tiny segment of the Nigerian population. And you don’t need a soothsayer to tell you that the poor are angry with us. Go to the slums and mingle with the poor. I am a native of Maiduguri (Borno State Capital). Anytime a rich man brought a new car to his house, it used to be a place of pilgrimage. People used to go and see not out of anger, but of admiration. But now, as we cruise around in our bulletproof cars, one will see contempt in the eyes of the poor. We have to improve the quality of governance”. Beyond this, there is a palpable sense that majority of Nigerians are willing to give the Tinubu administration time to settle down and for its bold policy initiatives to begin to yield the desired results.

    It is certainly significant that the administration’s wholesale removal of the fuel subsidy and the attendant sharp inflationary spirals has not elicited the kind of outrage and mass demonstrations that erupted when previous administrations tried to toe the same policy path. This is reflective of a willingness to give the administration the benefit of the doubt but this supportive stance of the public does not obviate the fact that the peoples trust must not be taken for granted and that the administration must be sensitive to the imperative for the requisite sense of urgency in delivering concretely on its Renewed Hope Agenda.

    Mallam Lukman is a passionate and vehement advocate of fundamental reforms of the APC to enable it become a viable, vibrant and dynamic organization. In a recent open letter to leaders of the party, he noted that the current ruling party is becoming a replica of the PDP “with all the negative attributes “. According to him, “We spent eight years under former President Buhari motionless in terms of developing the needed initiatives for party building. Are we also going to experience another era of zero initiative for party building under the leadership of President Asiwaju Tinubu? Where is the claim of being progressive? Where then is the justification of any link to being an Awoist?”.

    But then, it is heartwarming that the current leadership of the party has revealed plans to improve its organizational efficiency and strengthen its ideological orientation. When he led members of the National Working of the APC on a visit to President Tinubu this week, the National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, unfolded plans to establish a National Institute for Progressive Studies, launch an electronic registration portal and develop a reliable database. This most certainly is the way to go.

    It is interesting that even before Mallam Lukman’s new book hit the bookstands, remarks made by a former National Chairman of the APC, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, at the book launch had generated considerable controversy. Oshiomhole had recalled how the author of the book as well as former governors Ibikunle Amosun and Kayode Fayemi of Ogun and Ekiti states, respectively, had conspired to engineer his removal from office as party Chairman. Oshiomhole had strenuously resisted attempts by some governors to foist their governorship and other candidates on the party insisting that only those who emerged through credible primaries would be accepted by the party.

    In a swift response, Senator Amosun accused Oshiomhole of peddling falsehood arguing that the erstwhile National Chairman of the party deserved to be removed from office because he conducted what he described as the worst primaries ever in the history of the party.

    It will be recalled that on November 20, 2018, Oshiomhole had addressed a press conference in which he stated reasons why the purported primaries conducted by the Amosun group in the Ogun APC lacked credibility and could not stand. In conclusion, I will quote him at length to show the albatross that governors had become in the party at that time.

    According to Oshiomhole, “At a stakeholders’ meeting, governor Amosun decided to introduce the third element which didn’t feature in the resolution of the National Executive Council and announced that Ogun State was going to adopt consensus and he proceeded to define what in his view constitutes consensus. He announced somebody as the consensus governor, he proceeded to announce another man as deputy governor; he went on to announce himself as the next Senator and he said the current serving Senator, Tejuoso, should step aside. He also went on to announce that the second Senator also from Ogun State would step aside while another will come in”.

    He continued, “Governor Amosun went on to announce another man who will be the next Speaker and another one as the next Deputy Speaker. He also single-handedly pronounced that of the eight House of Representatives members, seven will not return. According to him, only one will return. All these he claimed is a consensus”. Luckily for the APC, the first National Chairman of the party, Chief Bisi Akande, set a very high standard in terms of comportment, maturity, ethics and efficient administration of a political party. He showed the light for present and future generations of the party’s leadership to find the way towards the strengthening of the APC as a cohesive, stable, efficient and result-oriented political party.

  • Countdown to 2024: Ondo APC and shape of things to come

    Countdown to 2024: Ondo APC and shape of things to come

    With the demise of Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu (SAN) yesterday, things are sure to take a new shape within the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Ondo State from now.

     As the leader of the party and a two-term governor, Akeredolu held sway across the three senatorial districts.

     Given that the constitution does not allow a vacuum, the swearing-in of the erstwhile deputy Lucky Aiyedatiwa as the substantive governor became mandatory. Now that the once embattled deputy has taken charge, realignments are expected to begin in earnest.

     For those absolutely loyal to Akeredolu, the lawyer-turned politician, particularly those serving in his administration, they may begin to witness a nosedive in their political profile having been embroiled in political war with the new governor in the last six months.

     The crisis of trust that erupted between Aiyedatiwa and his erstwhile boss was staged by loyalists of both, and was partly fuelled by the ambition of some of them to succeed Akeredolu as governor. Now that power has shifted to Aiyedatiwa who has 14 months to complete the tenure, the new governor who has been pursuing his governorship ambition, is expected to take political decisions that will pave the way for his emergence as the APC flagbearer next year. This will obviously mean that he will reorganise the political machinery to the detriment of those disloyal to him.

     According to reliable sources, Akeredolu had, at the early period of his second term, mentioned openly to close associates that Aiyedatiwa would succeed him having promised that power would rotate to Ondo South Senatorial District after his tenure.

     But their relationship went sour when he went for medical treatment in Germany for three months during which his deputy acted as governor.  Aiyedatiwa was accused of talking ill of his boss, assuring that he would not return to govern the state. The allegations developed to a frosty relationship between the duo which festered till Akeredolu’s death.

     Now that Aiyedatiwa is in the saddle, he is expected to consolidate his hold on the party and lay the foundation for his emergence as the next APC governorship candidate in the April, 2024 governorship primary.

     Ambitious serving members of the state cabinet including the Secretary to the State Government (SSG) Princess Oladunni Odu and Commissioner for Finance Mr Wale Akinterinwa who also hail from the same southern senatorial district, will now have a stronger Aiyedatiwa to contend with in the primary should they go ahead with their ambition.

     Outside Akeredolu’s cabinet is Sen. Jimoh Ibrahim whose profile has been rising since last year. Also from Ondo South, Ibrahim has intensified his campaign to pick the APC governorship ticket. Others include Chief Olusola Oke, a veteran politician and Mr Ife Oyedele both who have been in the race in the past.

     The chances of the political juggernauts were bright during the time of the crisis between Akeredolu and his deputy as it created a chance for them. But their platforms may have been weakened by the emergence of Aiyedatiwa as the governor.

     Going by the Nigerian political culture which sees politicians gather around persons holding power, it may not be surprising that realignments will begin to happen in favour of Aiyedatiwa, particularly because of time limitation. The governorship election will hold in October next year while the governorship primary will hold in April.

     The Nation also gathered reliably that the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state has agreed in principle to zone the next governorship ticket to Ondo South Senatorial District. With the general unwritten agreement, politicians in the two major parties are expected to queue behind aspirants from the district who they believe are able to pull the required weight to win the tickets.

     The six local governments in the district are Odigbo, Ile-Oluji/Oke-Igbo, Okitipupa, Ilaje, Irele and Ese-Odo.

    Read Also: Nigeria is in good hands, Tinubu assures citizens

     While the six local governments officially make up the district, the people of Okitipupa, Ilaje and Ese-Odo, however, see themselves as the core Ondo South people having a tribal bond. With power shift, they see themselves as those who should produce the next governor instead of Ile-Oluji/Oke-Igbo who are more of Ondo Central than South by tribal affiliation. Aiyedatiwa is from Ilaje.

     Sen. Ibrahim, Oyedele and Oke are also from the Ilaje/Ikale/Okitipupa tribe. They will be the major gladiators within the party ahead the April primary, and will clearly determine the realignments that will start from now.

     Aside the scramble for the governorship ticket, Aiyedatiwa is expected to reshuffle the cabinet to enable him bring in his loyalists. Already, some Akeredolu’s appointees have started tendering their resignations, realising that their service has come to an end with the passage of their leader. Conversely, others are pressing buttons to gain the attention and favour of the governor for appointments.

    Going by the bitterness generated by the crisis between the new governor and his boss in the last six months, and with the role played by the House of Assembly under Speaker Olamide Oladiji, the equation may not favour his continued stay on the seat.

     Aiyedatiwa is from Ondo South. The Speaker is from Ondo Central. The new governor is expected to pick his deputy from the north. Should he sponsor Oladiji’s removal, he will be calculative in replacing him, balancing the equation.

     Already, the jostle for the slot of deputy governor has commenced underneath among politicians in Ondo North and South.

     As Aiyedatiwa navigates the political landscape in critical decisions, it is hoped that he will be well guided and work hard to sustain APC as the ruling party.

  • Bye-election: Ondo APC stakeholders warn against interference

    Bye-election: Ondo APC stakeholders warn against interference

    Stakeholders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Akoko North East/North West Federal Constituency of Ondo State have warned against any form of interference and manipulation in the forthcoming bye-election.

    A statement by their Secretary, Elder Ademola Akinola, raised concerns about alleged attempts by a high ranking official to unduly influence and manipulate the electoral process.

    He noted that the party’s unity is paramount, even as he decried interference that undermines the democratic rights of party members in choosing their representatives.

    The statement reads: “Our democracy thrives when the will of the people prevails over individual interests. The reported actions of a high ranking official, if unchecked, have the potential to erode the very foundation of our party’s democratic values. We must remember that the strength of the APC lies in the diversity of its members and their ability to express their political will without fear or favour.

    Read Also; Florence Ita-Giwa retires?

    “His purported statements of having orchestrated the party’s delegate list and influencing key figures in the party hierarchy are disconcerting, posing a direct threat to the democratic fabric we hold dear.

    “Among several actions traced to him include his open boasts to buy over the state chairman to do his bidding. As loyal members of the APC, we recall the struggles faced by our president during the last party primary election, when people like the official worked against him.”

    Elder Akinola however called on President Tinubu and the party’s national leadership party to intervene swiftly.

    “Let justice prevail, and let the true spirit of democracy guide our actions. We stand united against any attempt to impose delegates, and we urge all party members to remain vigilant, resolute, and committed to the principles that bind us together,” he said.

  • By-elections: APC, PDP begin sale of nomination forms

    By-elections: APC, PDP begin sale of nomination forms

    • Ruling party’s primary to hold January 6, PDP’s January 8
    • APC zones Ebonyi South Senate seat to Onicha council

    Ahead of the February 3 National and State Houses of Assembly by-elections, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have announced the sale of nomination and expression of interest forms.

    APC’s sale of the forms will begin today to enable the party’s aspirants buy the ticket to fill vacant legislative seats.

    The ruling party has also fixed January 6 for its primary elections, while PDP’s will hold on January 8.

    APC National Organising Secretary Sulaiman Argungu, who announced this in a timetable and schedule of activities notice for the bye-elections in Abuja, said the sale of the forms will end on Tuesday, January 2.

    According to the notice, senatorial aspirants are to pay N17 million and N3 million for nominations and expression of interest forms.

    Each of the House of Representatives aspirants is to pay N1 million for the expression of interest form and N9 million for nomination form, while a State House of Assembly aspirant will pay N500,000 for the expression of interest and N1.5 million for nomination form.

    In line with the party’s policy, female aspirants and People With Disabilities (PWDs) are required to pay for the expression of interest form for any election as their nomination form is free.

    Youths between the ages of 25 and 40 are to purchase the expression of interest and get the nomination forms at a 50 per cent discount for any position.

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    Delegates who are to elect the candidates in the primary elections are required to pay N5,000 for the form.

    The notice also directed that members who will elect candidates should be financial members of the party for not less than three months to the date of the delegates’ congress with evidence of payment of membership dues at the rate of N200 per month.

    Also, in a timetable and schedule of activities for its primaries released by National Organising Secretary Umar Bature, the PDP said it had fixed between tomorrow and January 3 for the sale of its nomination and expression of interest forms.

    The by-elections holding on February 3 would be conducted into Ebonyi South Senatorial District of Ebonyi State; Yobe East Senatorial District of Yobe State; Plateau North Senatorial District of Plateau State; Akoko North East/Akoko North West Federal Constituency of Ondo State.

    Others are: Jalingo/Zorro/Zing Federal Constituency of Taraba State; Surulere 1 Federal Constituency of Lagos State; Yauri/Shanga/Ngaski Federal Constituency of Kebbi State; Chibok State Constituency of Borno State; Chikun State Constituency of Kaduna State; Guma State Constituency of Benue State.

    Bature said the screening of PDP aspirants would also hold on January 4, while appeal for the party’s primaries would hold on January 9.

    The National Organising Secretary explained that the last day for the submission of candidates’ names to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) nomination portal is January 12, while the last day for nomination of party agents is scheduled for January 20.

    The party pegged its cost of expression of interest form for Senate and House of Representatives at N500,000 each, while that of nomination form at N3 million and N2 million.

    For the House of Assembly, the expression of interest form was fixed at N100,000 while the cost of nomination form is N600,000.

    Bature added that female aspirants and PWDs would pay for expression of interest forms only.

    Also, the Ebonyi State chapter of the APC has zoned the vacant Ebonyi South senatorial seat to Onicha Local Government Area.

    This came on the heels of the declaration of interest by Austin Umahi, the younger brother to Works Minister David Umahi, in the senatorial seat.

    The seat became vacant when David Umahi took his current appointment as a minister in the Tinubu administration.

    Following his resignation, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), pursuant to relevant provisions of the laws and Senate President Godwill Akpabio declared the seat vacant.

    At its meeting yesterday, the State Working Committee of the ruling party zoned the seat to Onicha Local Government area.

    The Umahis hail from neighbouring Ohaozara Local Government Area.

    Austin was also the Director of Governor Francis Nwifuru’s Divine Mandate Campaign Council.

  • APC warns councils, banks over alleged plan by Kano govt to syphon N8bn LG funds

    APC warns councils, banks over alleged plan by Kano govt to syphon N8bn LG funds

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kano state has warned local government councils and commercial banks to halt the process of clearing the release of over N8 billion on the orders of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) led state government.

    Concerned by the uncertainty of the possible outcome of the Supreme Court judgement on the disputed state governorship election, the party accused the NNPP government of usurping the functions of local governments in an attempt to misappropriate the councils’ funds amounting to over N8,080,190,875.13 billion.

    In a statement issued to newsmen in Abuja on Tuesday, December 26, the Kano APC chairman, Abdullahi Abbas, warned local government councils and commercial banks to halt the process of clearing the release of the funds at this critical period of the NNPP’s unreliability.

    APC in the statement claimed it got a copy of the letter of conveyance of approval from the Ministry for Local Government directing the 44 local councils to release the sum of N101,655,000.38 million and N3,607,370,858.00 million each for the construction of Dan’Agundi and Tal’udu Interchanges respectively.

    Read Also: Bye elections: APC begins sales of nomination forms, fixes primary for January 6

    Abbas pointed out that the approval letter, which was sent to all council’s chairmen, copied to the Auditor-General, local government audit and all zonal inspectors of the ministry, was for the contribution of the councils to the projects.

    The party chairman noted that just on Friday, the government removed and posted new Directors of Personnel Management (DPMs) and treasurers to ensure that there are no hitches in muscling the local councils through the embezzlement of their funds.

    He stated that the decision to embark on such projects at this time has come under attack even by people within the NNPP’s fold and called on the government to reconsider it in the interest of the development of Kano state.

  • Bye elections: APC begins sales of nomination forms, fixes primary for January 6

    Bye elections: APC begins sales of nomination forms, fixes primary for January 6

    Ahead of February 3, 2024, national and state Houses of Assembly bye-elections, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has said that the sale of nomination and expression of interest forms would begin on Wednesday, December 27, to aspirants contesting for the party’s ticket to fill vacant seats.

    The party also fixed the primary elections for January 6.

    The national organising secretary of the party, Sulaiman Argungu, who disclosed this in a timetable and schedule of activities notice for the bye-election in Abuja, said that the sale of the forms will end by Tuesday, January 2, 2024.

    According to the notice, senatorial aspirants are to pick nominations and expression of interest forms for #17 million and #3 million respectively.

    House of Representatives aspirants are to pay #1 million naira for the expression of interest form and #9 million for nomination form each, while State House of Assembly aspirants will pay  #500,000 for the expression of interest and #1.5 million for nomination forms each.

    In line with the policy of the party, female aspirants and People With Disabilities (PWDs) are only required to pay for the expression of interest for any of the elections as their nomination form is given for free.

    Read Also: 500 opposition members join APC in Ebonyi

    Also, youth between the ages of 25 and 40 are to purchase the expression of interest and get the nomination forms at a 50 percent discount for each position.

    In the same vein, delegates who are to elect the candidates in the primary elections are required to pay #5,000 for the delegate form.

    The notice further directed that Members to elect candidates will be financial members of the party for not less than 3 months to the date of Delegate Congress with evidence of payment of membership dues at the rate of N200 only per month.”

  • 500 opposition members join APC in Ebonyi

    500 opposition members join APC in Ebonyi

    No fewer than 500 members of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) in Amaeka community, Ezza South Local Government of Ebonyi State have defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The APGA, PDP and LP members were led into the APC yesterday by their  leaders, including Chidiebere Uguru, former PDP youth leader in the community and Pastor Christian Nwokpoku.

    They were received by the Commissioner for Commerce, Industry and Business Development, Chief Oguzor Offia Nwali, who organised Christmas party for the people of the community; APC zonal Chairman Ebonyi Central, Chief Peter Nworie and Amaeka Ward Chairman of the party, Maduabuchi Nwafor.

    Addressing the defectors and the community, Nwali assured them of a level playing field and hailed them for joining the party.

    He said the party was so large and open to welcome everybody in order to join hand with Governor Francis Nwifuru and move the state forward.

    “There is nothing like party. The more the merrier for all of us. The more in numbers, the more the party will fair better. We need everybody in the party. Today is a great day for me, for us to be able to champion one cause and that cause is unity, progress and support for the government we are serving, which is the government that has remembered Amaeka and the state in general.

    “Things have turned around since the governor came on board. Retirees have been paid that 25 years retirement benefits, hawkers in various cities have been empowered with N2million each. The governor is a leader we can trust and this is the first time I have stopped condemning the government not because I am part of the government, but because the governor has changed the narrative of governance in the state,” he stated.

    APC Zonal Chairman, Ebonyi Central, Chief Peter Nworie, said the defection of the APGA, PDP and LP members marked the end of opposition in the community.

    He urged the defectors to respect leaders of the party, saying there would be no segregation against them.

    “Today is a great day and APC has come to stay in Ebonyi State. Today is the end of APGA in Amaeka ward, today is the end of PDP in Amaeka ward and one of the members of PDP has promised to tear his membership card because it represents nothing.

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    “Today, we welcome you into our party, APC. Our party is a great party, very large to accommodate everybody. This is why every other political party is collapsing into the APC.

    “In our party, we don’t segregate. From today, you are a bona fide member of APC. Everything in the party belongs to you, but we must learn to respect our elders, we must respect the party leaders. There is nothing like late comer in APC, the day you join is the day you are a member,” he said.

    Some of the defectors including Chidiebere Uguru and Pastor Christian Nwokpoku said they decided to join APC because of the leadership style of Governor Nwifuru.

    Uguru noted that the governor had carried the community along in the scheme of things, including appointment of sons and daughters of the area in positions of authority and empowerment of many indigenes of the community in the empowerment programme of his administration.

    “APC is our party, we have declared for it. We are now members of APC, no more opposition in Amaeke community.

    “From today, we are out of PDP, APGA and Labour Party. We are for APC now, APC is a party that gives light, provides electricity, gives empowerment, APC is a party to be. What APC is doing in our state is good and we cannot afford to be in opposition.”

    “We should be baptised in APC, we are APC for life. There is no more opposition in Ameka, what we now have is APC all through because we cannot afford to be in opposition when the government is carrying us along in everything it does,” he said.

  • Tension hits Kano as APC, NNPP’s supporters await Supreme Court judgment

    Tension hits Kano as APC, NNPP’s supporters await Supreme Court judgment

    There is palpable tension in Kano state as people are divided ahead of the Supreme Court judgment in the governorship tussle between the the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).

    The polity is heating up daily. The legal battle is between Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of the (NNPP) and the APC candidate, Dr. Nasiru Gawuna.

    Yusuf, with his supporters, and Gawuna, with his, are keen to make history in the court. Some supporters have gone spiritual over to guber battle.

    Yusuf, along with his backers, and Gawuna, with his own supporters, are eager to create a historic moment in the courtroom.

    It was gathered that some supporters have turned to spiritual practices in the gubernatorial battle.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had declared Yusuf as the winner of the March 18 poll. But Gawuna and the APC petitioned the poll outcome.

    No fewer than nine appeals and counter-appeals have been thrown up since Gawuna lit legal fire.

    A five-member panel of the apex court, presided over by Justice John Okoro, reserved judgment after hearing at the weekend.

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    The court said its decision in the appeal heard was to be applied to others because the issues are similar. After lawyers in the case adopted their written briefs and made the final submissions, Justice Okoro said the judgment had been reserved till a date to be communicated to parties.

    Yusuf is by his appeal, seeking to upturn the November 17 judgment of the Court of Appeal, which affirmed the September 20 decision of the Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal nullifying his victory in the March 18 poll.

    But lawyer to the APC and its candidate in the election, Nasir Gawuna, Chief Akin Olujinmi (SAN), is urging the court to dismiss the appeal and affirm the concurrent findings of the two courts below.

    Olujinmi cited Section 42 of Electoral Act and Regulation 19 of INEC Electoral Guidelines, arguing that INEC ought to have stamped, dated, and signed the ballots that were being disputed.

    He faulted Olanipekun’s claim that only 1,886 votes were not signed and stamped by INEC.

    The APC lawyer cited Section 177 (c) of the Constitution, arguing that the Court of Appeal has the jurisdiction to hear and determine Yusuf’s membership of the NNPP.

    He recalled that the NNPP produced its membership register but Yusuf’s name was conspicuously absent, adding that Yusuf did not address the court on that issue.

    The appeal lapses on January 14, 2024 and the Supreme Court must deliver judgment on the suit within the statutory 60 days it has to determine appeals on governorship election disputes.

    The tribunal had voided Yusuf’s victory after declaring 165,616 of his votes were invalid, a decision the three-member panel of the Court of Appeal that sat in Abuja affirmed.

    The police are saving the day. Political hoodlums plotting to take advantage of the legal battle and cause mayhem are being neutralised by the police and other sister security agencies.

    A joint security operatives, including Army, Police, Civil Defence, vigilante and other security personnel have been manning major locations in the state capital to ensure no riot breaks out.

    According to the Police Commissioner in Kano state, Hussaini Gumel, in the week foiled an attempt by some persons to burn the Government House and the APC secretariat in the state.

    Dr Ilyasu Musa Kwankwaso, an ex-Commissioner for Rural and Community Development, has asked the NNPP to “stop wasting Kano’s meagre resources and wait for the Supreme Court judgment.

    He accused Governor Yusuf of bankrolling “stage-managed protests designed to create tension in the state and make it look like all is not well.”